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L M I R A , N . Y. 



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Allen County Public Library 

900 Webster Street 

PC Box 2270 

Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270 

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1889, bjr 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

All Riylits Reserved, 



For several reasons, the history of Arizona and New 
Mexico, particularly in the early times, is not surpassed 
in interest by that of any portion of the Pacific United 
States, or perhaps of the whole republic. Notable 
among these reasons are the antiquity of these terri- 
tories as Spanish provinces — for they were the first to 
be occupied by Europeans, and ten years before the 
Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock, a Historia de la 
Nueva Mexico was published; the peculiar Pueblo 
civilization, second only to that of the Aztecs and 
Mayas in the south, found among the aborigines of 
this land, and maintaining itself more nearly in its 
original conditions than elsewhere down to the present 
day; the air of romance pervading the country's early 
annals in connection with the Northern Mystery, 
quaint cosmographic theories, and the search for fabu- 
lous empires in Cibola, Teguayo, and Quivira; the 
ancient belief in the existence of immense mineral 
treasures as supplemented by the actual discovery of 
such treasures in modern times; the long and bloody 
struggle against raiding Apaches, the Ishmaelites of 
American aborigines ; the peculiar circumstances under 
which this broad region fell into the hands of the United 
States; the fact that the eastern portion, unlike any 


other territory of the repubhc, is still inhabited mainly 
by a Spanish-speaking people; its position on the 
national frontier; its peculiarities of physical config- 
uration and climate ; and finally, the marvellous strides 
towards prosperity in the last decade, of a country 
formerly regarded as an vmpromising section of the 
Great American Desert. 

That the annals of these countries, so extensive both 
chronologically and territorially, are compressed into 
one volume of this History of the Pacific States, while 
seven volumes are devoted to the record of a sister 
province, California, is a fact that may seem to require 
a word of explanation, though it is in accordance with 
a plan deliberately formed and announced at the out- 
set. All Spanish-American provinces are in certain 
respects so similar in their annals one to another that 
it was and is believed sufficient and best in a compre- 
hensive work like this to present the minutiae of local 
and personal happenings of but one. California was 
chosen for this purpose, not only because of its modern 
prominence, but because its records are remarkably 
perfect, and because its position on the coast, facilitat- 
ing intercourse with Mexico and foreign nations, its 
mission system, its trading and smuggling experience, 
its Russian complications, its political vicissitudes, and 
its immigrant and other foreign elements gave to its 
history, as compared with that of interior provinces, a 
notable variety, tending greatly to mitigate the inevi- 
table monotony of all provincial annals, even before 
the knowledge of its golden treasure came to startle 
the world. The history of New Mexico written on the 
same scale as that of the Pacific province would not 
only fill many volumes, but from the lack of con- 
tinuous archive evidence, and from -the fact that the 

story goes back beyond the aid of memory, it would be 
at the best fragmentary and irregular ; and by reason 
of the country's isolation and non-intercourse with tlie 
outer world, as well as on account of the peculiar 
nature of its [)etty events, it would also be most tedious 
reading. Not only is this true of the first and most im- 
portant period of the country's history — that of Span- 
ish rule to 1821 — but of the second period, embracing 
the Mexican rule of 1822-40, the growth of the Santa 
Fd trade, the change of flag, the Indian wars, and the 
early territorial days down to 1875 or later. The 
Mexican archive record is more meagre even than the 
Spanish, the early enthusiasm of conquest and explora- 
tion had died out, nothing more monotonous in detail 
than the endless succession of Indian wars can be im- 
agined, and of the more important events and develop- 
ments several are more conveniently and satisfactorily 
treated in the annals of other adjoining regions. And 
as to the third and last period, that of railroads, Indian 
reservations, mining development, industrial progress, 
and American immigration, a valid reason for conden- 
sation is found in the fact that this grand unfolding of 
resources has but just begun, that all is in a transitory, 
changeable condition, so that the result of the most 
minute treatment would probably become antiquated 
and of comparatively little value within a few years. 
Thus there are good reasons for the plan and scale I 
have adopted. The omission of personal and local 
details, moreover, adds greatly to the interest of this 
volume; and so far as the general course of events and 
developments is concerned, no volume of the series 
has been founded on more careful or exhaustive re- 

My sources of information for this volume are shown 

in the list of authorities prefixed, in the fine-print 
appendix to the first chapter, and in the notes scattered 
profusely throughout the work. In no section of the 
field have my resources of original data been richer or 
more varied. Besides many rare works in print con- 
sulted only imperfectly or not at all by previous writers, 
I have consulted the Santa Fe archives, and have had 
access to rich stores of the most important documentary 
records from Spain and Mexico in my own and other 
private collections ; and I have been especially fortu- 
nate in being able to utilize, practically for the first time, 
the work of Villagrd. and several important documents 
bearing on Onate's conquest, never before correctly 
recorded. For later events of territorial history I 
have studied all the publications extant, including 
government reports and newspapers; and have besides, 
here as in the other parts of my field, taken the testi- 
mony of many prominent citizens and officials who 
have thrown new light on many phases of the subject. 
Here as elsewhere I give full credit to the sources 
on every point. 

Several praiseworthy works on the history of these 
territories have been published ; but they are of very 
uneven quality, with not a few errors, and more omis- 
sions — defects due in most cases not so much to the 
incompetence of the author as to the inaccessibility of 
original authorities. Nowhere in my work have I 
been able to correct more erroneous statements, fill 
more historical gaps, or, except in the matter of minute 
details as already explained, to supply in comparison 
with preceding writers more new matter. Yet experi- 
ence leads me to expect that the old inaccurate and 
thread-bare sources will still be consulted to a consid- 
erable extent in preference to better and original 

authorities at second-hand. Doubtless writers will 
continue to give inaccurate dates and details for Onate's 
conquest; to seek new locations for Coronado's Cibola 
and Tiguex ; to name Cabeza de Vaca as the discov- 
erer of New Mexico, and speak of his descendants as 
still living in the country ; to talk of the Aztecs and of 
Montezuma in this northern region ; to describe Santa 
Fe as the oldest town in the United States, dating its 
foundation back to the sixteenth or fifteenth century, 
or that of Tucson to the sixteenth ; to chronicle the 
expedition of Penalosa to Quivira; to name the duke 
of Alburquerque and other viceroys among the gov- 
ernors of New Mexico ; to derive the name of Arizona 
from 'arid zone,' or 'narizona,' the big-nosed woman; 
to accept the current traditions of rich mines of gold 
and silver discovered and worked by the Jesuits and 
conquerors, or by enslaved Indians under their cruel 
direction ; and to repeat various other errors that have 
found place in the legendary annals of these provinces. 
However, I have presented the facts and the evidence 
on which they rest. My statements should be accepted 
or disproved. 

Arizona and New Mexico are properly presented 
together in one volume, as they have historically and 
physically much in common. In Spanish and Mexican. 
times they were practically or to a great extent one 
country, and their annals are accordingly somewhat 
intermingled ; but the chapters devoted to each, though 
mixed in the order of presentment, are kept distinct 
in substance, so that the record of each province may 
be read continuously. Since their organization as 
territories of the United States the history of each 
is given separately in consecutive chapters. As be- 
tween the two there is no difference in scale or treat- 

merit, though I have been able slightly to condense 
the earlier Arizona record because of Pirueria having 
been covered by the history of Sonora in another 
volume, and though New Mexican history is much 
more voluminous in the aggregate by reason of its 
greater chronologic extent. 

Though first among the Pacific States to be settled 
by Europeans, Arizona and New Mexico have been 
last to feel the impulse of progressive civilization ; yet 
they have felt it, and as a result must assume good 
rank among their sister states. In natural conditions 
of healthful climate, fertile soil, and mineral wealth, 
the two territories closely resemble each other; and 
while Arizona has the advantage of a less apathetic 
and ignorant population, and thus far takes the lead in 
mining and agricultural industry, their aspirations and 
possibilities are similar, and ultimate precedence is by 
no means assured to the western territory. Both, as 
it has proved, are fortunate in their mid-continental 
position, which has given tliem railroad communication 
with the east and west and south long before they 
could have expected it otherwise. Both have made a 
good start in the race, and in each the spirit of pro- 
gress is actively working. Ultimate success is not 
doubtful. The danger of serious Indian troubles is 
believed to be past; the old and absurdly inaccurate 
ideas of the east respecting this country and its people 
are rapidly disappearing ; and the present invasion of 
the farther west by climate-seekers cannot fail to bene- 
fit the interior. When the mining industry shall have 
been more fully systematized, workings being directed 
somewhat more to mineral lodes and somewhat less to 
the pockets of outside speculators; when the senseless 
national raid against bimetallic currency shall be at 

an end; when systematic irrigation works shall make 
available the water resources ; when the government 
shall provide for the sale of the mesa lands in tracts of 
convenient size for stock-raising; when the popula- 
tion of Mexican race shall adopt improved methods of 
tillage or make way for others who have adopted them ; 
when the immense deposits of iron and coal shall be 
utilized — then will come the day of great and perma- 
nent prosperity for this land of old-time mystery. All 
this will not be done in a year or in ten; but it will be 
done. Then the historic records of this volume will 
have a new and ever-increasing interest. 




The Aborigines — New Mexico as a Field of Antiquarian Research — 
Conclusions in the Native Racex—Xhe Pueblo Towns and People - 
Primitive History — No Preiiistoric Rslics — No Aztecs in Arizona 
and New Mexico — A Protest— Resume of North Mexican History 
— Early Ideas of Geography — The Strait — Cortes on the Pacific — 
Nuno de (iuzman — Saa Miguel de C'uliacan — California — Ebb and 
Flow of Enthusiasm for Northern Exploration — Meagre Results — • 
Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizc ya — Outline of Northern Annals fur 
Three Centuries - Tlie Norchern Mystery — Conjecture and False- 
hood — Cabeza de Vaca's Remarkable Journey across the Continent 
— He did not Enter New Mexico or See the Pueblo Towns— Biblio- 
graphic Notes 




The Discoverers — Viceroy Mendoza's Plans — Fray Marcos de Niza and 
the Negro — Journey to the North — Wonderful Reports of the Seven 
Cities — Fate of Estevanico, the First Pioneer of Arizona — Fray 
Marcos in Sight of Cibola— New Kingdom of San Francisco— Niza 's 
Report— Discussion of the Route from Sinaloa to Zuni — A New 
Furor — Cortes and Ulloa — Alarcon on the Rio Colorado, or Buena 
Guia — Francisco Vasquez de Coronado — A Grand Army— Diaz and 
Zaldivar —Bibliography of the Expedition — The Sonora Settlement 
— Melchor Diaz— From Sonora to Cibola— The Route— Chichiltioale 
— Map— Identity of Cibola and Zuiii- Conquest of Granada — The 
Friar Cursed and Sent Home— Tobar's Expedition to Tnsaynn, or 
the Moqui Pueblos — Cardenas Visits the Canon of the Colorado. . . 






At Cibola, or Zuni— Alvarado's Tour in the East— Tales of the Turk- 
Buffalo Plaius — Aeuco, Tiguex, and Cicuye — Map — Arrival of 
Arellano aud the Army — la: Winter Quarters— Spanish Outrages— 
A Winter of Snow and Warfare — Expedition to the Northeast — 
Coronado in Quivira — Wigwam Villages and No Gold — Back at 
Tiguex— The Rio Grande Valley — Pueblo Names — Second Winter 
in New Mexico— Plans for a New Conquert— Orders to Return — 
Dissensions — Fray Juan de Padilla — March to Sonora — A Demoral- 
ized Army— Remarks on Results -Northern Mystery and Early 
Maps — Ibarra's Entradas, loG3-5 — The Name of New Mexico 49 




The Franciscans in Nueva Vizcaya — Fray Agustm Rodriguez — Province 
of San Felipe— Details of Wanderings— Chainuscado's Return — 
Testimony in Mexico — Bibliography of the Entrada — Ihe Friars 
Killed — Antonio Espejo aud Fray Bernardino Belcran — Up the Rio 
del I^orte — The Juraauas — Traces of Cabeza de Vaca — Tlie Pueblos 
— News of Coronado — Map — To Acoma and Zuiii — Moqui Towns — 
Silver Mines— Return of Beltran and Part of the Company— Espejo 
Visits the Quires, Ubates, and Tanos — Pecos or Cicuique — A Hostile 
Province— Down the Rio de Vacas and Home— The Name New 
Mexico 74 




Views of Rio de Losa— Royal Cedula — Reports of Beltran and Espejo — 
Attractions in the North — Foreign Encroachments — Pioject of 
Cristobal Martin — The Empresario's Demands— Proposed Conquest 
and Settlement by Antonio Epejo— Francisco Diaz de Vargas 
Willing to Serve the King as Conqueror— No Results— The Viceroy's 
Contract with Juan Bautista de Lomas— Francisco de Urdiiiola— 
Caspar Castaiio de Sosa and his Illegal Entrada — Up the Rio Pecos 
^A Winter Tour among the Pueblos— Thirty-three Towns Visited 
—The Leader's Return in Chains— Captain Juan Morlete— Bonilla 
and Humana— Fate of the Gold-seekers in Quivira 92 



OSaTE's conquest of new MEXICO. 


A Blank in History Filled— The Versions of Early Writers— Not Im- 
proved by Modern Authors — The Veritable but Unknown Authori- 
ties — Villagra's Work — An Epic History of the Conquest — Don 
Juan de Onate — His Contract of 1595 — Enlistment of an Army — 
Change of Viceroys — Vexatious Delays — Documents from the Arch- 
ives Confirming the Poet — Persecutions — Start for the North — In 
Zacatecas — Visita— At Caxco and Santa Barbara— Royal Order of 
Suspension — A Year's Delay — Order to Start in 1597 — On the 
Conohos— The Franciscan Friars— List of Onate's Associates — To 
the Rio del Norte— Formal Possession Taken in April 1598 — The 
Drama 110 


oSate's conquest, continued. 


El Paso del Norte- Up the Rio Grande— The First Pueblo Group at 
Socorro — A Miracle at Puarai — From Pueblo to Pueblo — Obedience 
and Vasselage— San Juan de los Caballeros, San Gabriel, and City 
of San Francisco — Universal Junta — Distribution of Missionaries — 
List of Towns — Zaldivar's Trip to the Plains — Oiiate's South-eastern 
Tour — The Captain-general Starts for the Mar del Sur— Submission 
of Acoma, Zuni, and the Moqui Towns — Visit to Mines in Arizona 
■ — Villagra's Adventures, Acoma to Zuni — Revolt of Acoma — Death 
of Zaldivar and Fifteen Companions — Vengeance of the Spaniards 
— Battle of the Peiiol — Destruction of Acoma and Slaughter of the 
Natives — End of the Epic and Other Records 128 




A Fragmentary Record — Onate's Letter — Reenforcement — Viceroy's Re- 
port — A Controversy at San Juan — Expedition to Quivira, 1601 — 
Desertion of Colonists and Friars — Zaldivar in Mexico and Spain — 
Results— Onate's Expedition to the South Sea, 1604-5— A New Gov- 
ernor, 1608— Founding of Santa Fe, 1605-16— Padre Zarate de Sal- 
meron — A Custodian, 1621 — New Missionaries, 1628-9 — Governors 
Zotylo and Silva — Benavides' Report — List of Governors, 


— Eastern Entrada's — Padre Posada's Report — Indian Troubles — 
Padres Killed— Murder of Governor Rosas, 1642 — Controversy and 
Disaster — Penalosa's Rule and Fictitious Trip to Quivira, 1662 — 
Apache Raids — Ayeta's Appeals — Aid that Came too Xiate 146 



Causes of the Revolt — Religious Tyranny— The Patriot Leaders — Pope, 
Catiti, TupatiS, and Jaca— The Knotted Cord— The Plot Revealed 
— Massacre of 400 .Spaniard4 — Twenty-one Martyr Friars — Names 
Siege of Santa Fe— The Governor's Victory and Retreat— Down 
the Rio del Norte to EI Paso— Presidio del Paso del Norte— Pope's 
Rule in New Mexico — Liberty and Anarchj' — Fruitless Entrada of 
1681— Destruction of the Pueblos— The Faithful Tiguas of Isleta— 
Otermin Censured — Events at El Paso — Mission Items — Rule of 
Cruzat and Reneros — Huerta's Project— Battle at Cia — A New Gov- 
ernor 174 




Authorities — Entrada of 1692— Occupation of Santa Fe — A Bloodless 
Campaign — Tupatu's Efforts — Submission of the Pueblos — To 
Acoma, Zuni, and Mosqui— Quicksilver — Return to El Paso — 
Entrada of 1693 — Cool Reception— Battle with the Tanos at Santa 
Fe— Seventy Captives Shot — Four Hundred Slaves— Events of 1694 
— The Mesa of San lldefonso — Founding of La Canada — Rumors of 
Trouble — A Famine — Revolt of 1696 — Massacre of Friars and Set- 
tlers — A New Reconquest — Governor Vargas succeeded by Cubero 
in 1697— A Bitter Quarrel— Charges of the Cabildo— Vargas iu 
Prison — Events of 1698-1700— The Moquis— The French— The 
Pecos 197 




Permanent Submission— Cubero's Rule— Revolt at Zuni — Rule and 
Death of Governor Vargas— Founding of Alburquerque— Moquis 

CONTENTS. ■ xvii 

and Apaches— Marques de la Peiiuela — Navajo War — Refounding 
of Isleta— Rule of Flores— The Yutas— Governor Martinez— The 
Comanches — A Controversy — Valverde in Command — Entrada to 
the North — Bustamante's Rule— Smuggling — French Encroachments 
Padres versus Bishop — Cruzat Governor — Olavide's Rule — Mendoza 
— Frenchmen — Converts from Moqui — Governors Codallos and 
Cachupin — Moqui — Jesuits Defeated — Navajo Missions — A Quarrel 
— Statistics — List of Governors to 1S46 224 




Sequence of Events — Rule of Cachupin and Marin de Valle — Indian 
Campaigns — Mendoza and Urrisola — Comanches — Cachupin again 
— Visit of Rubi — Flood at Santa Fe — Reglamento de Presidios — 
Moquis — Escalante's Writings and Explorations— Tour of Padre 
Garces — Bonilla's Report — Provincias Intemas — Governor Anza — ■ 
Comanche Campaign of 79 — The Moqui Famine and Pestilence— 
Flon, Concha, and Chacon — Morfi on Reform — Friars versus Gov- 
ernor — The Mission System — Consolidation of Missions — Secu- 
larization — College — List of Padres — Industries of the Province — 
Agriculture — Stock-raising — Trade or Barter — Annual Fairs at Taos 
and Chihuahua — Imaginary Money — Commercial Evils — Statistics 
of Population and Local Items 255 




Two Books — Succession of Governors — Chacon, Alencaster, Mainez, 
Manrique, Allande, Melgares, Chavez, and Vizcarra — Indian 
Affairs — Comanches, Navajos, and Moquis — Melgares in the 
Northeast — Election of a Delegate to the Co'rtes —Pedro Bautista 
Pino Goes to Spain — The Louisiana Purchase and Boundary Ques- 
tion — Lalande and Pursely — Zebulon M. Pike — Attempts at Trade 
— McKnight— Choteau and De Mun— Glenn, Bueknell, and Cooper 
— Population — Local Items — Trade — Agriculture — Manufactures — 
Mining — Institutions — Government — Military — Missions and Bish- 
opric — Charges against the Friars — War of Independence — Viva 




Succession of Rulers — Territory and Department — Civil and Military 
Government — Chronology — Indian Affairs — Revolution of 1837-8 
—Perez, Gonzaiaz, and Armijo — Texan Santa Fe Expedition of 
1841— Defeat of the Invaders— Texan Raids for Plunder in 1843— 
McDaniel, Warfield, and Snively— The Filibusters Foiled— The 
. Santa Fe Trade — Commerce of the Prairies — Map — Events and 
Statistics — Storrs and Gregg— Pattie's Exploits— California Cara- 
vans—Industrial Condition — Mines and Missions — Schools — News- 
paper—Population 310 



Earliest Annals of a Non-existent and Nameless Province — A Century 
and a Half of Neglect — Eutradas of Espejo and Onate — Down the 
Colorado to the Gulf — Conversion and Revolt of the Moquis — Prog- 
ress in Sonora — Pimeria Alta — Maps— Labors of Father Kino — 
Explorations in Arizona — The Gila and Casa Grande — Mange's 
fliaries— Kino's Map — First Missions in 1732 — Bac and Guevavi — 
Bolas de Plata — Revolt— Jesuit Efforts to Enter the Moqui Field — 
Triumph of the Franciscans — Explorations of Ke)ler and Sedelmair 
—Up the Colorado — Last Years of the Jesuit Regime — Decadence of 
the Missions — Tubac Presidio— Rancheria of Tucson — Apache 
Raids and Military Expeditions 344 



A Meagre Record — Errors of Modern Works — Excavations of Early 
Prosperity — Coming of the Franciscans — State of the Missions — 
Military and Presidio Annals — A New Apache Policy — San Javier 
del Bac — Presidio of Tucson — Tubac — Pima Company — Guevavi and 
Tumacacori — Calabazas — Aribac — Explorations in the North — 
Garces, the Franciscan Kino — Tours to the Gila and Colorado — 
Anza's Trips— Crespo's Views— Escalante— Font's Map— Garces 
Visits the Moquis— Colorado River Missions— The Moquis Perish— 
The Peralta Land Grant— Mining Operations— Later Annals— Era 
of Prosperity — Final Ruin— Apache Wars— End of the Missions — 
American Trappers 372 





! Mexican War — Kearny's Army of the West — The March — Mission 
of Cooke and Magoffin — Plans for bloodless Conquest — Armijo's 
Preparations and Flight — From Bent's Fort to Las Vegas — Santa 
Fe Occupied — Kearny's Proclamation— Tour in the South — Doni- 
phan in Command — Turbulent Volunteers — Price and the Mormons 
— Navajo Treaty — Chihuahua Campaign — Civil Government and 
Kearny Code — Plots of Ortiz and Archuleta — Grounds of Com- 
plaint—Revolt of 1847— Murder of Governor Bent — Disasters at 
Taos, Arroyo Hondo, and Mora — Price's Campaign — Fights at 
Canada, Embudo, aad Taos— Further Troubles with Insurgents and, 
Indians — Executions < 



1 846-1854. 

Affairs in Pimerta Alta — Apache Raids — Tubac Abandoned — The Mex- 
ican War — Explorations — Kearny's M^rch — Cooke and the Mor- 
mons — Wagon Road— Graham's Dragoons — Treaty and Boundary 
— Whipple and Bartlett — Sitgreaves — Railroad Surveys — Parke's 
Explorations — Overland Emigration to California — Hayes' Diary — 
Indians — The Oatman Massacre — Colorado Ferry and Camp Cal- 
houn — Glanton's Outrages — Fort Yuma Established— Colorado City 
— Navigation of the River — Derby's Survey — The First Steamers . . 474 




Treaty of 1853 — Southern Arizona Added to the United States — New 
Boundary Survey — Beale's Road — Ives on the Colorado — Southern 
Road and Overland Stage— Military Posts — Mining Developments 
Fort Yuma — Gila Placers — Indian Affairs — Apache Raids— Cochise 
on the War-path— Crabb and the Filibusters— Sonoran Vagabonds 
— Outlaws from Texas and California — Politics — Efforts for a Terri- 
torial Organization — Cnok and Mowry at Washington— Bills in 
Congress— Constitutional Convention— The First Book— Arizrima — 
Final .Success — War of the Rebellion — Secession of Arizona — Troops 
Withdra\vn— Triumph of Apaches— Confederates Take Tucson — 
But Retreat before the California Column — ^Bibliography of the 
Period 491 





Origin of the name Arizona — Territorial Organization — A Migrating 
Goveruuient — At Navajo Spring — Governor Goodwin and Congress- 
man Poston — First Legislature — Seals — Political Affairs — Rulers — 
The Capital Question— Pi escott versus Tucson— Original Counties — 
Map — Boundary Dispute at Yuma — Statistics of Population — Immi- 
gration — Mormons — Powell's Exploration of the Colorado — Wheel- 
er's Surveys — Floods and Earthquakes — Lists of Federal and Terri- 
torial Officers — Members of Council and Assembly — Resume of 
Legislative Proceedings 520 




The Friendly Tribes — Superintendents and Agents — The Yumas — 
Mojaves — Hualapais Yavapais — Suppai — Moquis — Pima and Mari- 
copas — Papagos — The Apaches— E;irly Hostilities — Errors of the 
Government — Forts and Camps — A Thousand Victims — Carleton's 
Campaign — General Mason — WaUen, Lovell, Gregg, and Critten- 
den — Devin and Wheaton — Popular Indignation — A Military 
Department under Stoneman — Camp Grant Massacre — Crook in 
Command — Peace Policy— Colyer and Howard — More War — Peace 
in 1873-4 — The Apaches on Reservations— Concentration — Kautz, 
■Willcox, and Crook again — Raids of Renegade Chiricahuas — 
Exploits of Gerdnimo — General Miles — Success at Last — Prospects 
—Crime and Lawlessness 543 




Mining — Early Operations— The Gold Placers— Effect of Apache Wars — 
Other Obstacles— Final Success— Statistics— Silver and Gold Belt— 
The Four Groups, Mojave, Yavapai, Gila, Pima, and Cochise— Some 
Local Items— Famous Mines— Tombstone— Copper Mines— Dia- 
mond Hoax — Modern Works on Arizona— Agriculture — Climate and 
Products— Stock-raisins-Govcmment Lands— Mexican Grants — 
Manufacture-! and Trade— Roads, Stages and Mails— Railroads and 
Telegraphs— Education— Library-Historical Society— Churches- 
Newspapers 578 




1864-1 SS7. 

County Map — Apache County — Coal, Live-stock, and Mormons — St 
John and Holbrook — Vavapai — Mines of Gold and Silver — City of 
Prescott — Mojave andPah-Ute — Mining Districts — Mineral Park — 
Yuma— Colorado Bottom— Gold Placors- Hot Deserts— Yuma City 
and Ehrenberg — Pima — A Land of History and Tradition — Papa- 
gueria — Tucson the Metropolis — Quijotoa — Cochise — Laud of the 
Chiricahuas— Mineral Wealth— Tombstone, Bisbee, Benson, and 
Wilcox — New Counties of the Gila Valley — Maricopa — Farms and 
Canals — Phoenix — Pinal County — Mining and Agriculture — Flor- 
ence— Casa Grande — Gila County — Globe — Graham County- Graz- 
ing Lands and Copper Mines — Pueblo Viejo Valley — Solomonville 
and Clifton 608 




Organic Act— List of Governors and Other Officials — Civil versus Mili- 
tary Authority — Sumner's Suggestions — Legislative Assemblies — 
Members and Acts — System Followed — Capital and Capitol — Ar- 
chives and Historical Society — Counties — Population— Fmance — 
Education — Industries — Trade — Fairs — Agriculture and Stock- 
raising — Statistics from Census Reports — Public Lands — Private 
Land Claims — Pueblo Grants— Mining Industry— New Mexico in 
Congress — Contested Seats — Appropriations — Disputed Boundary— 
The Mesilla Valley— Explorations 629 




Ninth Military Department — Commanders — Force — Forts — Government 
Policy — Lack of System — Number of Indians — Warfare — Plundering 
as a Profession — Sumner's Efforts — ^Treaties by Lane and Merri- 
wether — Later Campaigns — Carleton's Policy and Success— Super- 
intendents and Agents — Congressional Acts — Reservation 
Experiments — Utes and .Jicarillas — Agencies at Alnquiu, Taos, and 
Cimarron — Southern Apaches — Mescaleros at Fort Stanton — The 
Mimbres— Confederate Invasion — The Pueblos — Land Grants — The 

Navaj OS— Their Warfare on New Mexicans — Treaties Made to be 
Broken— Chronologic Sketch— The War of 1858-63— Carson's Cam- 
paign 655 




Southern Sympathies — Slavery in the Territory — Peonage — Indian 
Servants — Laws on Servitude — In Congress — New Me-xicans not 
Secessionists — Hatred of Te.xans — Southern Plans — Causes of Fail- 
ure — Authorities — Plots of Loring and Crittenden — Flight of South- 
ern Officers — Baylor at Mesilla — Lynda's Surrender — Sibley's 
Expedition— Canby's Eflforts — Opposing Forces — Hunter's Arizona 
Campaign— Texan Advance — Defeat of the Federals at Valverde — 
Confederate Occupation of Alburquerque and Santa Fe — Arrival of 
Colorado Volunteers at Fort Union — Two Battles in Apache Canon 
— Pike's Peakers against Texans — Retreat of the Confederates — 
Fight at Peralta— Flight of Sibley— Arrival of the Californians— 
End of the ^Var 




Chronologic Resume— Governors— List of Officials- Members and Officers 
of the Legislature for each Session — Summary of Legislative Acts 
— Changes in Sessions and Rules — Delegates in Congress— Contested 
Seats — National Legislation — Public Buildings — Historical Soci- 
ety — Finances — Claims against the United States — Revised Laws — 
Supreme Court — Lawyers — Efforts to Secure Admission as a State 
— Surveys and Boundaries — Crime and Disorder — Statistics of Pop- 
ulation 701 




Military Commanders — Forces — Forts — Indian Population — Superin- 
tendents — Appropriations — Chronology — TheNavajos — Bosque Re- 
dondo— Carleton's Efforts— Controversy— The Reservation a Fail- 
ure — Removed to their Old Home — Agents— Prosperity in the 

CONTENTS. xxiii 

North-west — Comanohes — Jicarillas and Utes — Agencies at Cimar- 
ron, Abiquiii, and Tierra Amarilla — Final Removal — The Pueblos 
— List of Agents and Chronologic Summary — Presbyterian Schools 
— The Mescaleros — At Fort Sumner and Fort Stanton — Agents and 
Annals — Southern Apaches — Hostile Bands— Reservations — Canada 
Alamosa, Tularosa, and Ojo Caliente— Victorio's Raids — Apaches 
Removed to Arizona 725 




Mineral Wealth— Mining Notes of 1864-79-Great Prospects and Small 
Results — Statistics of Production — The Mining Districts — Gold, 
Silver, Copper. Coal, and Iron — The Boom from 1880 — Authorities — 
Resume of Developments — General Results and Prospects — Spanish 
and Mexican Land Grants — List of Claims — Public Lands and Sur- 
veys — Agricxilture — Statistics — Slight Progress— Stock Raising — 
Cattle and Sheep — Monopoly and Other Obstacles — Manufactures — 
Trade — Railroads — Telegraph Lines — Stage and MaU Routes — 
Bureau of Immigration — Schools — Publications of the Jesuit College 
— Newspapers — Church Affairs 748 



County Map — Colfax — Area and Annals — Stock-raising — Raton and 
Springer — Dictations of Prominent Citizens — Mora — Fort Union 
— Taos — A Garden Spot — Old Pueblo— San Fernando — Rio Arriba 
— San Juan Indians — Coal — Tierra Amarilla — Onate's Capital — Ber- 
nalillo — A Flourishing Coimty — Tiguex — Pueblos — Albuquerque — 
Santa Fe Antiquity and Mines— The Capital —Statements of Citi- 
zens — San Miguel — Farms and Ranchos — Las Vegas — Testimony of 
Residents — Valencia and Las Lunas — Lincoln and White Oaks — 
Socorro — Mining Activity — Grant — Silver City and Deming — Dona 
Ana — Mesilla Valley — LasCruces — Sierra— Hillsborough and Lake 
VaUey 779 




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1-17; iv. 721; also MS. 

Vildosola (Gabriel), Cartas del Capitan. In Sonora, Mat., i. 186. 

Villagra (Gaspar), Historia de la Nueva Mexico. Alcali, 1610. 

Villasenor y Sanchez (Jos^ A. ), Theatro Americano. Mex., 1746. 2 vol. 

Voto de Sonora, newspaper. 

Voyages, A Selection. Lond., 1812. 

Walker (Joel P.), Narrative of a Pioneer of '41. MS. 

Warner (J. J.), Reminiscences. MS. 

Warren (G. K. ), Memoir of R. R. routes. In Pac. R. R. Repts, ix. 

Washington (John M.), Reports of the Military Governor, 1849. (31st cong. 
Istsess., H. Ex. Doc. 5.) 

Watts (J. H.), Santa Fi Affairs, 1878. MS. 

Whipple (A. W.), Report of E.xplorations, 1853-4. Wash., 1856; Pac. R. R. 
Repts, iii. 

Whitney (J. D.), MetalUc Wealth of the U. S. PhU., 1854. 

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. ^^ 






X =r^ %'> 


»- '^^>^I 


1 ^^ ^^^iT 



Arizona and New Mexico. 



The Aborigines — New Mexico as a Field op Antiquarian Research — 
Conclusions in the ' Native Races ' — The Pueblo Towns and People 
^Primitive History — No Prehistoric Relics— No Aztecs in Ari- 
zona and New Mexico — A Protest — Resume of North Mexican His- 
tory- -Eajrly Ideas of Geography — The Strait— Cortes on the Pa- 
cific- DE Guzman — San Miguel de Culiacan — California — 
Ebb and Flow of Enthusiasm for Northern Exploration — Meagre 
Results- -NuEVA Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya— Outline of Northern 
Annals for Three Centuries — The Northern Mystery — Conjec- 
ture AND Falsehood — Cabeza de Vaca's Remark.4Ble Journey 
across the Continent — He did not Enter New Mexico or See the 

• Pueblo Towns — Bibliographic Notes. 

It was in the sixteenth century that the Spaniards 
first explored the region that forms the territorial 
basis of this volume. The discoverers and early 
explorers found there the home, not only of several 
wild and roving tribes of the class generally denomi- 
nated savages, but of an aboriginal people much further 
advanced in progress toward civilization than any other 
north of Anahuac, or the region of Central Mexico. 
This people, though composed of nations, or tribes, 
speaking distinct languages, was practically one in the 
arts and institutions constituting the general features 
of its emergence from savagism. It was an agricul- 


tural people, dwelling in several-storied buildings of 
stone or adobes. All that pertains to this most inter- 
esting people, or to the other native inhabitants of 
Arizona and New Mexico, has been put before the 
reader in an earlier work of this series. My present 
purpose requires but the briefest repetition or resume 
of matters thus presented in their proper place, and 
even that only in certain peculiar phases.' 

This region offers for antiquarian research a field 
not surpassed, in several respects, by any in America; 
for here only we find a people, far in advance of the 
savage tribes if far behind the highest tj'pes, retaining 
many of their original characteristics, and living on 
the same sites, in buildings similar to, or in several 
instances perhaps identical with, those occupied by 
their ancestors at the coming of the Europeans, and 
for centuries before. These are the oldest continu- 
ously inhabited structures on the continent; and these 
Pueblo Indians — so called from the Spanish term 
applied to their community-houses, or towns, in the 
absence of any general aboriginal name — are probably 
more nearly in their original condition than any other 
American tribes. It is therefore hardly possible to 
overestimate the importance of these tribes for ethno- 
logic study, unless, indeed, we adopt the extreme 
views of those who refuse to credit testimony to the " 
effect that the most advanced Nahua and Maya na- 
tions possessed any trait or custom or institution or 
degree of culture different from or superior to those 
found among these Pueblos, or even inferior tribes of 
the north. 

In my Native Races, after describing the monuments 
of this peculiar people, I expressed a hope tliat the 
work might encourage further research and the pub- 
lication of much additional information on the subject, 

' See Native Races of ike Pacific States: tribal relations, maimers and cus- 
toms, institutions, general description, etc.,- vol. i., p. 422, 4G5-(J, 471-556; 
mythology or religious customs, iii. 75-83, 1.S5-6, 170 5, 521-8: language, iii. 
568-9, 593-603, 671^, 680-6; antiquities, ruins, relics, and historic traditions, 
iv. 615-86; v. 537-8. 


at the same time predicting with confidence — founded 
on the uniformity of data already accessible — that 
newly discovered relics would not differ materially in 
type from those I was able to study, and that they 
would require no essential modification of my con- 
clusions respecting the primitive New Mexicans. This 
hope and prediction have proved well founded. Dur- 
ing the decade and more that has passed since my 
work appeared, able investigators have directed their 
efforts to this field, wuth results in the form of accurate 
knowledge of the people, and their traditions, lan- 
guages, and material relics that probably surpass in 
many respects all that was known before; yet these 
results, so far as I am familiar with them, are con- 
firmatory of the general views which had been taken 
by me, and which it seems proper to embody briefly 
here, aboriginal annals being a fitting preface to the 
record of foreign invaders' deeds to follow. 

In their sixteenth-century explorations, the Span- 
iards found from seventy to a hundred of the Pueblo 
towns still inhabited, there being much confusion of 
names in the different narratives of successive visits. 
Most of the towns cannot be definitely identified or 
located; but as groups they present but slight diflfi- 
culties ; and they covered substantially the same ter- 
ritory then as now. South of this territory, in 
southern Arizona and northern Chihuahua, and prob- 
ably north of it, in southern Colorado and Utah, 
though there may have been exceptions, similar wide- 
spread structures were then as now in ruins. In tie 
next century, chiefly during the wars following suc- 
cessful revolt against the Spaniards, many of the 
towns were destroyed or abandoned, the number being 
reduced in that period or a little later to about twenty- 
five, the dates and circumstances of the few later 
changes being for the most part known. 

It is only in the broadest outline that the history 
of this people is known by their matei'ial relics, tradi- 
tion affoi'ding but slight aid. Clearly the whole region, 


extending soinewliat farther north and south than the 
bounds of Arizona and New Mexico, was in the past 
occupied by semi-civiUzed tribes, not differing among 
themselves or from the Pueblos more than do tlie lat- 
ter as known since the sixteenth century, and occupy- 
ing the most fertile valleys with their stone and adobe 
t.)wn houses, similar, but often vastlj^ superior, to the 
later well-known dwellings of the Pueblos. Long, 
perhaps centuries, before the Spaniards came, began 
the decline of this numerous and powerful people. The 
cause of their misfortunes must be traced to wars with 
savage predatory tribes like the Apaches, and with 
each other, drought and pestilence contributing to the 
same end. All the ruined structures and (jther relics 
of the long past were so evidently the work of the 
Pueblos or cognate tribes that there exists no plausi- 
ble reason for indulging in conjectural theories re- 
specting tlie agency of extinct races. Yet notliing is 
more common than to read of the discovery of prehis- 
toric relics of the long-lost race that once peopled 
this land. ]\Iy work has had but slight effect to check 
this popular tendency to the marvellous. 

It is also stUl the custom of most writers to refer to 
the ruins and relics of this region as undoubtedly of 
Aztec origin, and to adopt more or less fully the the- 
ory that tlie ancestors of the Pueblo tribes were 
Aztecs left in Arizona during the famous migration 
from the north-west to Mexico. As the reader of 
my Native Races is aware, it is my belief that no such 
general migration occurred, at least not within any 
period reached by tradition ; but whether this belief 
is well founded or not, I have found no reason to mod- 
ify my position that the New Mexican people ayd 
culture were not Aztec.- The Montezuma myth of 

' • I can hardly conceive of structures reared by human hands differing 
more essentially than the Wo classes in question ' (New Mexican and those 
of Cent. Am. and Mcx. ) ■ Tu i li.' . < nuiiiou use of adobes for building material; 
in the plain walls n- _ J;t of several stories; iu the terrace struc- 

ture, absence of dooi- loiy, and the entrance by ladders; in the 

absence of arched ceihu^-. .a m\ . 1 1 ixiiung blocks, of all pyramidal structures. 


the Pueblo communities, so far at least as the name is 
concerned if not altogether, was certainly of Spanish 
origin. Monumental and institutional resemblances 
are hardly sufficient to suggest even contact with the 
Nahua nations, yet such contact at one tiaie or an- 
other is not improbable, and is indeed indicated by 
the dialects of some of the tribes. Linguistic affini- 
ties, however, like institutional and architectural re- 
semblances, if any exist, do not indicate an Aztec base 
for the New Mexican culture at tlie beginning, but 
rather a superstructural element of later introduction. 
I offer no positive assertion that the northern advance- 
ment was indigenous or independent of the spirit that 
actuated the mound-builders or the architects of Pa- 
lenque and Uxmal; but I claim that any possible con- 
nection is but vaguely supported by the evidence, and 
may at least be regai^led as antedating the period of 
traditional annals. The origin of this most interest- 
ing aboriginal people is a legitimate subject of inves- 
tigation, and there are many more competent than 
myself to form an opinion ; yet I feel justified in pro- 
testing against the too prevalent tendency of most 
writers to accept in tliis matter as fact what is at the 
best but vague conjecture. 

This chapter is intended to include all that it is 
necessary to say in a preliminary way, respecting the 
history of this territory, before beginning the chrono- 
logic narrative with the first coming of the Spaniards. 
An obviously important and necessary feature of this 
introductory matter is the annals of Spanish orogress 

of sculptured blocks, of all architectural decorations, of idols, temples, and 
every trace of buildings evidently designed for religious rite, of burial-mounds 
and human remains; and in the character of the rock-inscriptions ami nds- 
collaneous relics, not to go further into details — the N. Mex. monuments pre- 
sent no analogies to any of the southern remains. I do not mean to express 
a decided opinion that the Aztecs were not, some hundreds or tliousand.i of 
centuries ago, or even at a somewhat less remote period, identical with tlie 
natives of N. Mex., for I have great faith in the power of time and iiivini:!- 
meut to work imlimited changes in any people; I simply claim tluit it i-j a 
manifest absurdity to suppose that the monuments described were tlie work 
of the Aztecs during a migration southward since the 11th century, or of any 
peopl 1 nearly allied in lilood and institutions to the Aztecs aa they were found 
in Anahuao. ' Nat. Races, iv. GS3. 


from Mexico northward, of the successive steps by 
which the broad regions south of this distant pi'ovince 
were discovered, explored, and to some extent settled 
before the array of invasion secured a foothold in Ari- 
zona and New Mexico. But this is a subject that has 
been presented with all desirable detail in the first 
volume of my History of the North Mexican States, to 
which the reader is referred, not only for events pre- 
ceding the discovery of New Mexico, but for later hap- 
penings in the southern regions, an acquaintance with 
which will greatly stimulate interest in and facilitate the 
study of the accompanying northern develo^^ments. Be- 
cause this matter is fully treated in the volume alluded 
to, and because it is also presented in various outline- 
combinations as a necessary introduction to volumes on 
other northern Pacific states, I may properly restrict 
its treatment here to narrow limits; but cannot, con- 
sistently with my general plan of making each work 
of the series complete in itself, omit it altogether.^ 

As soon as the Spaniards had made themselves 
masters of the valley of Mexico, their attention was 
attracted in large degree to the north as presenting 
new and promising fields for conquest. This was nat- 
ural from their comparatively complete knowledge of 
southern geography and ignorance of the north, with 
its probably vast extent, its prospectively rich and 
powerful nations of aborigines, and its correspondingly 
attractive mysteries. But there was another and 
more potent incentive in the current theories respect- 
ing geographical relations of the new regions to Asia 
and the Indies. These theories, legitimately founded 
on the slight data accessible, furnish the key to all 
that might otherwise be mysterious in the annals of 

'In like manner the record in hist. North Mex. States, i., is made complete 
by brief resumes, in the proper places, of northern events. Thus not only 
are the successive expeiUtiuiis that extended beyond Sonora and Chihuahua 
into Ariz, ami N. Mex. recorded in outline, but on pp. 127-9, 373-5, W2-4, is 
a sketch of N. Jlex. history in 1540-1800; and in the chapters devoted to 
Sonora may be found the annals of Pimeria Alta, which included southern 
Arizona. Chap. 1 of Hist. Cal, i., is a resume of the XoHli Mex. States, iu- 
claiing New Mexico. 


north-western exploration. So fully have they been 
explained by me elsewhere in various connections that 
mere mention may suffice here. At first it was sup- 
posed that Columbus had reached the main Asiatic 
coast, which might be followed south-westward to the 
Indies. Then a great island — really South America — 
was found, which did not seriously conflict with the 
original idea, but was of course separated from the 
main by a strait, through which voyagers to and from 
India by the new route must pass. Further explora- 
tion failed to find this strait, but revealed instead an 
isthmus effectually impeding south-western progress in 
ships; and when Balboa in 1513 crossed the Isthmus 
to find a broad expanse of ocean beyond, and others a 
little later explored the western coast for many leagues 
northward, it became apparent that the old geographic 
idea must be modified, that the new regions, instead 
of being the Asiatic main, were a great south-eastern 
projection of that main. The idea of tlie 'strait,' how- 
ever, had become too deejjly rooted to be easily aban- 
doned; accordingly, it was located in the north, always 
to be sought just beyond the limit of actual explora- 
tion in that direction. Of course, this cosmographic 
ignis fatuus did not obstruct but rather stimulated the 
quest for new kingdoms to conquer, new riches for 
Spanish coffers, and new souls to be saved by spiritual 

Fully imbued, not only with the desire to extend 
his fame as a conqueror, but with the prevalent geo- 
graphic theories, Hernan Cortes, within a year or two 
after the fall of Andhuac, convinced himself, through 
reports of the natives and of his lieutenants sent to 
plant the Spanish flag on South Sea shores, that the 
great westward trend of the Pacific coast that was to 
connect the new regions with Asia must be sought 
farther north than the latitude of Tenochtitlan. The 
plan conceived by him was to build ships on the Pa- 
cific, and in them to follow the coast northward, then 
westward, and finally southward to India. In this 


voyage, he would either discover the 'strait,' or prove 
all to be one continent; discover for his sovereign rich 
coast and island regions; perhaps find great kingdoms 
to conquer; and at the least explore a new route to 
the famous Spice Islands. His ship-yard was estab- 
lished at Zacatula in 1522, but through a series of 
misfortunes, which need not be catalogued here, his 
maritime exploration in 1530 had not extended above 
Colima. Meanwhile, however, various land expedi- 
tions had explored the regions of Michoacan and 
southern Jalisco up to the latitude of San Bias, or 
about 21° 30'. In the interior at the same date the 
advance of northern exploration had reached Quere- 
taro, and possibly San Luis Potosi, in latitude 
22°. On the east a settlement had been founded at 
Pdnuco, and the gulf coast vaguely outlined by sev- 
eral expeditions, the last of which was that of Pdnfilo 
de Narvaez, whose large force landed in 1828 in 
Florida, and with few exceptions perished in the 
attempt to coast the gulf by land and water to 

In 1531 the first great movement northward was 
made, not by Cortes, but by his rival Nuno de Guz- 
man, who, with a large army of Spaniards and Indians, 
marched from Mexico up the west coast to Sinaloa. 
His northern limit was the Yaqui River in about 
latitude 28°; and branches of his expedition also 
crossed the mountains eastward into Durango, and 
perhaps Chihuahua; but the only practical result of 
this grand expedition, except a most diabolic oppres- 
sion and slaughter of the natives, was the founding of 
the little villa of San Miguel in about latitude 25°, 
corresponding nearly with Culiacan, an establishment 
which was permanent, and for many a long year main- 
tained a precarious existence as the isolated frontier 
of Spanish settlement. Guzman returned to Jalisco, 
whose permanent occupation dates from this period; 
and the province or 'kingdom' of Nueva Galicia was 
ushered into existence with jurisdiction extending 


over all the far north, and with its capital soon fixed 
at Guadalajara. 

But Cortes, though opposed at every step by his 
enemy, Guzman, and involved in other vexatious dif- 
ficulties, continued his efforts, and despatched several 
expeditions by water, one of which was wrecked on 
the Sinaloa coast in latitude 26°, and another in 1533 
discovered what was supposed to be an island in about 
latitude 24°. Here, in 1535, Cortes in person at- 
tempted to found a colon}-, but the enterprise was a 
disastrous failure; the settlement at Santa Cruz — 
really on the peninsula — was abandoned the next 
year, and the place was named, probably by the set- 
tlers in their disgust, California, from an Amazon isle 
"on the right hand of the Indies very near the terres- 
trial paradise," as described in a popular novel. 
Meanwhile nothing had been accomplished farther 
east that demands notice in this connection; and the 
great northern bubble seemed to have burst. 

Yet little was needed to renew the old excitement, 
and the incentive was supplied even before Cortes' ill- 
fated colony had left California. In April 1536, there 
arrived at San Miguel de Culiacan Alvar Nunez and 
three companions, survivors of Narvaez' expedition of 
1528, who had wandered across the continent through 
Texas, Chihuahua, and Sonora, and who brought re- 
ports of rich towns situated north of their route. 
They carried the news to Mexico, and the result was 
a series of more brilliant and far-reaching explorations 
by sea and land than any that had been undertaken 
before. Soto's wanderings of 1538-43 in the Missis- 
sippi Valley may be connected, chronologically at 
least, with this revival of interest. Cortes despatched 
a fleet under Ulloa, who in 1539 explored the gulf 
to its head, and followed the outer coast of the penin- 
sula up to Cedros Island in latitude 28°. Viceroy 
Mendoza took the fever, and not only sent Alarcon to 
the head of the gulf and up the Rio Colorado, and a 
little later Cabrillo to the region of Cape Mendocino 


on the outer coast, but also despatched Niza as a 
pioneer, and presently Vasquez de Coronado with his 
grand army of explorers, who in 1540-2 traversed 
Sonora, Arizona, New Mexico, and the plains north- 
eastward to perhaps latitude 40°, and whose adven- 
tures will be narrated in the following chapters. The 
explorers, however, returned without having achieved 
any final conquest, or established sniy permanent set- 
tlement; and again interest in the far north died out — - 
a result partly due, however, to the great revolt of 
native tribes in Nueva Galicia, known as the Mixton 
war of 1540-2. 

With the suppression of this revolt, the final con- 
quest of Nueva Galicia was efiected; and before 1550 
the rich mines of Zacatecas were discovered, and the 
town of that name founded. Exploration of the north- 
ern interior was mainly the work of miners, though 
the missionaries were always in the front rank. Fran- 
cisco de Ibarra was the great military explorer from 
1554, his entradas covering the region corresponding 
to the Durango, Sinaloa, and southern Chihuahua of 
modern maps, besides one vaguely recorded expedition 
that may have extended into Arizona or New Mexico. 
About 1562 the new province of Nueva Vizcaya, with 
Ibarra as governor and capital at Durango, was 
created, to include all territory above what is now tlie 
line of Jalisco and Zacatecas, theoretically restricted to* 
the region east of the mountains, but practically in- 
cluding the coast provinces as well; yet the audiencia 
of Guadalajara retained its judicial jurisdiction over 
all the nortli. Before 1565 there were mining settle- 
ments in the San Bartolome Valley of southern Chi- 
huahua, corresponding to the region of the later 
Parral, AUende, and Jimenez. These settlements on 
the east, with San Felipe de Sinaloa on the west, may 
be regarded as the frontier of Spanish occupation in 
1600; yet, as we shall jiresently see, several expedi- 
tions had penetrated the country liorth-eastward even 
to New Mexico, the conquest of which province at 


this date was thus far in advance of the general pro- 
gress uortJiward. South of the frontier hne as noted, 
the regions of Sinaloa, Durango, and southern Coa- 
hulla were occuj)ied by many flourishing missions 
under the Jesuits and Franciscans; and there were 
numerous mining settlements, with a few military 
posts ; though the general Spanish population was yet 
very small. 

Seventeenth-century annals of tlie north may be 
briefly outlined for present purposes. In the begin- 
ning, Vizcaino, on tlie outer coast, repeated Cabrillo's 
explorations to or beyond the 40th parallel ; while pearl- 
fishers and others made many trips to the gulf waters. 
In Sinaloa, the Jesuits prospered; in Sonora, begin- 
ning with the Yaqui treaty of IGIO, and the conver- 
sion of the May OS in 1G13, the missionaries made 
constant progress until a large part of tlie province 
was occupied; and in the last decade, not only did 
Eaja California become a mission field, but Pimeria 
Alta, where Padre Kino pushed forward his explora- 
tions northward to the Gila. East of the mountains, 
Nueva Vizcaya was for the most part a land of war 
jjuring this century; eight Jesuits and two hundred 
Spaniards lost their lives in the Tepehuane revolt of 
1G16 in Durango; but the missionaries not only re- 
gained lost ground, but pushed forward their work 
among the Tarahumares of Chihuahua, where also 
there were many revolts. North-eastern Durango 
and eastern and northern Chihuahua formed the mis- 
sion field of the Franciscans, whose establishments, 
exposed to the frequent raids of savage foes, main- 
tained but a precarious existence, yet were extended 
before 1700 to the Casas Grandes, to the site of the 
later city of Chihuahua, and to El Paso on the Rio 
Grande. Meanwhile the mines in all directions yielded 
rich results; and a small military force under the gov- 
ernor's management strove more or less ineffectually to 
protect missions and mining camps, and to repel the 
endless and ubiquitous incursions of marauding tribes. 


Northern Coahuila was occupied by the Franciscans, 
and several settlements were founded in the last quar- 
ter of this century. Texan annals of the period are 
divided into three distinct parts : fir^t, the various ex- 
peditions from New Mexico to the east in 1601-80; 
second, the disastrous attempts at colonization bj^ the 
French under La Salle in 1682-7; and third, efforts 
of the Spaniards from 1686, resulting in several ex- 
ploring expeditions from Coahuila, and in the founda- 
tion of several Franciscan missions on the branches 
of the rivers Trinidad and Neches, which were aban- 
doned in 1693. 

In the eighteenth century, but for the conquest of 
Nayarit in 1721-2, the provhices of Sinaloa and Du- 
rango relapsed into the monotonous, uneventful con- 
dition of Nueva Galicia, that of a tierra de paz; but 
Sonora and Chihuahua were more than ever a iierra 
de guerra, the victim of murderous raids of Apaches and 
other warlike and predatory tribes. A line of pre- 
sidios was early established along the northern frontier, 
which, with occasional changes of site as demanded 
by circumstances, served to prevent the abandonment 
cf tlie whole region. There was hardly a settlement 
of any kind that was not more than once abandoned 
temporarily. New mines were constantly discovered 
and worked under occasional military protection ; the 
famous mining excitement of the Bolas de Plata, at 
Arizonac, occurred in 1737-41; rich placers of gold 
were found in Sonora; and the Real de San Felipe, 
or city of Chihuahua, sprang into existence near the 
mines of Santa Eulalia early in the century. The 
missions showed a constant decline, which was not 
materially affected by the expulsion of the Jesuits and 
substitution of the Franciscans in 1767. Many new 
missions were founded, but more were abandoned, and 
most became but petty communities of women, chil- 
dren, and invalids, or convenient resorts of the able- 
bodied from time to time, the friars retaining no 
practical control. There was but slight gain of new 


territory, though in Pimeria Alta the missions and 
presidios were extended northward to San Javier del 
Bac and Tubac, in wliat was later Arizona. On the 
west coast, however, in 1769-1800, the Spanish occu- 
pation was extended to latitude 37°, and exploration 
to the eotli parallel, while the Franciscans founded a 
series of nineteen new and flourishing missions in Alta 
California; and in the extreme east Texas was reoc- 
cupied in 1716-22 with missions and presidios, the 
country remaining permanently under Spanish domin- 
ion, though the establishments were never prosperous. 

There is yet another introduction or accompaniment, 
pertaining appropriately enough to the early history 
of New Mexico, to which I may call attention here, 
at the same time suggesting that a perusal of its de- 
tails as recorded in another volume of this series may 
yield more of pleasure and profit if undertaken a little 
later, after the reader shall have made himself famil- 
iar with the record of the earliest expeditions as pre- 
sented in the opening chapters of this volume. I 
allude to the mass of more or less absurd conjectural 
theories respecting northern geography, which, plen- 
tifully leavened with falsehood, were dominant among 
writers and map-makers for two centuries, and which 
— belonging as much and as little to New Mexico as 
to any part of my territory — under the title of the 
Northern Mystery I have chosen to treat in my His- 
tory of -the NortJnvest Coast.* The earliest theories 
respecting the geographic relations of America to Asia 
Avere in a sense, as we have seen, reasonable and con- 
sistent; but after the explorations of 1539-43, this 
element of consistency for the most part disappeared, 
as the Spanish government lost much of its interest 
in the far north, with its faith in the existence of new 
and wealthy realms to be conquered there. There 
remained, however, a firm belief" in the interoceanic 
strait, and an ever-present fear that some other nation 

* Vol. i., chap. i,-iv., with copies of many old maps. 


would find and utilize it to the disadvantage of Spain. 
Meanwhile, there were many explorers legitimately 
desirous of clearing up all that was mysterious in the 
north, conquerors bent on emulating in that direction 
the grand achie\ements of Cortes and Pizarro, friars 
eager to undertake as missionaries the spiritual con- 
quest of new realms for God and their king ; and their 
only dilficulty was to gain access to the royal treasury 
in behalf of their respective schemes. The fear of 
foreign encroachment was a strong basis of argument, 
and in their memorials they did not hesitate to sup- 
plement this basis with anything that might tend 
to reawaken the old faith in northern wealth and 
wonders. These interested parties, and the host of 
theorists who embraced and exaggerated their views, 
generally succeeded in convincing themselves that 
their views were for the most part founded in fact. 
The old theories were brought to light, and variously 
distorted; the actual discoveries of 1539-43, as the 
years passed on, became semi-mythical, and were 
located anywhere to suit the writer's views, Indian 
villages being magnified without scruple into great 
cities; each new discovery on the frontier was de- 
scribed to meet requirements, and located where it 
would do the most good; and even the aborigines, as 
soon as they learned what kind of traditions pleased 
the white men most, did excellent service for the 
cause. It must be understood that much of all this 
was honest conjecture respecting a region of which 
little or nothing was known;' but theory became 

^ A late writer says, somewhat in this connection: 'It is difficult for per- 
sons in our generation to realize the circumstances under which the various 
expeditions connecteil with N. Mex. were made during the 10th, and indeed 
the 17th, century. We have been so accustomed to the general geog. contour 
of the Amer. continent from our earliest youth, we know so well the distance 
from ocean to ocean, and from the gulf to the Artie region, that it seems dif- 
ficult to remember that the intrepid explorers who penetrated to the north 
after the fall of the Montezumas had no idea at aU of the extent of the main- 
land, and were never sure as they ascended a mountain but that its summit 
would bring to view the South Sea to thg west, the North Sea, or Atlantic, 
to the east, or the great Arctic Ocean toward the pole ... . The explorer of 
those days was travelling entirely in the dark. Nothing in more modern 
times has been similar to, or can again resemble, the uncertainty and romance 


rapidly and inextricably mingled with pure fiction; 
and there were few of the reported wonders of the 
north that liad not been actually seen by some bold 
navigator, some ship-wrecked mariner wandering in- 
land, or some imaginative prospector or Indian-fighter. 
Not only did the strait exist, but many voyagers had 
found its entrance on the east or west, and not a few 
had either sailed through it from ocean to ocean, or 
reached it from the interior by land. The kingdoms 
and cities on its banks were described, though with 
discrepancies, which, indeed, threw no doubt on its 
exi ^tence, but rather suggested that the whole north- 
ern interior might be a great network of canals, among 
which the adventurer — would the king but fit out a 
fleet for him — might choose liis route. Only a small 
portion of the current speculations and falsehoods 
found their way into print, or have been preserved 
for our reading; but quite enough to show the spirit 
of the time. The resulting complication of geographic 
absurdities, known as the Northern Mysterjr, hai had 
a strange fascination for me, and iti close connection 
with the early annals of New Mexico, as with those 
of the other Pacific United States, will doubtless be 
apparent to all. 

of those early expeditions. For the recent explorers of Africa, for example, had 
a perfect knowledge of the shape' of the exterior of the continent, and knew ex- 
actly what tribes lived on each shore, and what rivers emptied into each ocean. 
All that was left as a terra incorjnila was a certain area in the centre, and that 
of known length and breadth. But the early exjDlorers of America literally 
knew nothing of the land they entered. It was absolutely virgin soil. 
They might find impassable mountains or enormous lakes; they might have 
to traverse almost interminable deserts, or discover rivers whose width would 
forbid their crossing; they might chance upon gigantic volcanoes, or find 
themselves on the shore of the ultimate ocean. And as to the inhabitants 
and products, they were equally ignorant. We are sometimes induced to 
smile at the marvellous stories related by some of the older explorers, at their 
still more extravagant expectations, and the credulity with which everything 
(however exaggerated or unnatural) relating to the new continent was be- 
lieved. But we must remember that it was a day of real marvels, and that 
nothing could well be imagined more extraordinary and unexpected than 
those things which had already been discovered as realities. An entire new 
world had been opened to the enterprise, the curiosity, the cupidity, and the 
benevolence of mankind. It is as if to-day a ready mode of access to the 
moon were discovered, and the first adventurers to the lunar regions had re- 
turned laden with diamonds, and bearing tidings of riches and wonders far 
beyond the wildest imagination of former generations. ' Prince n Hkt. Sketches 
of New Mexico, 16-18. 


The ■wanderings of Cabeza de Vaca, including, as 
most or all writers on the subject have agreed, the 
first visit of Europeans to New Mexico, have been 
recorded somewhat in detail in another volume of this 
series.® For that reason, but chiefly because it is my 
opinion that Cabeza de Vaca never entered New 
Mexico, I devote in this volume comparatively little 
space to the subject; and for the latter reason, what I 
have to say is given in this introductory chapter in- 
stead of being attached to the record of actual explora- 
tions in the next. Alvar Nunez, or Cabeza de Vaca, 
Andres Dorantes, Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, and 
a negro slave called Estevanico were the onl}' known 
survivors of the expedition of Narvaez to the gulf 
coast in 1 528. After years of captivity among different 
native tribes, they finally escaped from servitude on the 
Texas coast, crossed the continent in a journey that 
lasted nearly a year, and arrived at San Miguel de 
Culiacan in Ajjril 1536. The success of so remark- 
able a trip resulted from the leader's wonderful good 
luck in establishing his reputation as a great medicine- 
man among the natives, who escorted the strangers 
from tribe to tribe along the way with full faith in 
their supernatural powers; or perchance the wanderers 
were, as they believed, under the miraculous protection 
of their god. 

Naturally no journal was kept; but a report was 
made on arrival in Mexico, and a narrative was written 
by Alvar Nunez after he went to Spain in 15 u7.' 
There is no reason to question the good faith of either 
report or narrative as written from memory; but 
there is much discrepancy and confusion, not only 
between the two versions, but between different state- 
ments in each. Moreover the narrative informs us 

^ See Hist. North Mex. States, i. 60-70. 

' Belacion que did Alvar Xut'iez, etc., 1st pub. in 1542, with later ed. as 
Belacion y Comentarios and as Naiifm'jiot), also Italian and French translations. 
The report made in Mex. 1536 is known only by the version in Orieilo, HUt. 
I:id., iii. 582. Buckingham Smith, in his carefuUy annotated Cu'ic^a i/c \'nni's 
Ifchtioii, a translation of the narrative, made use also of the report through 
Oviedo. For further bibliog. details, see ref. of note 6. 


that they passed through so many peoples that "the 
memory fails to recall them," and the report disposes of 
an important part of the journey by the remark that 
they went forward " many days. " There are, however, 
allusions to two or three large rivers, which, if tha 
record has any significance, can hardly have been other 
than the Pecos, Rio Grande, and Conchos; and the 
route — shown on the annexed map without any at- 
tempt to give details — may be plausibly traced in 
general terms from the Texan coast near Galveston 

Cabeza de Vaca's Route. 

north-westward, following the course of the rivers, 
then south-west to the region of the Conchos junction, 
then westward to the upper Sonora and Yaqui valleys 
in Sonora, and finally south to San Miguel in Sinaloa.^ 
The belief that Cabeza de Vaca passed through 
New Mexico and visited, the Pueblo towns is not sup- 
ported, by the general purport of the narrative, or 
of what followed. Not only is it wellaigh certain 

^ ' It is not possible to follow, and to trace geographically, the erratic course 
of Cabeza de Vaca with any degree of certainty. His own tale, however 
authentic, is se confused that it beaomes utterly impossible to establish any 
details of location.' Bnndelkrs Hi4. Introd., 6. This writer of 1881 seems 
to imply at least a doubt that N. Mex. was discovereil at this time. Prince, 
however, in 'S3, Hist. SL, SO, 91-2, has no doubt of the discovery. 
Hist. Akiz. and N. ii^x. 2 


that had he seen those wonderful structures, they 
would have figured largely in his reports in Mexico, 
but we know that the effective part of his statement 
was the report, obtained from Indians, of populous 
towns with large houses and plenty of turquoises and 
emeralds, situated to the north of his route. There 
are but two bits of testimony that might seem to con- 
flict with my conclusion, and both, when examined, 
seem rather to confirm it. One of the relations of 
Coronado's later expedition indicated that traces of 
Cabeza de Vaca's presence were found on the plains 
far to the north-east of the Santa Fe region ; but in 
another it is explained that they simply met an old 
Indian, who said he had seen four Spaniards in the 
direction of New Spain, that is, in the south. Again, 
according to the narrative, the wanderers, long before 
they heard of the great houses of the north, came to 
"fixed dwellings of civilization;" and indeed, it is im- 
plied that they travelled for long distances in the re- 
gions of such dwellings; but that these were not the 
Pueblo structures is clear, not only from the lack of 
description, but from the fact that the natives built 
new houses for the accommodation of their guests. I 
suppose these fixed dwellings were simply rancheria 
huts of a somewhat more permanent nature than those 
that had been seen farther east on the plains; and in- 
deed, the Jumanas were found before the end of the 
century living in sucli houses, some of them built of 
stone. Again, it is to be noted that Espejo in 1582 
found among the Jumanas, not far above the Conchos 
junction, a tradition that the Spaniards had passed 
that way. Even Davis, who lias no doubt that the 
party visited New Mexico, has to suggest that that 
country then extended much farther south than now, 
thus somewhat plausibly proving that if Alvar Nunez 
did not come to New Mexico, a convenient lack of 
boundaries enabled the province to go to Cabeza de 
Vaca. It seems to me that the most positive asser- 
tion that can be made in connection with the whole 


matter, except that the wanderers arrived at San 
Miguel, is that they did not see the Pueblo towns; 
yet it can never be quite definitely proved that their 
route did not cut off a small south-eastern corner of 
what is now N"ew Mexico. While Cabeza de Vaca is 
not to be credited with the discovery of the country, 
he was the first to approach and hear of it; his re- 
ports were the direct incentive to its discovery and ex- 
ploration; and thus, after all, his wonderful journey 
may still be regarded as the beginning of New Mexi- 
can annals. 


An alphabetic list of works consulted in the preparation of this volume is 
given as usual at its beginning. By far the most important authorities for 
tlie Spanish and Mexican periods are of a documentary nature; but docu- 
ments and books relating to special events, topics, or epochs of the history 
will be noticed bibliographically, as my custom is, when their subjects in 
succession present themselves for treatment. Besides these, there are, however, 
some archive collections and general works m manuscript and print covering 
the whole ground of Spanish and Mexican annals, or a considerable portion 
of it, which, having no specially appropriate chronologic place, may be most 
conveniently noticed here. This note may also properly include a mention, 
not only of general works on the history of Arizona and New Mexico, but of 
others devoted mainly to other subjects, yet containing scattered information 
on points treated in this volume, and also of various collections of voyages or 
documents rich in New Mexican matter, the separate items of which will 
require more detailed attention elsewhere. Mention of works devoted to the 
modern history of these countries as territories of the United States, even if 
they include a superficial outline of earlier events, will, as a rule, be reserved 
for later chapters. 

NaturaOy, archive records are here as elsewhere to be regarded as the 
foundation of history; but in this case these records must be sought from a 
variety of sources, of which the archives proper — that is, the documents pre- 
served in government keeping at Santa Fe, and cited by me as ^rc/i/ro (/e 
Skt Fe, MS. — are not the most fruitful or important. The earliest records, 
those preceding 1680, were almost entirely destroyed in the revolt of that 
and the following years. The bulky acsumulations of 160 later years, never 
adequately cared for in Spanish and Mexican times, were most shamefully 
neglected under U. S. rule. Hundreds of documents were lost or destroyed 
from time to time, until aljout 1870, during the rule of Governor Pile, when 
the remaining areliives were removed from the palacio and sold for wrapping- 
paper, only about one fourth being recovered. See N. Mex. newspapers of 
1870, extracts from which were published in pamphlet form as A''. 3Iex., 
Destruction of Spanish and Mexican Archives in New Mexico, hy United States 
OJiciak, n. p. (1S70), 8vo, 4 p. After several years more of neglect and 
ruin, the fragments were at last gathered up, properly cared for, and roughly 
classified in 135 pasteboard boxes, by Judge Samuel EUison, who has been 
their keeper as territorial librarian since ISSl, and who has kindly afforded 
me every facility for consulting the treaeures in his care. Thus it will be 
seen tliat the Arch. Sia Fe, though immensely valuable in the aggregate, 
and containing many important documents, is very imperfect, fragmentary, 
and utterly inadequate to the forming of a complete record of the country's 
annals in any phase. It is vastly inferior to the Archivo de California, so ex- 


tensively cited ih another work of this series; and it should also be noted 
that the scale on which this volume is written by no means calls for or per- 
mits so detailed a reproduction of the archive record as is given in my work 
on California. In the papers at Sta Fe, the fragmentary mission books and 
other documents preserved at some of the old pueblos, and the private ar- 
chives of New Mexican families, there is still ample field for the research of 
historical societies or individuals who may delve for data on local and personal 
minutiae of the old times. Many documents of the An!i. Sta Fe are given 
separate titles in my list, and are noticed under their proper dates in these 
pages. It should also be noted that a few documents of the archives before 
their destruction were consulted by different writers, who have thus preserved 
matter not without value. 

Fortunately, a formal search of the Sta Fe archives for historical purposes 
was made in the 18th century, while the records were still comparatively in- 
tact. This search, made in part by Padre Escalante in 1778, and completed 
by him or some other Franciscan in the following years, covered the period 
from 1681 to 1717; the result, very mucli more complete than any that could 
be reached by an examination of the original records in their present condi- 
tion — though I have found many of the fragments by which to test parts of 
the work — was sent to Mexico and Spain, and it is still extant, though I be- 
lieve I am the first in modern times to consult it. It is cited by me under 
two titles: 1st, Escalante, Carta del P. Fr. Silvestre Vclezde Escalante, Escrita 
en 2 de Abril de 177S aiios (Sta Fi^), fob, p. 113-26. The author had, it seems, 
been requested by his superior, P. Juan A. Morfi, to search the N. Mex. ar- 
chives. This letter contains an epitome of such information as he has found 
from 1680 to 1692, all papers of earlier date than 1680 having been lost in the 
revolts of '80 or '97. He hopes to complete the search in a month or two; 
therefore he was probably the author «f the following: 2d, Archivo de Nitevo 
Mexico, fob, p. 127-208, which is a continuation of the preceding, covering 
the period of 1692-1717. It contains many copies or extracts of original 
papers, some of which still exist with the paging as here given. At the be- 
ginning it is divided into cuaderttos, and later into paragraphs corresponding 
to the administrations of successive governors. Its value as an historical 
authority of course requires no explanation. These invaluable records are 
found in MS., in the Archivo General de Mexico, tomo ii.-iii., the Andrade- 
Maximilian copies of which are in my Library; and they were also printed, 
1856, in the Doc. Hkt. Mex., 3d series, pt iv. p. 113-208, which is the form 
in which I cite the Escalante, Carta, and the Arch. K. Mex., though I have 
introduced some corrections from the JISS. 

There are several other valuable collections of archive material, each con- 
taining important papers not fonnd in any other, and all constituting for some 
periods a very perfect record. Vol. xxv. of the Aixk. Gen. Mex., MS., is en- 
titled Documentos jiara la Hisioria de Nuevo Mexico, of which a copy in my 
Library filling 1,756 pages is cited in this volume as N. Mex. Doc, MS. These 
documents are official reports of friars and secular authorities covering a large 
part of the 18th century, but also including some very important papers of 
the 17th. The original copies seem to have been made both at Sta Fe and in 
Mexico, and very few of the records have been consulted by any earlier 
writer. M. Alphonse Pinart has a Coleccion de Documentos sohre Nuevo Mex- 
ico, composed of a large number of unbound original MSS., collected by him- 
self from various sources and kindly furnished for my use. It is particularly 
rich in ofiicial communications between the rulers of N. Mex. and the su- 
perior authorities in Chihuahua and Mexico; and it has enabled me to fill 
many a gap in the country's annals. Still another collection of original and 
not previously used matter in my Library is the N^em Mexico, Cedillas, MS., 
60 fob, which contains 18th-century copies of some 35 royal orders, of various 
dates from 1631 to 1762, selected for their importance in connection with New 
Mexican events. I think thi» collection «as also made by or for Padre Morti. 
It is preceded hy Bonilla (Antmiio), Apuntes sohre Niievo Mexico, 1776, MS., 31 
fob, a valuable outline of provincial annals to date; and is followed by col- 
lections of Cidulas on Baja Cal., and other provinces. 


The 32 volumes of MSS. which make up the A rchivo General of Mexico, or 
■which rather form an introduction or beginning for the hundreds of volumes 
of records preserved there — collected from all parts of the country by order 
of Carlos IV., dated Feb. 21, 1790, are rich in matter on our present subject. 
In torn, ii.-iii., printed in Doc HM. Mei., 3d series, pt iv., p. 1-225— besides 
the E.^mlaiilf, Cuiiji, and the A/rh. iV. Mcx., already noted, are found three 
other important docuiTients as follows: (1st) Salmeroti, Rclacioms de todas las 
casus que en el Xuevo-iL xh-n ,<c //-;« rhto y Sahhlo, iiM por innr mnin finr tierra, 
desde elauo de IdJS lfix/-i , I ile li: y:, p,-,r el Padre Gerouhuo <h< Z<iriiti_ Sidmeron, 
predicador de la Cmleu 'l< l-'^ .». /r.i. - r/r- la prorii>i:i<i del ,Siii>l i L'r n, /. /V.. Diri- 
gidas d N. I{mo P. fr. Fn<„.;^r„ ,!,■ Apndaca, pulrc de la pmrhiri , ,/, t aiitcdiria 
y coiiii-sario yeneral de tnda-< la-i de esta Nueva-Es-paaa (printed in ISoli), fol., p. 
1-55. For more aljout the author, see chap. viii. of this vol. The work was 
approved by Fr. Francisco Velaseo of the Franciscan convent in Mexico on 
Aug. 18, 1629. It is a very interesting and complete resume — the best extant, 
wlieu taken in connection with the following work — of the earliest northern 
explorations, being by no means confined to N. Mex. ; yet the writer is so 
fully imbued with the spirit of his time, and so eager to promote new eutradas, 
that he considerably exaggerates reports of gold, silver, great cities, and other 
northern wonders, and somewhat to the neglect unfortunately of events of liis 
own time on wliich he might have thrown much light. (2d) Niel, Apuntann- 
eniosijned las memori<is del P. Fr. Gcronimo de Zdrate hizo el P. Juan Aiiiando 
Niel de la Compnnia de Jesus, no tan solo estando prdctko del terreno que se cita, si 
no esqiie llevidta en la mano las meinorias para colejur las cnn el, p. oli-l 12. The 
author was a missionary in Sin., Son., and Chih. from 11)97 to 1710. and was 
evidently well acquainted with all that had been accomplished in the north, 
though it does not appear tliat he ever visited N. Mex. His work is more 
valuable in a sense than that of Salmeron, since it includes literally or in sub- 
stance all the latter 's statements, corrects many of his errors, and makes con- 
siderable additions from the author 's more extended knowledge. Niel wrote a 
century later than Salmeron, but knowledge of northern geography had in 
the mean time made but little progress. I have used both works extensively 
in my study of the Northern Mystery in another work of this series. (3d) 
Paredes, Utiles y curiosas noticias del Nuevo-Mexico: Cibola, y oiras naeiones con- 
Jiiiantes; La antiijtux tradicion de Copala. cnna no solo de los Indios Mexicanos, 
sino (lenerahnente de todas las naeiones indianas que en dirersos tiempos salieron d 
pofilar los vastos paises de este Niieiv-Mundo, p. 211-25. This title, cited by 
me in earlier volumes as Paredes, Notiei is, was probaljly intended to include 
other documents besides this, the special title of which is Copia de tm in/omie 
hecho a Su Maijestad so'ire las tierras del Nuem Mexico {por el P. Fr. Alonso de 
Paredes). But the author's name, though written and printed Paredes, and 
so used by me as above stated in earlier volumes, was really Posadas; and 
the report has been recently republished from a M.S. of the Acad, de Hist, as 
Po.9ar.las {Fr. Abnso), Injbrme a S. M. sohre las tierras de Nuevo Mejico, Qidvira 
y Te(juayo, in Fernandez Duro, Don Diejjo de Peiia loza, 53-157. Therefore, I cor- 
rect the error (not mine), and cite it in this vol. as Posailas, Injbrme. The 
w riter was custodio of N. Mex. in lGGO-4, and a missionary there for 10 years 
be fore. This report was written about l(iS6, in reply to a royal order of 1(378. 
It refers more to the regions north and east than to N. Mex. propier, but is 
immensely important on a few points of N. Mex. history, as will be noted 
later. It is most unfortiwiate that Posadas, like Salmeron, did not write 
more fully of his «wn observations. 

Of the old standard chronicles in Spanish, relating for the most part to 
the country's earliest annals down to 1700, liy far the most important for pur- 
poses of this volume are Torqiicnm,!,!, Mminninhi Iu'liana, bringing the record 
down to 1008, and Vetancurt, Cr^nn.-a ;uid J/i »"/";;'", of 1091; but some valu- 
able matter is also found in J/i ndi,.i,i, Siislnria E'-ltsi,tsl\ca; Oriedo, Hist. Gen.; 
Herrera, Hist. Gen.; Gomara, Hist. Ind.: Medina, Clirunica: Beaumont, Cron. 
de Mirhoiican; Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Galiria; and especially Villaseilor, 
Theatro, of 1748. Other useful Spanish works of similar nature are Calle, 
Noticias; Cava, Tres Sijbs; Eevilla Gic/edo, Carta de 1793; Aleyre, Hist. Oomp. 


Jesus: Frcjes, Hist. Breve; Ajparicio, Conveyiios: Velasco, Not. Soiiora; and 
£.irtidfro. A'ot. Chihuahuii. All the works of this paragraph relate mainly to 
other regions, but contain more or less original and useful material on our 

Collections of manuscript or archive material have been named; but there 
are equally important collections of original documents in print. Of these, 
two are especially valuable: 1st, the Docinnentos para la Bistwia de Mexico, 
Mex., lS.53-7, 20 vol. in 4 series, of which the S volumes of the 3d and 4th series 
relate particularly to northern regions, and contain vast quantities of indis- 
jjeusaljle matter on N. Me.\ico and Arizona, a large portion of the documents 
being from the Arch. Gen. de ilex, already mentioned; and 2d, the Coleccion 
de Documentos Inidltos rekUivos al descubrimiento, comjuista, y colonizacion de las 
pa-ie-sioiies E^panolas en Amenca y Oceania, sacados, en sit mayor parte, del Real 
Arr/ih-o de Jndias. Madrid, 1864-SO, Svo, 35 vol. This collection, from the 
name of its first editor, I have cited as Pacheco, Col. Doc. Vols, xv., xvi., are 
of greatest value as containing original records of Onate's conquest; but vols, 
ii., iii., iv., and xix. also contain useful documents. Temaux-Conipang, Voy- 
o./c!, Rehitioiis et Memoires Originaux pour servir d I'histoire de la decouverte de 
I'A meriqne, Paris, 1837-41, serie i. torn, ix.-x., is a collection containing trans- 
lations of the chief original authorities on the expeditions of Niza and Coro- 
nado; while the old standard voyage coUeetions, Hakluyt's Vo;/'i;/'-S, Ramusio, 
Narhjationi, and Purclitis !iis Pil'/iimes, contain documents whose value M'as 
originally very great, though somewhat impaired now by their appearance 
el-r\\ I ("• 111 1" i" r form. See also Florida, Col. Doc; Navarrete, Col. Viajes; 
an 1 1 .'. ". Hist. Voy. 

1. i -I-- iiitained iji the collections cited, or existing separately in 
mv l.J'i- ■' s . I .1' h uf which is duly noticed in its place in the following chap- 
ter?, there may be n:ii,M,l i,.T.. tn, i.., ,-: "/',■ ., -. /; ',■...■'.,,-■, 1680-2; -4 2/f to. 
Memorial, 1076; F.', ; _; . '''/;-. Moqui, Noti- 

cias: Id., Juntas d' ' ' I7L i : . .177'; Hurtado, Cam- 

pana, 1715; Bmta„„i,r , /,'.■,/.-.', I7::|; ';/:.7/ ,; J/ /,. /. , .-, AiOos, 1738-9; 
Mendoza, Besidencia, 1744; Ddgado, Rdarion de la Sierra Azul, 1743; Id., 
Koticias del gran Tegvayo, 1743; Id., Informe, 1750; Menchero, Declaracimi, 
1744; Id., Peticion sobre Navajdes, 1749; Id., Informe, 1749; Codallos y Rabat, 
Rrduccion del Navaj6, 1745; Id., Testimoiuo sobre Comanches, 1718; Trigo, In- 
J'onrie, 1750; Id., Infomie, 1754; Gilemes y Horcasitas, Medios, 1745; N. Mex., 
Informe del P. Provincial, 1750; Id., Defeiisas de Misioneros, 1818; Rodriguez de 
lu' Torre, Entrada, 1755; Tamaron, Visita del Obispo, IIGO; Lafora, ViajeaSta 
Pe, 1766; Sta Fe, Inundaciones de 1767: Crespo, Informe (1776); Escalante, In- 
forme y Diario, 1775; Id., Carta de 1776; Anzn, D:,nos, 1779-80; Morji, 
Desdrdenes en iV. Mex. (1792); Ruiz, Gobierno dc Misinn^-<, 1/73; Serrano, In- 
forme, 1761; Ilzarbe, Informe, 1787; Id., Estado de Misioncs, 1788; Durango, 
Informe del Obispo, 1789; Lesaun, Noticias, 1/60; Chacon, Informe sobre In- 
dustrials, 1803. 

And among the most important of similar documents in print the follow- 
ing: S/zj, Descubrimiento, 1539; Castafieda, Rekicion, 1540-2; Coronado, Reia- 
cion del Suceso, 1540-2; Jaramillo, Relacion, 1540-2; Espejo, Relacion, 1582; Id., 
E:cpediente, 1582; iV. Mex., Testimonio, 1582-3; Id., Memmial, 1595-1602; Id., 
Ytinerario, 1547-9; Id., Traslado de Posesion, 1598; Id., Discurso y Proposi- 
cion, 1602; Martin, Asiento, 1583; Lomas, Asienio, 1589; Castailo de <Sosa, 
Memoria, 1590; Onate, Copia de Carta, 1599; Freytas, Relacion, 1661; Domiif 
guez and Escalante, Diario, 1776; Garces, Diario, 1776; Melyares, Demostra- 
dones, 1822. 

Of separately printed books on special topics, incomparably the most note- 
worthy is Villagrd, Hist. JV. Mex. ; but there maj' also be mentioned Benavi- 
des, Memorial and Reijveste, 1630-1; Siyiteiaa y GOngora, Mercurio Vohmte, 
1693; Crespo, Memorial Ajustatlo, 1738; Presidios, Reglamento, 1772-3; Pitio, 
Exposicion and Noticios Hiildrictis, 1812; Pike's Acct. of Erpcd., 1806-7; 
Coyner's Lost Trappers, 1807-10; Sta Fe, Mess, of President, 1818. 

Most of the matter cited relates to the Spanish period. For the Mexican 
annals the records are not only much less complete, but of a different nature 


in some respects; that is, the narrative has to be eked out with fragments 
from many sources, which are indicated in my notes, and need not be cata- 
logued here. Among the chief sources of information, however, may be 
mentioned the Mexico, Memorias, of the different departments; the U. S. Govt 
Doc; various Mexican newspapers; Niks' Register; Arrillaga, Eecop., and 
other collections of laws; fragments from the Arch. Sta Fe, MS.; Barrdro, 
Ojeada; Abert's Report: San Miguel, Repub. Mex.; Bustamatde, Gahincte Mex. ; 
Id., Apuntes; Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies; Kendall's Narr. of the Texan 
Sta Fe Eijied.; Falconer's Notes; Prieto, Renins; Storrs' Sta F& Trade; Wil- 
lard's Inland Trade: Riley's Report: Patties Narr.; Wilson's Observ., MS. 

Much of what precedes relates mainly to New Mexico, but also in part to 
Arizona. Standard authorities for the early annals of Arizona proper, or 
Pimeria Alta, include Apostrjlicos A/anes de la Comp. de Jesus; Sonora, Ma- 
terials, MS. (tom. xvi.-ii. of the Arch. Gen., and printed in Doc. Hist. Mex., 
3d series, tom. iv. pp. 489-520, 4th series, tom. i. pp. 1^08, which is the most 
valuable of all, separate titles being given to many documents as mentioned 
in chap. xv. et seq.); Mange, Historia de la Pimeria; Velarde, Desciipcion; 
Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus; Venegas, Noticias de Cat; Salvatierra, Relaciones; 
Pinart, Coleccion de Pimeria Alta, MS.; Tamaron, Visita, MS.; Arridvita, 
Crdnica Serdjica; Reyes, Noticia. 

Thus formidable being the array of original authorities, it becomes necessary 
to consider the use of them that has been made by modern writers. The first 
place among such writers belongs without question to W. W. H. Davis, who 
was U. S. attorney in New Mexico in 1853-5, and whose work was Tlie Span- 
ish Conquest of Neiv Me:cico, by II'. W. H. Davis, A. M., member of tlie ' His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania,' and the ' Neio York Genealogical and Biographi- 
cal Society,' author of ' El Gringo, or New Mexico and her People,' ' History of 
the 104th Penn. Regiment,' 'History of the Hart Family,' and 'The Life ^ 
General John Lacey.' Doylestown, Pa., 1869, Svo, 425 p., portrait and map. 
This work is little more than a slightly condensed version or translation from 
the English, French, and Spanish, of the narratives of successive expeditions, 
from that of Cabeza de Vaca down nearly to 1700. The author writes in a 
clear and pleasing style, and has added to his work not only a map, but some 
useful notes drawn from his own knowledge of the country. His translations 
from the French are better than those from the Spanish. Do-rni to the end 
of C'oronado's expedition, his work, from the well-known printed narratives, 
is careful and accurate enough, but after that period irregular and sometimes 
inexplicably careless. Tliis, however, doubtless results to a large extent from 
the condition in which he found his originals. His authorities for the later 
chapters were MSS. of the Arch. Sta Fe, or fragments of a few of the docu- 
ments that I have cited from the same and other sources. He also obtained 
from Texas a copy of a portion of what he calls Oiiate's journal, perhaps a 
fragment of Salmeron; and he attaches more importance than they deserve 
to the works of Frejes and Larenaudiere. Mr Davis falls into some radical 
errors; notwithstanding the title of his book, he really knows very little of 
th3 ' conquest ' proper, even putting its date seven years too early; and he 
has the faulty method of not clearly indicating his sources for many points — 
apparently sometimes with a view of concealing their poverty. Yet the work 
has received and merits high praise, indicating much intelligence, and con- 
siderable research under unfavorable circumstances on the part of the writer. 
His earlier book. El Gringo (N. Y., 1856), contained also much historical 
information, with a narrative of personal adventure and a description of the 
country and its people. 

There has been but one other formal attempt to write the history of New 
Mexico, and that has resulted in the work called Historical Sketches of New 
Mexico from the Earliest Records to tlie American Occupation, by L. Bradford 
Prince, President of the Historical Society of New Mccico, Late Chief Justice of 
New Mexico, etc. Second edition. N. Y. and Kansas City, 1883, 12rao, 330 p. 
This unpretentious and excellent little work covers the same ground as that 
of Davis, but continues the story to 1847. So far as the Spanish period is 
concerned, it is not a work of original research, but for the most part a cou- 


densation of the story as told by Davis, though some of the well-known 
printed originals are named in the preface; the Peiialosa hoax is accepted as 
authority for a chapter, and a few of Davis' errors are corrected, while others 
• — like the introduction of several viceroys in the list of governors — are re- 
peated. The fact that in so small a volume 40 pages are devoted to the wan- 
derings of Alvar Nuiiez in Florida and Texas, antl 20 pages to those of 'Niza, 
in Sonora and Arizona, while six pages suffice for Ouate's conquest, illustrates 
probably not so much the author's idea of symmetry as the nature of his au- 
thorities. Indeed, weUnigh all the faults of the book are attributable to the 
authorities rather than to the author. He gives an excellent introduction, 
nowhere makes an effort to conceal the paucity of his sources, and writes 
throughout in an admirable and interesting style. His conclusions always 
command respect; his narrative of 19th-century annals could hanUy be im- 
proved in matter or manner; and the work as a whole merits higher praise 
than the preceding remarks might seem to indicate. 

In this connection should be noticed the Historical Introduction, to studies 
amoiii/ the Sedentanj Indians of New Mexico, Part i, by Ad. F. Bandelier. Bos- 
ton, ISSl, Svo, 33 p. This is an introduction to the Papers of the Archceologi- 
cal InMtule of America, American Series i., and relates mainly to Coronado's 
expedition, with particidar reference to the original pueblo sites, but with 
notes liearing on later entradas. A continuation, bringing the annals of ex- 
ploration down to 1C05, is promised, but so far as I know has not appeared. 
Bandelier, a writer of high standing on archaeological topics, shows an acquaint- 
ance with the most important of the original authorities; namely, the Col. 
Doc. Ined., and the Doc. Hist, ilex.; and within the narrow limits which he 
has thus far assigned himself in history proper, his work merits nothing but 
the hiolipst prnise. John Gilmary Shea's Tim Expedition of Don Dieijo Dio- 
ntxin .!. ,/' .. ./,-., N. Y., 1882, including ii'rcj/fcis, Selaciondel descubrimi- 

ei.t • ' \ • I deQuimraecIiopor D.Diego Dionisiode Peiialosa, a,nda.ik 

EujIj .1 .1 ..- i u, 111 (if the same, Freytas, Relation, etc., merits mention here, 
by rt:a.i.jii ui its introductory and supplementary notes, though the main nar- 
rative relates to a single expedition, and one that m. reality was never made. 
Much more important — though perhaps it should be properly named earlier 
in this note as a collection of original material — is the Don Diego de Peiialosa 
y su descti'iriiin ,,/ . ,'- ' ,, ;„ , -/ n'.; •,, , / ,r,r,iie presentado a la, Seal Acade- 
mia de Hist ^ ' • Fernandez Duro, individuo de 

niimero. Ma! i _ I i i I niandez Duro not only presents 

ihe Freytas, 1!< I ii: ,,. an.i ,,11 ni:, r im, , _, >a.u liy Shea, but in his comments 
proving that narration to be a hn.ix In i 1 - i, " ■ " . . il information, 

inclu.Uag the JV^. ilex., Discur-m ij Pr<<r , : and Lopez,, entire. He also appends a ,\ tnes organiza- 

d.ts en I-ueva Espafiapara descuhrir Iji I' I th: : , \ - i> thidamente los 

reinos de Cibola, (Juivira y Teguayo, arranged ehrounlngically from 1523 to 1783; 
and concludes with a resume of Villagra's history of the conquest. Thus the 
whole work is one of the most valuable of modem times on our subject. ' 

Millers Historical Sketch of Santa Fe formed a part of the Sta Fi Centennial 
Celehration of 1776, and deserves mention from the fact that the author, David 
J. Miller, was translator and chief clerk in the U. S. surveyor-general's office, 
being well acquainted with the archives. Wm G. Ritch, for many years 
tErritorial secretary and sometime governor, and president of the Historical 
Society, has given much attention to the early as well as modern history of 
the country, as shown in his Azilan., The History, Resources, and Attractions of 
New Mexico, 6th ed., Boston, 1SS5; and by the Chronologicai Annils qf New 
Mexico, at the end of FH'Hi'.^ L- r~! rfirr Blue-booh of the Ten-iiory of New Mex- 
ico, &ta. Fc, 1S87 . It 1 ^ ' I \ xliat Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, 
'Mel'me, Two Thou-iu 11'/ i/ /, . './ri-, included in their works a sketch of 

early history; and quit ■ a imnii" i- , t modern books, pamphlets, and news- 
paper and magazine articles might lie named as containing similar and more 
or lass accurate resumes not resulting from actual research. So far as Ari- 
zona proper is concerned, there are no modern works which merit notice so far 
as early history is concerned. I should not, however, forget to allude to a 


large number of valualjle antiquarian essays on the location of Cibola, Tiguex, 
Chichilticale, etc., containing a considerable amount of geographic and his- 
toric data. Simpson's Coronado's March is one of the best of these. 

Just as these pages go into print, I have received The Narrative and Criti- 
cal History of Ainmai, edited hy Juxtin Wimor, librarian of Harvard Univer- 
sity, etc. Vol. ii., Boston and N. Y., large 8vo, 640 p., with many maps, 
portraits, and other illustrations. Volumes i. and iii.-viii. are to be pub- 
li.9hed later. Mr Winsor's volume covers a considerable part of the field, 
both geographic and chronologic, that I have treated in this and earlier works 
of the present series; the author has honored my work by citing it constantly 
with occasional comments of praise or condemnation, but always iu a spirit 
of fairness; and with his treatment of my researches, on the whole, I am con- 
tent. Had I occasion to go over the field again with Winsor's work before me, 
I shoulii find it helpful, cite it often with commendation, and doubtless have 
occasion to criticise some of its details. The latest writer in the light of new 
evidence and special research on certain points has and always will have this 
advantage. This is obviously not the place for a critical estimate of the new 
work, even if I had the time for such a study as its claims and merits deserve. 
Mr Winsor as editor employs a corps of authors, who write under their own 
names; and an eflort is made to druw a sharp distinction for the benefit of differ- 
ent classes of readers between the narrative, critical, and bibliographic portions 
of the work. This plan has its obvious advantages, and probably its defects as 
well. Whether Mr Winsor's system of cooperation is or not on the whole supe- 
rior to my own for the production of a continuous, symmetrical, and accurate 
historic record of a broad territory, with all its geographic and chronologic 
complications, it is yet too early to decide. When the work is completed, we 
may see if all the gaps have been filled. In this volume the editor is also to 
a great extent the author; he is an expert in bibliography, with exceptional 
resources; and in the result the bibliographic element predominates in space 
and in value. Occasionally, if I mistake not, this predominance is somewhat 
too marked, as where in the case of radically opposing views and arguments 
on the part of different authorities, the author is content to simply note the 
conflict without so clear an opinion of his own as a ' critical history ' should 
contain. Sometimes, indeed, the author implies a preference for the view tliat 
apparently is not supported by the critical notes. As a rule, the various nar- 
ratives show a high order of literary merit, notable fairness of treatment, and 
as much unity as could be expected iu the productions of different writers. 
The work is a noble contribution to American history, a monument of con- 
scientious and laborious research, as well as of great literarj' skill on the part 
of editor and authors, and mechanically a magnificent specimen of bootk- 

One chapter of Winsor's work demands particular notice here, as being 
devoted to a subject treated in this volume. This is chapter vii., p. 473-504, 
on Early Ejflorations of New Mexico. By Henry W. haynes, Archceoloyicat 
Institute of America. The author has also written on the same subject in the 
Amer. Antiq. Soc, Proceedimjs, Oct. ISSl, and cites also some writings of Hale 
and Savage in the same publication on the identity of Cibola, Quivira, etc., 
which have not been used by me. Mr Haynes' treatise should be classed 
with those of Simpson, Davis, Prince, Bandelier, and others, as mentioned in 
this note. It is a clear statement of the earlier expeditions, with pertinent 
and judicious if not very elaborate notes. If it adds nothing important in 
the waj' of theory or evidence, it is because Simpson and Davis and the rest had 
left little to be added either by Haynes or myself. I think the author has not 
sufficiently considered my argument to the effect that Cabeza de Vaca did not 
enter New Mexico (p. 474); while agreeing for the most part with his praise 
of Davis, I cannot accept his conclusion that Davis is ' likely to remain 
always the leading authority ' on Coronado's route (p. 402), in view o^ the 
fact that the author in question has fallen into several radical errors; I know 
not why 'Tiguex should be placed west of the Rio Grande, between Aconia 
and Quirex ' (p. 4S5), when the writer seems to favor Baudelier's view; and 


I deem it not hypercritical to object, in a work of tHs character, to the use 
of antiquated forms, confusion of Spanish, Italian, English, and French 
forms, and the careless use and non-use of accents, as exemplitied in the 
following names: ComposteUa, Guadalaxara, Pamphilo, Nizza, New Oallicia, 
Melchior, d' Arellano, d'Alvarado, Roderigo, Garcia, Garcia Lopez de Car- 
denas, Cicuye, and Cibola (for Compostela, Guadalajara, Panfilo, Niza, Nueva 
Galicia or New Galicia, Melchor, Arellano or de Arellano, Alvarado, Rodrigo, 
Garcia, Garcia Lopez de Cirdenas, Cicuye, and Cibola). Tlie author's con- 
clusions agree for the most part with my own, which is not a radical defect, in 
my opinion. It is noticeable that the record extends only to C'oronado's 
expedition, or 1542, except that the editor adds a note on the late works of 
Fernandez Duro and Shea, giving a list of the later expeditions mentioned 
by the former, very briefly noting without comment his exposure of the 
Penalosa hoax, not noticing my own remarks on the same subject, and rather 
strangely ignoring the most important work of ViUagra. It would naturally 
be expected that the later explorations, conquest, and settlement of New 
Mexico should find place in a volume entitled Spanish Ej:-plomtions and 
SeUleinents in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century. Presum- 
bly, however, this record will be given in another volume; in which case, 
time of publication permitting, I hope Mr Winsor may find these chapters of 
mine helpful. 




The Discoverers — Viceroy Mendoza's Plans — Feat Marcos de Niza and 
THE Negro— Journey to the North— Woxderfcl Reports of the 
Seven Cities — Fate of Estevanico, the First Pioneer of Arizona 
^Fray Marcos in Sight o" Cieola — New Kingdom of San Francisco 
— Niza's Report — Discussion of the Eouve from Sinaloa to Zuni— A 
New Furor — Cortes and (Jlloa — Alarcon on the Rio Colorado, or 
BuENA GuiA — Francisco Vasquez de Coronado — A Grand Army 
— Diaz and ZaldIvar — Bibliography of the Expedition— The So- 
KORA Settlement— Melchor Diaz— From Soncra to Cibola — Ihe 
IvtiuTE — Chichilticale — Map — Identity of Cibola and Zuni — Con- 
quest OF Granada — The Friar Cursed and Sent Home— Tobar's Ex- 

Canon of the Colorado. 

The glory of discovering this territory must be given 
to a negro and a Franciscan friar, who crossed the 
line into Arizona in 1539. So great was the interest 
taken by Viceroy Mendoza in the statements of Ca- 
beza de Vaca respecting the populous towns of which he 
had heard on his way across the continent, that he at 
once planned an expedition, in 1537, buying the slave 
Estevanico and obtaining the services of his master 
Dorantes, as guides; but the project was temporarily 
abandoned, and no more is heard of Dorantes or Mal- 
donado, Alvar Nunez having gone to Europe.^ 

Late in 1538, however, with a view to exploration 
and conquest on a grander scale, and under a new pol- 
icy, so far as treatment of the natives was concerned, 
it was arranged that Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, 

'Mendoza's letters to the king, 1537^0, in Pacheco, Col. Doc, ii. 206-7; 
Florida, Col. Doc, 136, 139; Ternavx-Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. ix. p. 287. 



the newly appointed governor of Nueva Galieia, should 
make a tour of inspection to the northern parts of his 
province, and there set on foot certain preliminary in- 
vestigations by the aid of friars and liberated Indian 
slaves, subsequently devoting himself, should tlie re- 
sults prove satisfactory, to the organization of a force 
for the proposed military expedition. Not much is 
known of several preparatory tours, intended mainly 
to inspire confidence in Spanish good faith and reform 
among the natives of northern Sinaloa;" but one had 
a broader scope, and is fully recorded, being the one 
that involves the discovery of Arizona. 

Fray Marcos de Niza, chief of the Franciscan band 
destined for the northern field, was an Italian, who had 
come to America in 1531, had gone with Pizarro to 
Peru in 1532, served in Nicaragua, and come north 
with Pedro de Alvarado, being a man of prominence 
in his order, of ardent zeal for all new enterprises, and 
withal of lively imagination.^ Having received spe- 
cial instructions from the viceroy through Coronado 
in November 1538, Fray Marcos set out from San 
Miguel on the 7th of March, 1539, accompanied by 
another friar named Onorato, the negro Estevanico, 
and a band of natives from Culiacan. On the Peta- 
tlan* Onorato fell ill, and was left behind; but Niza 
went on "as the holy spirit did guide" him, alwaj's 
kindly welcomed by the natives, but with no notable 
occurrence for some 25 or 30 leagues, except that he 
met Indians from the island where Cortes had been — 

2 See Hist. North Mex. St., i. 72-3, note 3, for a few details. 

^For biog., see Vetancuit, Menologio FraiicUcano, 37 (p. 117-19 of ed. of 
1871); Maidktn, Hkt. Ecles., 67-t; Torqueiiimki, Monarq. Ind., iii. 499-500; 
and F: :>n , ,„i, /?,,•, iro General, MS., 41, where Ft. Marcos is said to have been 
tin • r . Fran, provineia of Lima. In the introd. to Velaseo, Jiist. 

Ii'.'!h> . as pub. by Ternaux, also preface to Ccustaneda, Rel., v., he 

is sai<l tM ii iM it u the author of several works on the conquest and native 
races of ymto and Peru. In '40-3 he was provincial of his order in Mexico, 
though most of the time absent in the north, where he lost his health. He 
lived later in Jalapa, aud died at Mexico in 1558. Niza is the proper Span, 
form of his name, that of the towni Nice, the Italian form being Nizza. For a 
portrait — not stated to have been taken from an Arizona photograph of 1539 — • 
see Frosfs Pict. HUl. Mex., 135. 

* Pueblo de Petateau in the original, as printed; possibly not on the Rio 
Fetatlau (the Siualoa). 




California— -half a league from the main, and they 
told him of 30 other inhabited islands beyond, and of 
pearls. Then after four days' journey through an un- 
inhabited tract, he came to a people who had never 
heard of Christians, who called him Sayota, or 'man 
from heaven,' and who knew of large settlements in a 
valley four or five days inland, where cotton was used 
for clothing, and gold for implements and ornaments. 
For three days his way led him through the country 
of this people, till he came to Vacapa, a settlement of 
good size and plenty of food, 40 leagues from the sea. 
At Vacapa Niza remained some nine days, sending 
messengers to the coast, who brought back tidings of 
the pearl islands — now 34 in number — and cowhide 
shields. Here he met natives from the east, known as 
'pintados,' who had something to say of the 'seven 
cities.' And from here he sent the negro ahead to 
explore the way, and after four days Estevanico sent 
back such glowing reports of what he had heard about 
Cibola, with its seven great towns and stone buildings 
and turquoises, that even the credulous fraile hesitated 
to credit them. About the 6th of April, with two 
islanders and three 'pintados' added to his company, 
he left Vacapa, and in three days came to the people 
who had given tlie negro his information about Cibola, 
and wiio now gave the good friar his fill of marvels. 
Pressing on for five days — possibly including the pre- 
vious three — through a well-settled country, they came 
to a pleasant and well-watered settlement near tlie 
borders of a desert. Between Vacapa and this place 
without much doubt they had crossed what is now the 
southei'n bound of Arizona.^ 

^ Vacapa, or S. Luis, was a rancherfa from 12 to 19 1. southward ot Sonoita, 
or S. Marcelo, visited by Kiuo and Mange in 1(599-1701, and shown on Kino's 
map. See HUt. North Mex. St., i. 72-5, 271, 495, 499; Mawje, Hist. Pimsria, 
327; Apost. J/ii7ies, 273-4, 282-5. Mange notes the place as the one passed 
by Coronado's (Niza's) exped., as described by Herrera. Padre Garces, D'unio 
y Derrotero, 365, in 1777 says: ' El pueblo de Bacapi que cita se halla hoy en la 
Papagueria con nombre de Quitolnpcapa, en lenqua pima quiere decir; en Bac 
quiere decir tide, conque en Quitobapo dice tiile chii/uito.' Evidently there is 
typographic confusion here; but Vacapa may have been Quitobac. This name 
of Vacapa is, of course, an important point in following Niza's route. The 


The desert having been crossed in four days, the 
route lay for five days through a fertile, irrigated val- 
ley, with many settlements of superior and friendly 
Indians. This may be reasonably regarded as the 
Gila valley in the region of the Pima villages. Here 
the friar understood that the coast turned abruptly 
westward, which means simply that the natives de- 
scribed the ocean as much farther off than the gulf coast 
had been in the south; but he says he went in person 
and saw that such was the case, which was hardly 
possible.^ These people knew of Cfbola, wore tur- 
quoises, and in some cases cotton, and they told of 
woollen garments woven in Totonteac from the fur of a 
small animal. In one of the rancherias was met a 
native of Cibola, who gave mucli information about its 
seven towns. Abacus being the largest — exaggerated 
though in a sense tolerably accurate descriptions of the 
since well-known Pueblo towns. He also told of other 
towns and provinces.'^ Many others confirmed and 
supplemented the reports all along the way; turquoises 
and hides and other articles from Cibola were plenti- 
ful ; and the negro, whose zeal kept him far in advance 
with his native attendants, sent back the most encour- 
aging messages. For three days more they travelled 
in this valley or a similar one; and then, on the 9th 

identity is nnt certain, as these rancherias were sometimes moved long dis- 
tances. If Niza went so far west he must have turned eastward later, for 
from that Vacapa he could not have travelled 5 or 8 days northward in a 
settled country to the borders of a desert. Whipple's location, Par. R. E. 
Septs, iii. 104, of V. in the region of Magdalena, as hitherto favored by me. 
Hist. North ilex. St., i. 72-5, making the pleasant, well- watered settlement 
near the desert in the Tucson region, would be much more convenient; but 
the general features are clear enough, and nothing more can be hoped for. 

* ' Y asi fui en demauda della y vi claramente que en los 35^ vuelve al 
Oueste, de que no menos alegria tuve que de la buena nueva de la tierra.' 
Nim, DesMh., 339. Of course the lat. 35° was all wrong. We shall find a 
similar statement about the westward trend in Coronado's narrative, but more 
clearly explained by the statement that here the gulf ended. If Niza continued 
N. w. from the Sonoita region to the Gila, and thence up that river, a visit to 
the head of the gulf, if possible, must still be regarded as very improbable. 

' South-east of Cibola was the kingdom of Marata, with many large towns, 
though weakened by wars with Cibola; another in the same direction was To- 
tonteac, the most populous and richest of all; and another, Aeus (cUstiuct 
from Abacus, which was only a town), in a direction not stated. These refer- 
ences were clearly to the N. Mex. Pueblo towns toward or on the Rio Grande. 


of May, tliey entered the final despohlado; that is, from 
the region of the modern Phoenix or Florence they 
entered the mountainous uninhabited tract, their course 
lying north-eastward, toward Zuhi. 

For twelve days Fray Marcos pressed on, following 
the negro's route, and well supplied with food by the 
natives accompanying him, until, on the 21st of May, 
he met one of Estevanico's men returning with the 
worst of news. On reaching Cibola, instead of the 
usual welcome, the negro had received an order not 
to enter the town, on pain of death, being forced to 
remain with his company in a house outside, without 
food, and being deprived of all the presents he had 
received on the journey. Next day, one of the men, 
going to a stream for water, looked back, and saw the 
negro running away from pursuers, who killed some of 
his comimnions. Then he made haste to inform the 
friar. Niza's companions were greatly terrified, but 
went forward at his solicitation; and one day's jour- 
ney before reaching Cibola, two more of Estevanico's 
men were met, wounded, and stating that the negro 
had been killed.^ Thus perished black Stephen, the 
discoverer of Arizona. 

There were threats among Niza's followers of hold- 
ing him responsible for the killing of their friends, and 
the friar said he was willing to die; but through the 
agency of gifts and threats the excitement was calmed. 
He then went forward with two chiefs, and from a 
hill got a glimpse of Cibola, on a plain at the foot of 
a round hill, just as the natives had described it, and 
apparently more populous than Mexico, though said 

* Castaneda, Relation, 12-13, tells us that Stephen had a weakness for rich 
gifts, including handsome women; that he made a demand on the Cibolans 
for their wealth and women; that his claim of being the predecessor of white 
men who were coming to teach them seemed suspicious, on account of his color; 
and that they put him to death as a spy sent by enemies coming to subjugate 
them, releasing his 60 companions, though retaining a few boys. Coronado, 
Hakluyt, iii. 380, says the Cibolans claimed to have killed him because he 
killed and violated their women, and was reported to be a 'wicked villain.' 
One of his comrades, a boy from Petatlan, remained at Cibola, and was found 
by Coronado. Kews of EstiSvan's death was also given to Alarcon, on the 


to be the smallest of the seven in a province far ex- 
celled by others beyond. A cross being erected on a 
heap of stones, formal possession was taken in Men- 
doza's name, for the king, of all that region, as the 
new kingdom of San Francisco. Then Fray Marcos 
hastened homeward, "con harto mas temor que comi- 
da," at the rate of eight or ten leagues per day. In 
a valley stretching eastward below Vacapa, he saw far 
off seven ' poblaciones razonables,' and heard that gold 
was plentiful there, but deemed it best to postpone a 
closer examination. At Compostela, perhaps in June 
or July, he reported to the governor, to whom he had 
before sent messengers from various points; and in 
August went with Coronado to Mexico, where, on the 
2d of September, he formally certified the accuracy 
of his report.^ 

Cortes claimed that Niza's narrative w^as fiction, 
his pretended discoveries resting only on reports of 
the natives and information derived from Cortes 
himself; but Don Hernan was not in this instance an 
impartial critic." Coronado and his companions, in 
their expedition of the next year, disappointed in 
their expectations, applied some plain terms to certain 
phases of the friar's misrepresentations. Padre Kino 
seems to have thought that the Gila ruins might have 
been Niza's seven cities, and Humboldt partially 

'iVi'zff, Desciibrimiento de las Siete C'mdades, in Pacheco, Doc, iii. 325-51, 
including Mendoza's instructions of Nov. '38, and a certificate of P. Ciudad- 
Rodrigo, the provincial, dated Aug. 26, '39; Ital. transl. in Eamusio, A'avig., 
iii. 356-9; Engl., in Uakluyt's Voy., iii. 366-73; French, in Ternavx-Compans, 
Voy., serie i. torn. ix. 256-84. For a long list of additional references, see 
Hist. North Mex. St., i. 74-5. A tew others are Peralta, Not. Hist, 143-5, 
148-9, 341-3; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 398-400; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 160-1; 
Pnrchas his Pilgrimes, iv. 1560-1; Bandeliers Hist. Introd., 7-9; Princes Hist, 
at, 96-115; Zamacois, Hkt. Mej., iv. 606-9, 652-9; Uceo Mex., ii. 153-6; 
Burney's Chron. Hist., i. 189-92; Hintoii's Handbook, 385-6; Magliano's St 
Francis, 573^; Hiltell, in CaU/cn-nian, i. 130-5; Poussin, Puissance Amer., i. 
340-1; Id., Question de VOrigon, 18; Id., The U. S., 234; Voyages, Selection, 
43; OraJmrrts Discov., 207; Lafond, Voy., i. bk i. 200-1; Coz%ens' Marvellous 
Country, 32; Arizona Hist. (Elliott & Co.), 35-6. 

^'' Icazhaketa, Col. Doc., ii. xxviii.-ix.; Cortes, Escritos, 299-304; Navarrete, 
Col. Viages, iv. 209. Cortes says he had tried to enlist the friar's services, 
imparting with that view what he had learned in the north. He also accused 
N. of similar treachery in Central and South America. 
Hist. Ariz, and N. Mex. 3 


accepts that view." And most later writers have 
had occasion to dwell on his gross exaggerations, 
sometimes indulging in harsher terms. Yet the fact 
that Coronado, accompanied by Niza to Cibola in 
1540, with all his criticism does not seem to doubt 
that the friar actually made the trip as he claimed, is, 
of course, the best possible evidence against the theory 
that he visited northern Sonora, and imagined the rest. 
A close examination shows that nearly all the state- 
ments most liable to criticism rest solely on the 
reports of the natives, and only a few, like the visit 
to the coast, and the actual view of a great citj^ at 
Cibola, can be properly regarded as worse than exag- 
geration. My space does not permit the reproduction 
of descriptive matter with sufficient fulness to illus- 
trate the author's inaccuracies. Fray Marcos was 
au imaginative and credulous man, full of faith in 
northern wonders, zealous for spiritual conquest in a 
new field, fearful that the great enterprise might be 
abandoned; hence the general couleur de rose of his 
statements; hence perhaps a few close approximations 
to falsehood; but there is no good reason to doubt 
that he really crossed Sonora and Arizona to the 
region of Zuni. 

As to his route, so far as details are concerned, the 
narrative furnishes no foundation for positive theories, 
though possibly by a reproduction of all the data with 
carefully prepared topographic maps, obviously im- 
practicable here, approximately accurate results might 
be reached. As lar as the Gila valley, Niza's route 
was possibly farther west, in part at least, than that 
of Coronado, to be noticed presently ; I have no doubt 
that it crossed the region between the Pima villages 
and Florence ; and beyond that point the two routes 
were perhaps nearly identical. I refer the reader also 
to the map given later in this chapter. 

" ApoKt. A fanes, 253. 'On est tcnte de croire qne les mines des Casas 

Granites du Gila pourraient avoir donne occasion aux contes debitees par 

le bon p6re Marcos de Nizza.' E«mi Pol-, 310. Heylyn, Vosmcuj., 967-8, says, 
' so disguised in Lyes and wrapped up in fictions that the light was little 
more than Darkness.' Coronado 'found the Fryer to be a Fryer; nothing of 
moment true in ail his Kelationo. ' 


Preliminary reports of Niza's progress, sent south 
by the friar and reaching Mexico before July 1539 — 
possibly including an outline of what he said of his 
discoveries after his return to San Miguel or Compos- 
tela — moved Cortes to renewed effort, lest perchance 
the great northern prize should elude his grasp ; for 
he claimed the exclusive right of conquest in that 
direction, and had strenuously but vainly opposed 
Mendoza's act in preparing for an expedition ; though 
he denied that the friar's pretended discoveries had 
any foundation in truth. He had a fleet ready, and 
he made haste to despatch three vessels, under the 
command of Francisco de Ulloa, from Acapulco in 
July. As this expedition did not reach the territory 
now under consideration, its results being confined to 
a survey of the gulf and peninsula coasts, and espe- 
cially as the voyage has been fully recorded in another 
volume,'" I do not deem it necessary to say more on 
the subject here. The viceroy also entered into a 
contract with Pedro de Alvarado, with a view to north- 
ern exploration, but the Mixton war and Alvarado's 
death prevented any practical results. After protest- 
ing and struggling against the new expeditions of 
1540, Cortes went to Spain, and appears no more in 
northern annals. 1 ^XGT'l 

Another expedition oy sea, fitted out by Mendoza 
to cooperate with that of Coronado on the land, was 
that of Hernando de Alarcon. This also has been 
described elsewhere,'^ and as an exploration of the 
gulf requires no further notice in this connection; but 
in August and September Alarcon made two trips in 
boats up the Colorado River, which he named the 
Buena Guia. He possibly passed the mouth of the 
Gila, though he mentions no such branch ; and it may 
be regarded as probable that he at least passed the 
Arizona line. This party also heard reports of Cibola, 
and of Niza's adventures ; and near the mouth of the 

"See BisL Nmih Mex. St., i. 77-82; and on the Alvarado contract, p. 96. 
"/(/., i. 90-5. 


Colorado they left letters, found a little later by a 
branch of Coronado's expedition under Melchor Diaz, 

Governor Coronado, as we have seen, came to 
Mexico with Niza, to consult the viceroy and make 
final arrangements for the conquest of Cibola and its 
seven cities. The conditions were most favorable; 
Mendoza was an enthusiastic supporter of the scheme ; 
the friar's tales were eagerly listened to, and often 
repeated with the usual distortions; an air of secrecy 
and mystery on the part of Coronado served still 
further to excite the popular interest ; and never since 
the time of Nuno de Guzman had the response to a 
call for volunteers been so satisfactory. There was a 
fever of exploring zeal, and it seemed as if the whole 
population of Mexico might be easily induced to 
migrate northward.^* Niza was made provincial of 
his order, and the Franciscans became zealous in the 
cause. A force of 300 Spaniards and 800 Indian 
allies was easily enlisted. Many of the former were 
gentlemen of good family and high rank, some of them 
bound to serve Coronado, wlio was made captain-gen- 
eral of the expedition, only by their promises as 
gentlemen. The names of those bearing by actual 
rank or courtesy the title of captain are given in the 
appended note.^^ In February 1540, the army was at 

"Says Snarez de Peralta, in his JVoiieios, 143, 148-9: 'Pne de manera la 
grita, que no se trataba ya de otra cosa. . .Era tanta la cudi9ia que i todos 
puso la nueva de laa Siete Ciudades qne no solo el virrey y marques levantaroa 
los pies pai a yr a ella, sino a toda la tierra, y tanto, que por favor se nego- 
ciaba el yr los soldados, y saear lifea^ia; y era de raanera que se vendian, y 
no pensaba el quela tenia, sino que ya era titulo por lo menos, porque lo en- 
carefia el frayle que habia venido de alia, de suerte, que dezia ser la mejor 
cosa que habia en el mundo . . . Segun el lo piutaba, debia ser el parayso ter- 
renal. . .En todo esto dijo verdad.' 

'^ Pedro de Tobar, standard bearer; Lope de Samaniego, maestro de 
campo (killeil at Chametla); Tristan de Arellano, Petlro de Quevara, Garci-' 
Lopez de Cardenas, Juan de Zaldivar, Francisco de Obaudo, Alonso Manrique 
de Lara, Gomez Suarez de Sigueroa, Juan de Sotomayor, Juan de Jaramillo, 
Bodrigo Maldonado, Diego Lopez, Diego Gutierrez; Pablo Melgosa de Biirgos, 
com. of the infantry; Hernando de Alvarado, com. of the artillery; Prancisco 
de Barrio-nuevo, Melchor Diaz, Juan Gallegos, Lope de Urrea, Luis Ramirez 

de Vargas, Francisco Garbolaii; Ribero, factor; Viliega. Castaneda gives 

Bome information respecting the family and rank of several of tliese officers. 


Compostela, whither went Viceroy Mendoza to deliver 
a parting address of encouragement; and in April the 
general with an advance party set out from San 
Miguel de Culiacan. 

Before leaving the north for Mexico, Coronado had 
despatched Diaz and Zaldivar, with fifteen men, to 
verify as far as possible Niza's reports. This party 
started in November 1539, and perhaps reached the 
Gila valley, but on account of the excessive cold 
decided not to attempt a crossing of the country 
beyond. From the natives they obtained information 
about Cfbola and the other provinces, similar to that 
given by the friar, but considerably less attractive 
and highly colored ; and tliey also learned that the 
Cibolans had requested the south-western tribes not 
to permit the Christians to pass, but to kill them. 
This report was brought south by Zaldivar and three 
men, who met Coronado at Chametla ; and while the 
news was kept secret, it was generally understood to 
be bad, and Fray Marcos had to exert his eloquence 
to the utmost to prevent discouragement.^" 

I append a note on the bibliography of Coronado's 
exjaedition.^' As I have said, the general left San 

'^Mendoza's letter to the king, of April 17, 1.540, with quotations from 
Diaz' report. Pacheco, Doc, ii. .S56-62; Castaneda, Rel, 29-30. 

'' The most complete narrative is that of Pedro Castaaeda de Nagera, 
known to the world only through the French translation, Castaiiedn, RebUioii 
du Voyar/e de Cibola, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. ix. 246 p., with 
an appendix of various doc. pertaining to the subject. The author accom- 
panied the expedition in a capacity not stated; wrote about 20 years after 
tlie occurrence of the events described, and ace. to M. Ternaux was a resi- 
dent of Culiacan. He was a man of ability and education, being a most 
entertaining chronicler, and apparently a faithful historian. There is a de- 
gree of inaccuracy in dates, but otherwise the record is reolarkably clear and 
satisfactory. Fernandez Duro, in his JVoiirias de Ali/unas Expedicioiies, 125, 
represents tlie Spanish original as pub. in Pac/teco, Doc, ix. or xiv. 373; but 
this is an error. If it is pub. in some other vol. or p. of that col., I have 
not found it. A copy of the Span, original is said to have existed in the 
Lenox collection in '54, when an eifort was made to have it printed by the 
Smithsonian Inst. 

There are two other accounts written by officers connected with the expe- 
dition. The first is the Relarion del Suceso de la Jornada que Fran. Vazquez 
de Coronado liizo en el Descuhnmiento de Cibola, in Florida, Col. Doc, i. 147-54; 
also in Pacheco, Doc, xiv. 318-29, from an original at Simancas. The writ- 
er's name is unknown. The second is the lielacion que di6 el Capitnn Juan 
Jaraniillo, in Florida, Col. Doc, i. 154^63; Padieco, Doc, xix. 304-18; and 


Miguel about the middle of April, taking with Iiira 50 
horsemen, a few foot-soldiers, a body of native allies, 

transl. in Ternaiix, i. ix. 364-S2. These narratives, though less extensive 
than that of Castaneda, are hariUy less important in several respects, both 
authors having accompanied Coronado throughout the march to Quivira. A 
letter of Corouado to the viceroy, dated Aug. 3, 1540, and describing the 
events of the campaign down to date, is found translated in Bamuisio, Navvj. , 
iii. 359-63; and HaUuyt's Voy., iii. 373-9. His letter of April 20, '41, to the 
emperor is not, so far as I know, extant; but a later letter, of Oct. 20, '41, de- 
scribing the exped. to Quivira, is found in Padieco, Doc, iii. 362-9; repeated 
in xiii. 261-8; and in Temaux, i. ix. 355-63. In Pacliero, Doc, xix. 529-32, 
is the Truslado tie las Xuevas, a letter or report from Cibola, date.l July 20, 
'40, giving an account of the march and of the taking of Cibola, the writer's 
name not appearing. 

Among the early standard writers, Mota Padilla, Cotiq. If. Gal., iii. 14, 

to be the only one giving details not apparently not drawn from 
the otigmals named above; but his additions are for the most part of slight 
importance and of unknown origin. Other references to authorities of this 

class are as follows: Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., i. 609-10; iii. 35S-9, 610-12; 
Herrera, Hint. Gen., dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. 11-12; Omedo, Hist. Gen., iii. 168; 
iv. 19; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 272-4; Mendieta, Hist. Eeles., 400; Beaumont, Cron. 
Mich., iv. 213-34, 378-86; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 107; Bemal Diaz, 
Hist. Coiuj. Mex., 235; Las Casus, Hist. Apol., nos. 32-7, 127-9; Bi'ias, THum- 
plios, 26-7; V^enegas, Not. Col., i. 167-9; Clavijero, Star. Cal., 153; Ale^e, 
Hist. Comp. J., i. 237-8; Salmeron, Relaciones, 7-9; Cam, Tree Sighs, i. 127-9; 
Lorenzano, in Cortes, Hist. Mex., 325; Galvano's Discov., 226-7; Noticias de 
Exped., MS., 241-2; Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 10-12. 

Among modem writers who have added to their version of the narrative 
useful comments on the route, etc., the first place should be given to Gen. J. 
H. Simpson, Coronado's March, in Smiilisonian Rept, '69, p. 308-40, who has 
discussed the question of route, localities, etc., in a manner that left little or 
nothing to be desired. Davis, Syian. Cong, of N. J/cc, 141-233, has given a 
condensed translation of Castaneda, with notes and remarks from his own 
knowledge of the country. The results of Baiidelier's, Hist. Introd., 9-29, 
investigations on the identity of the pueblo groups visited by Coronado have 
been most satisfactory, this writer having access to documents aa.l books not 
known to the others. In the same connection may be named the following 
works: Prince's Hist. Sh, 116-48; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Trans., ii.; 
Squiei-, in Amer. lieriew, Nov. '48; W/upple, in Pac. B. R. Repts, iii. 108-12; 
Morgan, in N. Am. Rev., April 'G9; MOllhausen, Reisen, ii. 211-12, 403; Emory's 
Notes, 139, 134; Ahert's Rept, 30th Cong. 1st Sess., Ex. Doc. 41; Ires' Col. 
Riv., 19-20; Davis' El Gringo, 61-70; Sc/ioolcra/t's Arch., iv. 23-39; vi. 67-71; 
Miller's Centen. Sk., 13. 

See also the following general references: Pay no, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2d 
ep., ii. 138-40; Escudero, Not. Son., 9, 27-9; Gottfriedt, N. Welt, 560-1; Laet, 
Norm Orhis, 299-305; Magin, Hist. Univ. Ind., 91-2; Bumey's Chron. Hist., 
i. 216-17; Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., vui. 481-2; Mmttanw, N. WeercU, 209-15; 
Pnrchas his Pilgrimes, v. 853; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethnog. Soc., i. 201; /rf., in 
Nouv. An. Voy., cxxxi. 247-74; Ruxton, in Id., cxxvi. 44; De Courcy's Cath. 
(■/(., 14; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 145; Domeneeh's Deserts, i. 174-9, 182; Green- 
how's Or. and Cal, 60-1; Ind. Aff. Rept, '63, p. 388; Murray's Hist. Trav., 
ii. 73-9; Brackenbridqe's Mex. Letters, 81; Id., Early Discov., 7-15; Dobh's Acct 
Htul. Bay, 162; Fedix, I'Origou, 68-9; Lardmr's Hist. Mar. Discern., ii. 98-9; 
Cromse's Nat. Wealth, 31; Broione's L. Cal, 16-17; Glee-^on's Hist. Cath. Ck, 
i. 66-8; Tuthill's Hist. Cal, 10-11; Frignet, La Cat, 7; MarcJtand, Voy., i. 
viii.; Barlier's Hist. West. St., 547; Fai-nluim's Life in Cal, 125-6; Larenau- 
diire, Mex. Gual., 145; Taylor, in Cul Farmer, Feb. 21, Mar. 14, Aug. 25, 


and all the friars, including Marcos de Niza. His 
route was across the Yaqui to Corazones and the 
Sonora valle}', thence continuing his way northward. 
At the end of April the main army under Arellano 
also left San Miguel for Sonora, where the Spaniards 
founded a settlement at San Geronimo and remained 
till October, then joining the general in the far north, 
except a garrison left at the new town. With the 
fortunes of this Sonora settlement of San Geronimo, 
abandoned after a change of site before the return 
of Coronado, we are not directly concerned here. It 
should be stated, however, that Melchor Diaz, sent 
back from Cibola to command the garrison of 80 men, 
made, in 1540, an expedition to the gulf shore, and 
thence up the Colorado, which he crossed to make 
explorations southward on the western bank. He 
did not, apparently, reach the Gila, but he may pos- 
sibly have passed the Arizona line. He gave the 
name Rio del Tizon, from the fire-brands with which 
the natives warmed themselves, to the Colorado, 
which Alarcon had called Buena Guia; and in this 
enterprise he lost his life.^^ 

The march of Coronado's party from Sonora to 
Cibola in June and July, and that of the main army 
under Arellano in November and December, presented 
nothing of special importance or interest for the chron- 
iclers, who have given us but few particulars of adven- 
ture or hardship. For us the cliief interest centres 
upon the route followed, which, in its general features, 
is by no means so vaguely recorded as has often been 
supposed, though in the absence of the original diary 
the narratives are naturally confusing, incomplete, or 

'62; Hinton's HandJjook, 386-91; H!tteU:m Californian, i. 130-6; Poussin, Pf/w- 
sance Amer., i. 340-3; /d., Question de I'Origon, 18-20; Id., The U. S., 2.34-5; 
Voynqes, Sekctum of Curious, 46-8; Fre/es, Hist. Breve, 191-5; Arizona Hist. 
(Elliott), 37-42; McKenny's Direct, 307; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 605, 654^7; 
Mofras, E:cplor., i. 95; Bancroft's Hist. U. S., i. 40; Marcy's Thirty Years, 
78-9; Kerr's Col. Voy., ii. 110-11; Buelna, Compendia, 10-11; Johnson's Hist. 
Ariz., 6; Hodges' Ariz., 17. 

'* For Diaz' exped. and the annals of S. Gerdnimo, see Hist. North Mex. 
St., i. 87-90. 


perhaps erroneous as to details, for some of which I 
refer the reader to the appended note.^' 

'' Jaramillo, Sel, who was with Coronado's advance, gives moat details. 
The route to Sonora was as follows: Culiacan; 4 days to Rio Petatlan; 3 days 
to Rio Sinaloa; 5 days to Arroyo de Cedros; 3 days to Rio Yaqui; 3 days to 
an arroyo where were straw huts; 2 days to the village of Corazoues; time 
not given, distance perhaps 6 or 7 1. (10 1. ace. to Rel. del Suceso, 318), appar- 
ently on the same stream, to Sonora; and 1 day crossing the stream to a vil- 
lage called (doubtfully) I^pa (clearly regarded as in the Sonora valley). From 
Sonora about 4 days over the desert (or unoccupied country), to the arroyo 
called Nexpa (probably the Sta Cruz, but possibly the S. Pedro); 2 days down 
this stream; thence turning to the right at (or to) the foot of a mountain 
range, wliich was followed for 2 days, and which was said to be called Chichil- 
tic-calli, crossing which range they came to a deep stream, with steep banks 
(Gila or S. Pedro?). How much they turned to the riglit (perhaps only keep- 
ing on N. while the stream tamed to the left) of the Nexpa, or how near their 
route was to the mts followed, is not shown; but that they were between the 
Sta Cruz and S. Pe.lro seems clear enough. Elsewhere J. says they gave the 
name Cliichilte Calli to the place where they passed, because they had learned 
from Ind. farther back that they called it so. What precedes is from the 
French version ; the Span, original (which may be imperfectly printed) differs 
somewhat, as follows: 2 days down the Nexpa, then leaving the stream, ' we 
went to the right to the foot of the Cordillera in a journey of 2 days, where 
we learned that it was called Chichiltie. There (clearly " Chichiltie Alii " is a 
misprint for Chichilte Calli) the cordUlera being passed, we went to a deep 
arroyo and Canada, where we found water and grass for the horses; ' or else- 
where, 'which (the Cordillera de sierras 300 1. from Mex., correcting an evi- 
dent error of punctuation) we named Chichitte Calli, etc. ' J. says that from 
this place they turned to the N. E. , thus implying that the previous course 
had been N., which, with the general tenor of all the narratives, is fatal to the 
theory — slightly favored by Bandelier — that Coronado may have crossed the 
main sierra to the Chihuahua Casas Grandes, and then turned N. (or N. w.) 
to Zuui. J. does not mention any ruin. 

Castaneda, p. 40-1 (who was with the main army), tells us simply that 
Coronado crossed the inhabited country till he came to Chichilticale, ' where 
the desert begins.' ' He was especially afflicted to see that this Chichilticale, 
of which so much had been said, was reduced to a house in ruins, and with- 
out roof, but which, nevertheless, seemed to have been fortified. It was 
clearly seen that this house, built of red earth, was the work of civilized 
people come from afar. They left this place and entered the desert.' The 
last village toward the desert, visited by Niza (p. 12). Begiiming of the 
desert, 200 1. from Culiacan, reached by Diaz and Zaldivar (p. 2i»). The main 
army passed a province called Nacapan, where grew tunas, or Ind. figs, and 
reached Chichilticale, near which they saw a flock of horned sheep, and then 
entered the desert (p. 53^). Name of Chichilticale given formerly to the 
place, because the friars found in that region a house which had long been 
inhabited by a people from Cibola. Here the country ceases to be covered 
with arbres epineux, and changes its aspect; here the gulf ends and the coast 
turns. (This identities the place with Niza's fertile valley, supposed by him 
to be in 35°.) The mts follow the same direction (that is, they trend west- 
ward), and must be crossed in order to enter again into the plains (p. 160-1). 
The nit chain is that of the South Sea (that is, the main sierra and its 
branches), and from Chichilticale, where the mts begin, to Cibola is 80 leagues 
(p. 188). The general course from Culiacan to Cibola is a little E. of N. (p. 

Says Coronado, Hakluyt, iii. 375: 'I departed from the Caracones, and 
always kept by the Sea coast, as neere as I couUl iudge, and in very deed I 
still found my selfe the farther off; in such sort, that when I arrived at Chi- 


In the map the reader will find the general limits 
of the route indicated, with no attempt to show de- 
tails, by the dotted lines on the right, and Niza's 
route by those on the left. The location of Sonora, 
in the region of Arizpe, though there are difficulties 
respecting the exact sites of Corazones, San Geronimo, 
and the village of Sonora, may be regarded as unques- 
tionable. That Coronado's route was via the Santa 
Cruz, and the site of the later Tucson, or that Chichil- 
ticale, the place where he changed his course to the 
north-east, was in the region where the Gila emerges 
from the mountains, is hardly less certain. Chichil- 

chilticale I found myselfe tenne dayes iourney from the Sea; and the father 
proviuciall sayd that it was ouely but five leagues distance, and that he had 
seene the same. Wee all conceived great griefe, and were not a little con- 
founded when we saw that wee found euery thing contrary to the information 
which he had given your Lordship,' and more to the same purport. He says 
that the coast turns west opposite Corazones 10 or 12 1., and he had heard of 
the ships passing. He remained 2 days at Chichilticale, and on June 21st 
entered the desert or mts beyond. lu the Reladoti del Suceso there is no in- 
formation about the route from Sonora to Cibola; and the same is true of the 
anon, letter in Pacheco, Doc., xix. 529. 

On the route beyond Chichilticale, Jaramillo says: 3 days N. E. (from the 
Canada reached by crossing the mts) to a river named S. Juan, from the day; 
2 days more to N., to river called Balsas, because it had to be crossed on 
rafts; 2 short days to Arroyo de la Barranca, nearly N. E. ; 1 day to Rio Frio; 
1 day through a pine wood to an arroyo, where 3 men died of poison; 2 days 
to the Arroyo Vermejo, N. E. ; and 2 days to the first town of Cibola. James 
A. Reavis, a man well acquainted with this region, where he has a large land 
claim, in Coronculo's Boute, a MS. kindly furnished for my use, identifies the 
streams as follows: the deep arroyo, perhaps Pinal Creek; S. Juan, south 
fork of the Rio Salado; Rio de las Balsas, White Mt River; Arroyo de la 
Barranca, Summit Spring; Rio Frio, Colorado Chiquito; next arroyo, Carrizo; 
and Rio Vermejo, Zuni River. Castaneda (p. 41) says that in 15 days they 
arrived within 8 1. of Cibola, on a river called Vermejo (red), on account of 
its soily and red waters; and (p. 55) that the main army, 3 days into the 
desert, on a river in a deep ravine found a large horn that Coronado had seen 
and left as a guide. One day before reaching Cibola they had a gale and snow 
storm. From Chichilticale to Cibola 80 1. (p. 162). Cibola was in a narrow 
valley between steep mts. The largest town was called Muzaque (p. 163-4). 
Coronado (Hnkluyt, iii. 375) says that after 30 1. they found fresh rivers and 
grass; also flax, especially on a river called Rio del Lino (prob. Colorado Chi- 
quito); then they came to the city of Granada; and (p. 377) there were 7 
towns within 4 1., all called Cibola, but no one of them so named. Ouly one 
was larger than that called by C. Granada, which had some 200 houses within 
the walls, and perhaps 300 others. Jaramillo says there were 5 towns within 
6 1. Castaneda (p. 42) says that Cibola was the village called Granada. In 
the Reladon del Siiceso, 319-20, the author says that Niza had understood aU 
the 7 towns — which really had from 150 to 300 houses each — to be one city, 
called Cibola. The route from Culiaean is 240 1. N. to 34° 30' (at Chichilti- 
cale), and thence N. E. to Cibola in about 30° (really about 35°). Niza had 
understood the largest town to be called Abacus, as will be remembered. 


ticale, the 'red house,' a ruin which gave name to the 
place, has been generally identified with the famous 
Casa Grande of the Gila, and I find no reason to ques- 
tion the identity. The ruin in itself would not suffice 
to fix the route, but it goes far to confirm the general 
purport of all the evidence. It is not necessary to 
suppose that Coronado's Chichilticale was the casa 
grande itself, but rather a place named for that re- 
markable structure, not far away. Niza had probably 
received his impressions of the Gila valley from the 
Pima villages; Diaz had noted rather the adobe ruin; 
and Coronado may have passed to the right of it, or 
merely gone with a small party westward to examine 
it. Nothing short of a minute diary of each day's 
journey could be expected to give a clearer idea of 
the course followed. I make no attempt to identify 
the streams crossed on the march north-eastward 
from the Gila between Florence and the San Pedro 
mouth to Cibola. 

The identity of Cibola and the Pueblo towns of 
Zuhi is so clearly established by all the evidence, and 
has been so generally confirmed by such investigators 
as Simpson, Davis, Prince, Bandelier, and others, that 
I do not deem it necessary even to fully recapitulate 
the proofs. No other group of towns will at all meet 
the requirements of the narratives. The difficulties 
and objections hardly merit notice. The few who 
have favored other groups have been led mainly by a 
desire to justify some exaggerations of the discoverers, 
by finding ruins to rei^resent a grander Cibola; and in 
support of their conclusions have found little more 
than the presence of ruins in most directions from 
most groups. The position of Cibola as the first Pue- 
blo province found in coming north-east, or left on 
going south-west; its geographical relations to Moqui 
in the north-west and Acoma on the east; the definite 
statement of Castaheda that as far as Cibola, and a 
day or two beyond, the streams flowed into the South 
Sea, but later into the North Sea ; the correspondence 




of one of its towns on a rock to the ruins of Old Zuni, 
and of the rest to the still existing town and ruins in 
the vicinity; and the agreement from the time of Es- 
pejo of all the early Spanish authorities who wrote 
intelligently on the subject — appear to me conclusive.^" 
Thus about the 10th of July — I give only approxi- 
mate dates, without pointing out minor discrepancies 
in the different narratives — Coronado and his men 
came in sight of the famous Cibola. The town first 
approached, and named by the Spaniards Granada, 
stood on a rocky mesa corresponding to the ruins of 
Old Zuhi; the one seen by Niza, if he saw any, was 
in the valley, like the pueblo still standing but per- 
haps built later; while the others are still represented 
by heaps of ruins.^^ The people of Granada, not 
appreciating the benefits to be gained by submission 
to the Spaniards' king and Christians' God, came out 
in warlike array to annihilate the little band of invad- 
ers, their arrows killing a horse and piercing a friar's 
gown; but with the battle-cry of 'Santiago' the sol- 

2' A reaum6 of reasons for the identity is given in my Native Races, iv. 
673-4. Bandelier, Hkt. Introd., 12-16, gives an excellent analysis of the evi- 
dence. Espejo, Relacion, 117-20, 180, found at Zuni some Mex. Ind. whom 
Coronado left at Cibola, and therefore his testimony to the identity should 
be in itself conclusive. True, there are two copies of E.'s Relacion, one of 
which gives the name Ame or Ami instead of Zuni, thus suggesting the sus- 
picion that tlie latter name in the other, and Hakluyt's version from it, may 
possibly have been an interpolation; but I think it more likely that Ame is 
a misprint; at any rate, the proof is more than sufficient without this. Sal- 
meron, Relaciones, 7-9, writing in 1628, speaks of Cibola as the capital of the 
Zuni province. Davis, Span. Com/., 120, found in a MS. of 1688 a reference 
to Zuui as the buffalo province, which he regards as conclusive. 

About the origin of the word Cibola there seems to be no certainty. It ia 
the Spanish name in modern dictionaries of the American bison, or buffalo 
(feminine of ciholo), and was, I suppose, of American origin. I learn from 
Gatsehet, through Bandelier, Hkt. Introd., 9, that Sihulodd in the Isleta dia- 
lect means ' buffalo. ' We may suppose either that the Spaniards, finding a 
strange animal during their trip to the much talked of seven cities of Cibola, 
formed a needed name from that of the towns; or that the towns had previ- 
ously received the native name of the buffalo. I think it not unlikely, how- 
ever, that the name was never applied to the towns till after the Spaniards 
came; but that the latter, far in the s. w., hearing the name— that of the 
buffalo or buffiilo country — often used by the natives, took it for granted 
that it belonged to the cities or province, the Ind. gradually adopting the 
■usage. But all is mere conjecture, so far as I am concerned. In a note to a 
doc. in Pacheco, Doc, iv. 299, Cibola is said to be the name of a province or 
its capital in Peru, noted for its hides. 

2' See descrip. of these and other ruins in Nat. Races, iv. 641-74. 


dlers charged, and drove them within the walls, kill- 
ing several. The town was taken by assault, after a 
struggle in which the general was knocked down by 
stones thrown from the roofs, and had hia foot pierced 
by an arrow.^^ Submitting, the natives forthwith 
abandoned their town. A few days later the other 
villages sent in their formal submission, with some 
gifts; but on being urged to become Christians and 
Spanish subjects, they tied to the hills. Some of them 
came back as the weeks passed by ; and relations be- 
tween the two races during the conqueror's stay were 
friendly, though marked by caution on the part of the 

And now that Coronado was at last master of the 
famous 'seven cities,' both he and his companions were 
grievously disappointed. They had found, indeed, an 
agricultural people, living in stone and adobe houses 
of several stories, dressed to some extent in cotton, 
skilled in the preparation of buffalo hides, and various 
other petty arts, and even having a few turquoises. 
Yet the kingdom of rich cities had dwindled to a 
small province of small and poor villages, and the 
conquest seemed a small achievement for so grand and 
costly an expedition. Doubtless, however, the Pueblo 
towns as they were found would have excited much 
admiration but for the contrast between the reality 
and the brilliant magnificence of the invaders' expecta- 
tions. On making inquiries respecting Niza's three 
grand kingdoms outside of Cibola, they learned that of 
Marata the natives had no knowledge whatever ; that 
Totonteac was said to be a hot lake, with four or five 
houses and other ruined ones on its shores ; and that 
Acus, a name that had no existence 'with an aspira- 
tion nor without,' was probably Acuco, a small town 
and not a province. Eight heartily was the padre 
provincial cursed by the army for his gross exaggera- 
tions, to wliich a much harsher term was freely applied. 

^^ According to the Bel. del Suceso, the Spaniards were repulsed in the 
assault, and had to withdraw to a short distance and use their nre-arms. 


What Fray Marcos had to say in his own defence 
does not appear; but Cibola was soon made too hot 
for the good friar, who was sent back to Sonora, and 
tlience farther soutli, to appear no more in northern 
annals. ^^ He probably departed with captains Diaz 
and Gallego, who in August were despatched with 
orders for the main army under Arellano, who was to 
join the general, leaving Diaz in command at Sonora, 
Avhile Gallego should go on to Mexico, carrying Coro- 
nado's report of August 3d, as already cited. 

Coronado remained at Zuni from July to Xovem- 
ber. Notwithstanding his disappointment, he had no 
thought of returning without making additional ex- 
plorations; and, indeed, there were reports of more 
distant provinces, wliere fame and wealth might yet 
be successfully sought. The most brilliant indica- 
tions pointed to the east, whither we shall follow the 
invaders in the next chapter; but information was 
also obtained about a province of Tusayan, with seven 
towns, situated some 25 leagues toward the north- 
west, doubtless the Moqui villages.^* Before August 
3d Captain Tobar, with a small force including seven- 
teen horsemen and Fray Juan Padilla, was sent to 
explore. Marching for five days through an unin- 
habited country, this party entered the province by 
stealth, and approached one of the towns at night. 
In the morning the surprised inhabitants came out, 
and after listening to what the strangers had to say, 
they drew on the ground a line which must not be 
passed. Then Fray Juan, who had been a soldier in 
his youth, lost his patience, and said to the captain, 
"Indeed, I know not for what we have come here." 
The Spaniards made a charge ; and the natives after 

^Castamda, Ret, 48. 

'■'* The name is also written Tucayan, Tuzan, Tusan, Tucano, and in Cas- 
taneda's chapter-heaiUng Tutaliaco. Castafleda in one place (p. 165) gives 
the distance as 20 1. In the Rd. del Suceso the distance is given as oo 1. 
■westward; Jaramillo says it was 5 days. The real distance to Jloqui in a 
straight line is over 40 1. Whipple, Pac. R. R. i?ej)^s iii. 108-12, thinks 
Tusayan was not Moqui, but perhaps identical with the Rio Verde ruins; 
which, however, are still farther from Zuni. 


losing many lives were defeated, and sued for peace, 
bringing gifts of food, cotton stuffs, leather, and a 
few turquoises. They, too, admitted the invaders to 
their towns, similar to those of Cibola but somewhat 
larger, and became for the time submissive vassals 
of the king of Spain. They had their tales to tell 
of marvellous things beyond, and mentioned a great 
river, several days' journey down the course of which 
lived a nation of very tall men. Thereupon Don 
Pedro returned and reported to the general. 

Then Captain Cdrdenas, who had succeeded Sa- 
maniego as maestro de campo, was sent, with twelve 
men, to seek the great river and the tall men. Being 
kindly received by the people of Tusayan, who fur- 
nished guides, Cdrdenas marched for twenty days, or 
fifty leagues as one narrative has it, westward over a 
desert country, and at last reached the river. But so 
high were its banks, that though deemed as large as 
the river that flows past Seville in Spain, and said by 
the Indians to be over half a league wide, it looked 
like a mere rivulet flowing three or four leagues below; 
and so precipitous that in five or six days' journey the 
Spaniards could find no place where they could get to 
the water. At the most favorable spot, three men spent 
a day in the attempt, but only succeeded in descend- 
ing about one third of the distance. Being advised 
by the guides that it would be impossible to penetrate 
farther for want of water, Cardenas returned to Cibola. 
This was the first visit of Europeans to the great 
canon of the Colorado, a region but rarely penetrated 
even in modern times. It was clearly understood by 
the chroniclers of the expedition that this river, flow- 
ing from the north-east to south-south-west, was the 
Rio del Tizon, discovered by Melchor Diaz near it^ 
mouth. No further explorations were attempted in 
this direction, and the Moqui towns were not revis- 
ited hy Europeans for more than forty years. "^ 

''^ Pedro de Sotomayor was the chronicler of this branch expedition, accord- 
ing to Castafleda; and the three men who tried to reach the bottou of the great 


canon were Capt. Melgosa, Juan Galeras, and an unnamed soldier. On the way 
back, at a cascade, they found crystals of salt. A westward course from Moqui 
would have led to the Colorado at the junction of the Colorado Chiquito, 
where the main river turns abruptly to N. of w. As no crossing of the 
branch is mentioned, and as the course of the river is given as N. E. to s. s. 
w., it would be much more convenient to suppose that Cardenas went N. w. 
to the river, and followed it southward, but not much importance can be at- 
tached to this matter. Gomara, Hist. huL, 272, and some other writers, 
speak of Cardenas' trip as having extended to the sea, perhaps confounding 
it with that of Diaz to the gulf. This may partially account for the subse- 
quent curious transfer of Coronado's discoveries from the N. E. interior to the 
N. w. coast on many early maps. 




At Cibola, or Zuni — Alvarado's Todr in the East — Tales of the 
Turk — Buffalo Plains — Acnco, Tiguex, and Cicuve — Map — Arrival 
OF Arellano and the Army — In Winter Quarters — Spanish Out- 
rages — A Winter of Snow and Warfare — Expedition to the 
North-east — Coronado in Quivira — Wigwam Villages and No 
Gold — Back at Tiguex — The Rio Grande Valley— Pueblo Names 
— Second Winter in New Mexico — Plans for a New Conquest — 
Orders to Return — Dissensions — Fray Juan de Padilla— March 
to Sonora — A Demoralized Army — Remarks on Results — North- 
ern Mystery and Early Maps — Ibarra's Entradas, 1563-5 — The 
Name of New Mexico. 

The discovery of New Mexico dates from the 7th 
to the 10th of July, 1540, when General Francisco 
Vasquez de Coronado arrived from the south-west at 
the province of Cibola, or the Zuhi towns, as related 
in the last chapter. On the 14th the general visited 
a peuol four leagues distant, where the natives were 
said to be fortifying their position, and returned the 
same day.^ During the absence of Cardenas on his 
trip to the Moqui towns and Rio Colorado, there came 
to Cibola a party of natives from the eastern province 
of Cicuye, with gifts of various leathern articles and 
offers of tribal friendship and alliance. Their chief 
and spokesman was Bigotes, so named by the Span- 
iards for his long mustaches, and he had much to say 
of the 'cows,' that is, the buffaloes, of his country. 

^ Coronado, Traslado de. las Nuevas, 532. Nothing is said of results or of 
the directioa. The fortified peflol suggests the well-known Inscription Rock 
east of Zuili, though the distance as given is too small. 

Hist. Akiz. and N. Mes. 4 (49 ) 


Accordingly, Captain Alvarado was ordered with 
twenty men to accompany the natives on their return, 
and to report within eighty days respecting their coun- 
try and its wonderful animals. 

In a journey of five days" Alvarado came to a town 
named Acuco, supposed to be Niza's Acus, built like 
Granada of Cibola on a rock, and accessible onl}^ by a 
narrow stairway, terminating in mere holes for the 
hands and feet. The inhabitants were hostile at first, 
but on threats of battle made peace and furnished 
food. Three days more brought the party, in a dis- 
tance of twenty leagues toward the east, according to 
one of the narratives, to the province of Tiguex, with 
its twelve towns in a broad valley, on a large river 
flowing from north to south, said to be well settled 
for fifty leagues or more, and to have villages for fif- 
teen or twenty leagues from the river on either side. 
This province became the centre of subsequent opera- 
tions; and indeed, Alvarado at this time recognized 
its advantages, sending back a recommendation to the 
general to come on and establish here his winter quar- 
ters. Then he went on with Bigotes for five days to 
Cicuye, on the border of the plains. The natives in 
respect of friendliness fulfilled the promises tliat had 
been made by their ambassadors, and, besides their 
specialty of hides, their gifts included some cloth and 

^ Thirty leagues ace. to Coronado, Jiel. del Sitceso. In the I7orida Col Doc, 
65-6, is fouud the Sclacion de lo que Hernamto de AU-anulo y Fray Juan de 
Padilla descuhrieron en demamla de la mar del Sur (Norte ?), of which the sub- 
stance is as follows: Left Granada Aug. 29, 1540, toward Coco (Acuco); 2 1. to 
an old edifice like a fort; 1 1. to another, and a little farther to a third; then a 
pretty large city, all in ruins 6 stories high; 11. to another city in ruins. 
Here is the separation of two roads, one to Cliia (to left or N.), and the other 
(to s. aad right) to Coco (Acoma), which town is briefly described; thence to 
a ' very good laguna ' (perhaps tliat where the pueblo of Lagiina stands in 
modern times); and thence to a river called Nuestra Senora, from the 
day (Sept. 8th, the arrival being on the 7th, making the whole journey 9d. 
instead of 8, as in Castaueda). Then follows a description of the 12 pueblos 
of this prov. (Tiguex, not named) in the broad valley. It is also stated that 
there are 7 pueblos abandoned and destroyed by the wild tribes of the plains, 
prob. referring to those iu the direction of Pecos; also, that in the whole coun- 
try are 83 towns. There is no record of the journey beyond the river. Some 
descriptive matter on a large towu, 3 stories of tapia and 3 of wood, with 
15,000 inhab., apparently Taos. As we shall see, Castafleda states later that 
Alvarado bad visited Braba (Taos) on bis journey to Cicuye. 


even turquoises. But what particularly attracted the 
captain's attention here was the statements of an In- 
dian, who claimed to be a native of Hurall, or Harale, 
some 300 leagues farther east toward Florida. From 
something in his appearance this man was named by 
the Spaniards El Turco, or the Turk. He spoke, 'tout 
autrement qu'il n'aurait du le faire,' of great cities in 
his country, and of wliat was yet more enticiiig, gold 
and silver in large quantities; and his tales were sent 
back by special messengers to the general. After such 
news, bufl'aloes seemed of slight importance; yet Alva- 
rado, in compliance with his instructions, made a trip 
out into the plains in search of them, with the Turk 
"as a guide, and he found the animals in great numbers. 

In this tour he followed a river for some 100 
leagues soutli-eastward. Then he returned to Tiguex, 
where he found that Cdrdenas had arrived from Cibola 
to prepare winter quarters for the army, and where 
Alvarado now remained to await tlie general. 

From the preceding narrative of Alvarado's expedi- 
tion, the reader familiar witli the countr}', or having a 
map before him, will naturally identify Acuco with 
the since famous and still existing pueblo of Acoma, 
the province and river of Tiguex with the valley of 
New Mexico's 'great river,' the Rio Grande del 
Norte, and Cicuye at the edge of tlie buffalo plains, 
from the vicinity of which a river flowed south-east- 
ward, with the now ruined pueblo of Pecos. The 
record of subsequent happenings will, I think, confirm 
these first conclusions bej^ond all doubt ; and I append 
some descriptive and other matter from the dift'erent 
narratives which point irresistibly in the same direc- 
tion.^ So far as Acuco is concerned, the identity has 

^ Acuco 5 days E. of Cibola and 3 days w. of Tiguex, Cmtaneda, 69, 71; 
30 1. and 20 1. substituted for the 5 and 3 days in I}d. del Suceso. On the 
march of the main army, Acuco was passed, but no distances are given by 
Castafieda, 82. Jaramillo, 309, places this village about midway — 1 day more 
or less— of the 9 days' journey from Cibola to Tiguex; but this author, by an 
evident blunder, calls the village Tutahaco, which, as will be seen, was an- 
other place. Eaton, as cited by Schoolcraft, Simpson, and others, gives 
Hah-koo-kee-ah as the Zuni name of Acoma. Bandelier, 1-i, gives the Queres 
name as Ago. 


never been questioned, I believe ; yet there will be 
found in most of the early narratives, indications that 

Tiguex — also printed Tihuex and Tihueq — is 40 1. N. (E.?) ot Cibola. Cuta- 
fieda, 1G5-6. 3 d. (eastward) of Acuco. Id., 71. It has 12 vil. on a great 
river; the val. is about 2 1. wide, and bounded on the \v. by high snowy mts; 
4 vil. at the foot of the mts; 3 others on the heights. Id., 167-8. Tiguex ia 
the central point of all the pueblos; 4 vil. on the rivei^below T. are s. E., be- 
cause the river makes a bend to the E. (no such bend appears on modem 
maps); up and down the val. the region explored extends about 130 1., aU 
inhabited. Id., 182. 20 1. E. of thepeiSol of Acuco, a river flowing from N. to 
s., well settled, with 70 pueblos, large and small, in its whole extent (and 
branches ?); the settled region extends 50 1. N. and s., and there are some vil. 
15 or 20 1. away on either side. Scl. del Huceso, 323. On the river are 15 vil. 
within 20 1., and others on the branches. JaramiUo, 309. Corona Jo, Paclieco, 
Doc. , iii. 3 j8, says T. was the best province found; yet not desirable for Span, 
occupation. Gallatin, 73, followed by Davis, 185, and Prince, 128, put Tiguex 
on tlie Puerco. The reasons are the N. E. direction ot Jemez from T., and the 
great river crossed after passing Cicuye, which these authors identify with ' 
the Rio Grande. In my opinion, these points are of slight weight in opposi- 
tion to the general tenor of all the narratives. It seems incredible that the 
Spaniards should have described the valley of the Puerco as the broad valley 
of a large river on which and on its branches for over 100 1. on the right and 
left were situated most of the pueblos. Darij admits that the Puerco was 
but a small stream, but suggests that it may have been full or flooded at the 
time; yet in a year and more the Span, had ample time to learn its compara- 
tive size. They went in their explorations far below the junction, and if the 
Rio Tiguex had been the Puerco, its junction with a larger river would nat- 
urally have been noted. See also what is said below on Cicuye. If, how- 
ever, any further proof is needed, we have the fact that Espejo, ascending the 
Rio Grande 40 years later, found the province of Tiguas with reports of Coro- 
nado's visit and fights with the natives. Espejo, Bel., 112-13. This province 
of the Tiguas, distinct from the Teguas, or Tehuas, was well known at the 
end of the IGth and in the 17th centuries, being on the Rio Grande and 
almost certainly in the region of Sandia. Bandelier, Hijst. Introd., 18-20, 
arter a study of documentary evidence which he cites, sind which I shall have 
occasion to use later, has no hesitation in locating Tiguex at or near Berna- 
lillo. Squier, Kern, and Morgan had previously located Tiguex ol the Rio 
Grande, above the Puerco junction. Simpson, Coronado's March, 334-5, 
w-hile admitting that some of the evidence points to the northern location, 
yet chooses to And Tiguex below the mouth of the Puerco, because only there 
is the valley bounded on the W3st by snowy mts, the Socorro Range, citing 
aUo Jeffei-y'a Atlas of 1773, which puts Tigua at the foot of those mts. 
Simpson's view of this matter would remove some of the difficulties in con- 
nection with Espejo's trip, as we shall see; but it would also create other and 
greater difficulties. 

Cicuye (printed also Cicuic, Cieuique, Ticuique, Tienique, and Acuique), 
reporteil to be about 70 1. east of Cibola, Castai'ieda, 67, 5 d. from Tiguex, 
strongly fortified, with houses of 4 stories. /(/., 71. On the way back from 
Q'livira, Coronado reached the Rio de Cicuye 30 1. below where he crossed it 
on the way from C, and followed it up to C. The Ind. said it flowed into 
the Rio Tiguex 20 d. below. Id., 134. Built on the summit of a rock, form- 
ing a square, with houses of 4 stories; 500 warriors. Id., 176. In a narrow 
valley between pine-covered mts, oa a little river. Id., 179 70 1. from Cibola 
and 30 1. from the edge of the plains; the last village toward the east. Id., 
188. Between Cicuye and Quirix there is a small, well-fortified village called 
by the Span. Ximera or Ximena (S. Cristobal ace. to Bandelier), and another 
larger one, nearly abandoned, called by the Span. Silos, and a 3d, entirely 
ruined, as was said, by an irruption of the Teyas savages 5 or 6 years before. 


the original Acoma may have been farther north tlian 
the modern pehol pueblo, and more nearly in a line 
between Zm^ii and Tiguex. As to Tiguex and Cicuye, 
Gallathi, followed by Davis and Prince, has located 
the former on the Rio Puerco, and the latter west of 
the Rio Grande. These authors thus escape from a 
few slight difficulties, to become involved, as it seems 
to me, in many greater ones, ignoring several clear 
points in the testimony and the general tenor of the 
records. While Tiguex, however, was certainly in the 
Rio Grande valley, there remains a slight doubt as to 
its latitude, such excellent authorities as Simpson and 
Bandelier differing in their conclusions. The latter 
puts the pueblo and province in the region of Berna- 
lillo and Sandia, while the former prefers a site below 
tlie mouth of the Puerco. Although Simpson makes 
one or two strong points in favor of his position, yet 
the preponderance of evidence is overwhelming — 
amounting, I think, to proof — in support of the 
northern site of Tiguex. Much that may seem vague 

they having attacked Cicuye, but without success. There are 7 vil. bet. C. 
and the Sierra Nevada, one of them subject to C. and half destroyed by tlie 
savages (possibly the one called Silos above). Id., 177-9. Ihe largest of the 
ordinary pueblos, with houses 4 and 5 stories high; 15 1. east of the Rio de 
Tiguex, on the border of the buffalo plains. Hel. del Suceso. Four days (east- 
ward) from Tiguex, past 2 vil. not named; then 3 d. a little more N. E. to 
the Kio de Ticuique (Cicuye); thea N. E. into the plains. Jaramillo, 309. 
Simpson, 336, shows that the way from Pecos to the Rio Gallinas (the main 
branch of the R. Pecos) leads N. E. about 50 miles over rough mts, ami may 
have taken 4 days (only 3 ace. to Jaramillo); also that the Gallinas, being 
Hooded, might require a bridge and be called a large river in May and June. 
He might have added that Alvarado's earlier trip down what may have been 
this stream for 100 1. may have had something to do with its being called a 
large stream. S. also notes the place called Sayaque, resembling Cicuye, on 
Jeffrey's atlas. It must, however, be admitted that if the great river was the 
Gallinas, the omission of any mention of the Canadian, so large and so near, 
is remarkable. Davis, 19S-9, and Prince, 128, put Cicuye ou the Rio Jemes 
or on or near the Rio Grande and west of that river, in the region of Sta Ana. 
This is to fit the location of Tiguex on the Puerco, and the only merit of this 
theory, so far as I can see, is to provide a great river to be bridged — though 
hardly three days from Cicuye — and D. has even heard of some traces of a 
bridge in this region! The theory of D. and the others would completely 
ignore all the pueblos E. of the Rio Grande. Bandelier's confirmation of the 
identity of Pecos and Cicuye derives especial weight from his personal exam- 
ination of Pecos and the adjoining region. 111-17. He tells us that the abo- 
riginal name of Pecos was Aqui or Agin (Agiu?), 20; and he suggests that 
the original Spanish of Castaiieda may possibly have been Acuye instead of 
Cicuye, especially as the name is in one nai'rative (Rd. del Saceso) written 


to the reader of this chapter will become perfectly- 
clear from later records. 

Meanwhile Coronado, having despatched Alvarado 
to the east, and having sent Cardenas, after his return 
from the north-west, to prepare winter quarters at Ti- 
guex as already related, awaited at Cibola the arrival 
of the ziiain army under Arellano, who came late in 

Coronado in New Mexico. 

November or early in December, without having had 
any noteworthy adventures on the march from So- 
nora.* Then the general, ordering the army to rest 
for twenty days before following him, started for Ti- 
guex with thirty men. Instead of the direct route b}' 
way of Acuco, or Acoma, he went farther to the right, 
or south, bent on new discoveries, as he had heard of 

' Castaiieda is clearly in error when he says the army left Sonora in the 
middle of Sept., and that Arellano remained behind. 


other towns in that direction. His party suffered se- 
verely on the way for want of water, which had to be 
sought in the mountains, where the intense cold was 
as oppressive as the thirst had been before; yet in 
eleven days they reached the Rio Grande at the prov- 
ince of Tutahaco with its eight villages,^ hearing of 
others farther south, and then following the river for 
four leagues up to Tiguex. 

Here Coronado found Cdrdenas and Alvarado await- 
ing him, together with the Turk, to whose tales of 
eastern wealth he listened with the greatest pleasure 
and credulity, all his companions becoming presently 
most enthusiastic in their hopes of a grand conquest 
in the near future.'' These hopes doubtless made them 
less careful than they might otherwise have been to 
conciliate the natives of Tiguex. Unmindful of the 
viceroy's instructions, and of the new Indian policy of 
which Coronado was to be the exponent, the invaders 
did not hesitate to take such houses as they desired 
for their own uses, turning out the inhabitants with- 
out ceremony, and otherwise disregarding the property 
rights of the people who had given them so kind a re- 
ception. The friendly folks of Cicuye received no 
better treatment, except that as yet they had not the 
army to support. Alvarado, being sent to obtain cer- 
tain golden bracelets which the Turk falsely claimed 
to have left at that pueblo, arrested Bigotes and an- 

^ Tutahaco with 8 vil. 4 1. down the river s. E. from Tiguex. Castaneda, 
76, 168, 182. Not named in the Rel. del Sme-so. By Jaramillo, 309, it is 
confounded with Aeuco. Simpson does not attempt to identity it. Davis, 
180-1, and Prince, 130, entirely misunderstand the route, and mistranslate 
the original of Castaueda to identify this province with the Laguna group N. 
of Acoma. Bandelier, 21-3, identifies Tutahaco with the region of Isleta, a 
comparatively modern pueblo (that is, modern in its actual site; the origi- 
nal Isleta was, however, as we shall see, in the same region, though possi- 
bly a little farther south). This conclusion, which of course cannot be 
questioned in view of the distance from Tiguex, makes Tutahaco practically 
one of the 'i igua towns. There is something suggestive of possible error in 
the existence of a province of 8 towns only 4 1. below the other 12, and about 
which so little is said; still the record is clear enough. 

. "By Mota Padilla, Conq. X. Gal., 160 et seq., and by some other writers, 
Copala Lake is mentioned as one of the regions respecting which the Span- 
iards at this time heard from El Turco and others. The same author states 
on authority not known that the town where the Spaniards were lodged was 
called Cooler. 


other chief because the ornaments were not produced, 
and brought his prisoners in chains back to Tiguex. 
Tlie general called upon the natives for a large quan- 
tity of clothing for the army soon expected to arrive, 
refused them time to call a council to apportion the 
tax among the towns as was their custom, and sent 
soldiers to take the clothing by force, the Indians 
being obliged in many cases to take the garments off 
their backs. A Spanisli officer, coolly calling to an 
Indian to hold his horse, ascended by a ladder to an 
upper apartment, where he violated the Indian's wife, 
and the wronged husband could get no justice. One 
pueblo was burned for some offence of the inhabitants 
not clearly specified; and many otlier outrages were 
committed. It is fair, however, to state that Casta- 
neda, on whom we have to depend for particulars of 
this winter's bloody deeds, was not very friendly to 
Coronado; and in the other brief narrative it is 
implied that the troubles began with the killing of 
horses by the natives. Whatever may have been the 
truth — and I have no doubt that these haughty caba- 
lleros were as usual utterly disregardful of the In- 
dians' rights— the result was, that civilization and 
Christianity were soon in bad odor; and when Are- 
llano arrived witli the main army from Cibola in 
December,' the whole province was in open revolt. 

The winter was spent, so fiir as the heavy snow- 
fall and intense cold — to which neither men nor ani- 
mals were accustomed — would permit, in efforts to 
conquer or conciliate the revolted pueblos. Captain 
Cdrdenas marched against the town where tlie woman 
had been outraged, gained the roofs by assault, and 
there fought constantly for two days and one night. 
Meanwhile the Mexican allies, by introducing inflam- 
mable material through subterranean passages, forced 
the defenders to sue for peace. Captains Melgosa and 

'The 1st night out from Cibola the army was lodged at the largest town 
of the province, named Muzaque. some of whose houses are said to liave lieen 7 
stories high. Theirlater route was via Acuoo, where they were kindly reeeived, 
aud wliere many climbed to the top of that famous peflol. Castannln, TD-SS, 


Lopez responded to their signs by crossing their arms, 
whereupon the Indians threw down their arms and 
surrendered. Being conducted to the tent of Captain 
Cardenas, the latter ordered them to be burned aUve ; 
and on seeing the preparations the prisoners, about 
100 in number, resisted desperately and were slaugh- 
tered. Cdrdenas alleged that he had no knowledge 
of the capitulation, and had followed his general's 
orders.^ A few escaped to tell their countrymen how 
the Spaniards kept their promises; and from this time 
to the final departure of tlie army the people of this 
province refused to listen to any propositions of peace 
from a race they could not trust. They defended 
themselves by barricading their towns, or ran away 
to the mountains, but to every offer of pardon and 
conciliation they simply pointed to past acts of bad 
faith. Captain Cdrdenas going with thirty men to 
the pueblo of Tiguex to propose terms was required 
to advance alone and unarmed; and being knocked 
down, was with difficulty rescued, several others being 
seriously wounded. Nearly all the natives of the 
province had taken refuge in this pueblo and an- 
other three or four miles distant. 

Then Coronado advanced with his army to attack 
Tiguex, but was repulsed in the first assault by the 
stones and arrows of the defenders with twenty men 
wounded, several of them fatally. Then followed 
a siege of 50 days, with many assaults and sorties, in 
which were killed some 200 of the natives and a num- 
ber of Spaniards, including Captain Obando and a 
gentleman named Francisco de Pobares.^ The be- 
sieged, suffering for want of water, dug a well inside 
the town, which caved in and buried thirty of their 

^ Mota Padilla, Histt. Cotirj. iV. Gal., IGl, says that Carilenas was afterward 
imprisoned in Spain for this act. Frejes, aec. to Escudero, Not. Son., 27-9, 
says C. was sentenced and imprisoned in Mex. Bustamante, in Goinara, Hist. 
Mex. (ed. 1826), 184, says that C died at Chametla. As we shall see pres- 
ently, C. left N. Mex. for Spain via Mex., in advance of the army. 

' Castaueda, 97-8, says that Obando or Cardenas — it is not clear which — 
was captured and carried alive into a pueblo during one of the expeditions; 
perhaps C, since it is said that 0. was maestro de campo in C.'s absence. 


number. A little later they were allowed to send 
away women and children, about 100 of whom de- 
parted ; and after two weeks more of resistance they 
all attempted to escape by night. The movement 
being discovered, the fugitives bravely attacked the 
foe, and were either cut down or driven to perish in 
the icy waters of the Rio Grande. A similar fate 
befell those who had taken refuge in the other town; 
and all the villages were taken and plundered, the 
inhabitants being killed, enslaved, or driven from 
the province. Not one submitted, or would accept 
the conquerors' permission to return to his home. 

The natives of some of the other provinces, how- 
ever, proved more tractable. The pueblo of Chia, 
a large and populous one, four leagues west of the 
river,'" sent in its submission voluntarily, and was 
visited by a captain, the inhabitants being intrusted 
as a mark of especial confidence with the care of four 
useless bronze cannon. Another party was sent to 
the province of Quirix, or of the Queres, situated north 
of Tiguex, and including seven pueblos." The people of 
the first were timid and ran away, but being overtaken 
and reassured as to the strangers' intentions, they not 
only became friendly, but aided in tranquillizing the 
whole province. During the winter, also, Coronado 
found occasion to visit Cicuye, or Pecos, where, to con- 
ciliate the people with a view to his proposed expedition 
eastward, he liberated one of the captive chieftains, and 
promised the early release of the other. 

'"The pueblo of Cia, Zia, or Silla still stands in about the place indicated. 
It is mentioned by Castaneda and without location or description iu Rel. del 
Siceeso. The name Silla is probably a corruption, as the Mexicans pronounce it 
Siya or Ciya. This direction of Cia is of course a point in favor of the northern 
location of Tiguex, and against that on the Puerco, though there is no certainty 
that the modern site corresponds exactly to the ancient. This is a pueblo, 
however, which we shall find often mentioned in the 1 7th-century annals. 
Davis, 202, mistranslates '4 1. distant on the river ' to suit his theory. 

" The province was later called S. Felipe de Queres. Its pueblos of S. 
Felipe, Sto Domingo, Sta Ana, Cochiti, and Cia still stand in the same region, 
though as we have seen Cia in 1540 was named by Castaneda as a distinct 
pueblo. Quirix is also printed Quivix. There seems to be no reason to doubt 
its identity with Queres, a well-known name of later annals. 


It was not until May 1541 that the ice in the Rio 
Grande was sufficiently thawed to make the stream 
fordable;''^ and on the 5th of that month the general 
marched with his entire force in search of the reported 
wealth of the regions beyond Tiguex, having previously 
sent Captain Tobar back to Sonora to bring up half 
the force left there. At Cicuye, Bigotes having been 
released in accordance with an earlier promise, the 
Spaniards were received as friends, and a guide was 
obtained, who claimed to be a native of Quivira. The 
Turk had before this time rendered himself liable to 
suspicion in respect of his veracity, being also detected 
in divers conversations with the devil ; but as the new 
guide, named Xabe, confirmed to some extent his re- 
ports of gold and silver, the Spaniards were much 
elated at their prospective conquest. A march of three 
or four days over a mountainous country brought 
them to "a great and very deep river which flows 
also near Cicuye, and was therefore named Rio de 
Cicuye," where it took them four days to construct 
a bridge. This river would seem to have been the 
Gallinas, the eastern and larger branch of the Pecos. ^^ 

A little later they entered the great buftalo plains, 
and in ten days came to the first habitations of the 
wandering tribes. Details of Coronado's long march 
over these vast plains have but little intrinsic interest, 
and still less importance so far as the history of New 
Mexico is concerned; moreover the records, as might 
naturally be expected, are far from being sufficiently 

"It must have been a most extraordinary winter; but probably the floods 
following the breaking-up of the ice may have been as formidable obstacles 
to fording as the ice, and a month of floods should perhaps be included in the 
delay. Coronado, however, gives the date of starting as April 23d. 

'■* As we have seen, the sizs of this stream has to be explained by the sea- 
son of flood, with the possible addition of earlier exploration by Alvarado. 
To thus explain away the difficulty is a very different matter from Davis' 
similar theory about the Rio Puerco, because on the Puerco the army speut, 
if D. and the others are right, two winters, and had ample time to learn its 
siz3 and its connection with the Rio Grande; while the Cicuye was merely 
crossed at this point once in May, and was once or twice explored below and 
shown to be really a large river. D. 's position that the Cicuye was the Rio 
Grande is wholly untenable. Yet, as I have said, it is strange that the 
Canadian fails to figure in these narratives. 


minute to enable us to fix the exact route followed. 
About the expedition in general, however, there is 
little or nothing of mystery or confusion. According 
to Castaneda, the army marched in 37 days to a point 
250 leagues from Tiguex, on a north-north-east course 
for the larger part of the way, and perhaps all, though 
the most enticing reports pointed to the east, and the 
statements respecting the direction are at the last not 
quite clear." Jaramillo implies that more than half 
the journey was directed eastward. I think it clear 
that east-north-east is nearer the general route fol- 
lowed than north-east. Two tribes of Indians, the 
Querechos and Teyas, both migratory, dwelling iu 
skin tents and living chiefly on buffalo meat, were 
passed on the way; and their reports, though contra- 
dictory, seemed to confirm the idea of a rich country 
farther on. The explorers also visited a rancheria, 
where an old native explained by signs that he had 
seen Cabeza de Vaca's party in the south. 

Besides Xabe, there was another Quivira Indian 
named Sopete or Isopete, accompanying the army, 
who had declared the Turk a liar, without gaining 
much credit, as the Querechos had partially confirmed 
the latter's testimony; but what the Teyas said fa- 
vored Sopete's version, and indicated that the Turk, 
perhaps from a desire to reach his own country, had 
led the Spaniards much too far east, Quivira being in 
the north. Finally', in a valley which formed the 
extreme eastern limit of the exploration, it was decided 
at a council of war held about the middle of June 
that the general should go with thirty-six picked men 

^'CastaficcTa's statements from time to time seem to foot up 23 days from 
Cicuye, exclusive of tlm 4 il. Jeteutiou in bridge-building and others, IG d. 
at least buiny x. N. E. ; then iu suinuiarizing he says they had marched 37 d. 
at the rate of C or 7 1. per day, or a total of 250 1. from Tiguex. The Rd. del 
Stres-i, on the contrary, gives the march as 150 1. E. and then 50 1. s. Jara- 
millo agrees with Castaiieda that the route was N. N. E. for about 10 d. from 
th3 crossing of the Cicuye to the country of the Querechos; but he says that 
for 20 d. or more from that point they turned east, or at least more toward 
the east. Coronado in his letter says the march was 9 d. to the great plains 
( Tiguex), then 17 d. to the Querechos, and 5 d. to the Tey;vs without 
any definite indication of the direction. 


in search of Quivira, while the main army under 
Arellano should return to Tiguex. The chief reason 
for this decision was the lack of other food tlian buf- 
falo meat; but Coronado states also that the guides 
had already confessed that they had deceived him 
respecting the buildings of Quivira, which were really 
of straw. ^* Arellano's force, after remaining fifteen 
days to hunt buffalo, returned in twenty-five days by 
a shorter and more southern route — in itself a proof 
that they had gone far to the east rather than the 
noi'th — to Tiguex. On the way they passed many salt- 
marshes, noticed multitudes of prairie-dogs, reached 
the Rio Cicuye, or Pecos, thirty leagues below tlie 
former crossing, following it up to the pueblo, and 
learning that that river flowed into the Tiguex, or 
Rio Grande, some twenty days' journey below. The 
arrival at Tiguex was before the end of July.^® 

After leaving the main army Coronado went north- 
ward for about forty days over the plains till he 
reached Quivira late in July, remained there twenty- 
five days, and arrived at Tiguex on his return in 
August or September.''^ Quivira proved to be one of 
several Indian villages of straw huts, or wigwams, on 
or near a large river. Tlie inhabitants resembled the 
roving Querechos and Teyas in most respects, but 
were somewhat superior, raising a small quantity of 
maize. The country was an excellent one in respect 

^'=' Pacheco, Doc, iii. 365. 

"On this return an Ind. woman, slave of Zaldivar, escaped, and afterward 
within 9 days she fell into the hands of Spaniards in Florida, who, however, 
claimed to have been at the time over 200 1. in the interior. So Castaneda, 
l.'jo, heard from these Span, in Mexico. 

" Coronado, in his letter of Oct. 20th, says he travelled 42 d. , making 67 
in all from Tiguex (apparently 73 by computation), or over 300 1., to Quivira 
950 1. from Mex., and in 40°. Castaneda, who was not with the general, says 
tlie journey out was 48 days, and the return 40 d. ; and that all was over 
the plains, though at Quivira some mts began to be in sight. The author of the 
Hcl. del Siiceso, who accompanied the party, says they travelled 30 d. N. to the 
Rio de Quivira, and 33 1. more to the settlements, 330 1. out (from Tiguex), 
and 203 back; also putting Q. in 43°. Jaramillo, also with Coronado, says 
about 30 d. n. (short days and irregular ace. to the water); nameil the Rio 
de S. Pedro y S. Pablo for the day of arrival (June 29th); then to R. Quivira 
(possiljly the same, as the text is not clear), and down that river N. E., 7 or 8 
d. to Q., where they were after the middle of Aug. (?). A cross was set up 
bearing the general's name at Q. 


of soil, climate, and natural productions; but the peo- 
ple had no knowledge of the precious metals; and 
even in their reports of large tribes beyond, there was 
but slight indication of either wealth or civilization. 
Moreover, El Turco now confessed that all his tales 
had been lies; but he claimed to have told them at 
the instigation of the people of Cicuye that the Span- 
iards might be led far out into the plains, to perish or 
to be so reduced in strength that on their return they 
might be easily vanquished. Having put the Turk 
to death, the general returned by a more direct route 
to Cicuye, where Arellano came to meet him, and 
thence to Tiguex. 

Coronado and his associates believed Quivira to be 
in latitude 40°, and about 200 leagues north-east of 
Tiguex. There is nothing in the Spaniards' descrip- 
tions of the region, or of the journey, to shake con- 
fidence in Simpson's conclusion that it was in the 
modern Kansas, between the Arkansas and Missouri 
rivers; yet on the other hand, it is quite possible that, 
as Bandelier is inclined to think, Coronado travelled 
more in a circle, and did not go so far to the north; 
and elsewhere in recording Texan annals of the next 
century, I have said that "it is to the east and south- 
east of Santa Fe, to the Indian Territory and Texas 
of modern maps, that we must look for the scene of 
Spanish explorations in this century, and that there 
is no need of placing Quivira in the far north-east or 
beyond the Missouri, as many writers are fond of 
doing." '^ It is not, however, of much importance in 
connection with the history of New Mexico to fix 
definitely the location of this wigwam province, even 
if it were possible. Several writers, misled by the 
name — including rather strangely Davis, who was 

'^^ Hist. North Mex. St., i. 391, and preceding pages. In the earliest edi- 
tions of the Native Maces, iv. 672, 1 carelessly said, ' Quivira, if not one of the 
Pueblo towns of the Rio Grande, was at least not more distant than the 
region of the S. Juan or its tributaries,' having then in mind the popular idea 
of Q. as a great town, and not the statements of the original records. In 
later issues the statement has been changed. 


well acquainted with the geography of the country- 
have fallen into the blunder of identifying Quivira 
with the ruins of Gran Quivira of mixed Spanish and 
native origin at a much later date, and situated only 
two or three days' journey south of east from Tiguex.^^ 
Meanwhile Captain Arellano made preparations for 
passing a second winter at Tiguex, meeting with many 
difficulties on account of the continued hostility of the 
people, who still refused to occupy their towns. Are- 
llano also caused some further explorations to be made. 
Captain Barrio-nuevo was sent up, the valley north- 
ward. First he visited the province of Hemes, or 
Jemes, with seven towns, one of which in the same 
region still retains the name."" The inhabitants of 
this province submitted, and furnished supplies; but 
not so those of another province of Yuque-Yunque, 
who abandoned their two line towns on the river and 
fled to the mountains, where they had four others 
strongl}^ fortified in places difficult of access;-^ yet a 
store of food was left in the deserted villages, with 
fine earthen-ware, and glazing that indicated the prob- 
able existence of silver mines. Twenty leagues farther 
up the river this party came to a large town built on 
both banks of the stream, with wooden bridges con- 
necting the two parts, and with the largest estnfas yet 
seen. Its name was Braba; the Spaniards called it 

'^Prince, 138-40, does not follow Davis in this instance, believing that the 
army reached the canons of the Canadian branches, and that Coronado reached 

2'' Castaneda, 138, says that B. went up the river northward and visite;l 
Hemes; but on p. 168 he says that Hemes was 7 1. N. E. of Tiguex (or per- 
haps from Quirix). This is the chief support of those who put Tiguex on the 
Puerco, but I have no doubt it is an error for N. w. According to Bandelier, 
23, 109-10, the Pecos language was spolcen at Jemes, and the original pueblo 
was at the S. Diego ruins, 13 miles N. of the present site. This author abo 
includes in this Jemes group the prov. of Aguas Calientes, with 3 pueblos 
mentioned but not located by Castaneda, 182. I know of no special reason 
for or against this latter identification, except that Ojos Calientes, or Aguas 
Cal. , is applied on some modern maps to ruins N. of Jemes. 

^' Yuque-Yunque is identified by Bandelier, 18, 23-4, with the Tehua group 
N. of Sta Fe, including S. Ildefonso, S. Juan, Sta Clara, Pujuaque, Nambe, 
and Teiuque. In strong confirmation of this, I note that S. Juan, or S. 
Galjriel, the capital of N. Mex. in the early years of the 17th century, is called 
in Emilante, Carta, 116, S. Gabriel del Yunque. The later Cuyamunque may 
also have some connection with this name. 


Valladolid: and its identity with Taos can hardly be 
questioned."^ Leaving the northern country in peace, 
Barrio-nuevo returned down the valley to Tiguex. 
Another officer was despatched down the river to ex- 
plore its lower branches, as mentioned by the people 
of Tutaliaco. He advanced eighty leagues southward, 
to a place where the river disappeared underground, 
to appear again below, as the natives said, larger than 
ever.°^ Somewhere on the way, but not necessarily at 
the southern limit of the exploration, they found four 
large villages, whose people offered no resistance. 
These were the southernmost pueblos, and may be iden- 
tified with those of the Piros in the Socorro region, 
abandoned during the wars of the next century."* 
This concludes the list of the New Mexican pueblos 
visited by Coronado or his officers, most of which, as 
we have seen, can be identified, in groups at least, 
with reasonable accuracy. It is noticeable, however, 
that the group between Zuni and Tiguex, represented 
by Laguna, Cebolleta, Moquino, and Pujuaque, is not 
mentioned," and as a matter of fact, these pueblos did 
not exist till much later. 

After these explorations had been accomplished, 

^^Braba is written also Yuraba. Castaneda, 139, says that Alvarado had 
visited this town on his 1st trip to Cicuye, which hardly seems probable. On 
p. 182 he says Braba was the last province toward the N. E., up the valley, 
and had but one town. In the Hel. del Suceso, Yuraba is mentioned as the 
northern limit of exploration, the largest pueblo in the country, with some 
15,000 inhab., and differing somewhat from the others in its construction. The 
distance of 20 1. from the Tehua towns is suflBciently accurate. Castaneda, 
IG8, mentions a province of Acha, 40 1. N. E. of Tiguex; but iu his summary, 
182, this prov. is not named. This leaves us to suppose either tliat Acha and 
Braba were the same, or to follow Bandelier, 23, in identifying Acha with 
Picurles. B. also notes, 109-10, 120, that from Taos in the N. to Isleta in the 
south, including Picuries, S. Cristobal, Sandia, and Galisteo, the same lan- 
guage was spoken, that of the Tauos. 

"The distance would carry the party nearly down to lat. 33°, and below 
the limit of the pueblo-town region. Of course this distance would be absurd 
if applied to the Puerco. The sinking of the river has not been very satis- 
factorily explained, except as nearly all streams in this region are swallowed 
up in the sand at certain dry seasons. See Simpsons Coronado s March, 323, 
with quot. from Gallatin and Humboldt on this subject. 

^♦Bandelier, 24, who notes that Senecil, farther s., was a Piros pueblo 
founded under Span, auspices in 1630. 

*^ In his summary, Castaneda, 1 79-82, mentions 6 pueblos in the snowy 
mountains; but the refererce would seem to be to the Cicuye, or Pecos, re- 


Captain Arellano set out with forty horsemen to meet 
tlie general on his return from Quivira, having a fight 
with the natives of Cicuye, where Coronado soon 
joined him. The report from Quivira was a bitter 
disappointment. For some unexplained reason, the 
guide Xabe had remained with the army, and he 
maintained to the last the truth of wliat had been 
said of gold and silver in his country, rejoicing at the 
approach of Coronado to confirm his statements, 
and correspondingly disappointed at the actual result. 
His words and manner had great influence on the 
army, which had unwillingly parted from the general 
in the east. Many of the officers and soldiers did not 
believe that he had made so long a march, or so 
thorough a search as he pretended; even the com- 
mander and his companions evidently still retained 
some hope of eventual success in the north-east; and 
these circumstances partially account for the grand 
role subsequently played by Quivira in the imagina- 
tion of explorers, writers, and map-makers. The plan 
was to undertake a new expedition out into the plains 
in the spring of 1542, as the rainy season had already 
begun. Just as the army was going into winter quar- 
ters at Tiguex, Captain Tobar returned from Sonora 
with half the force that had been stationed at San 
Geronimo. By this party Captain Cardenas, who 
had broken an arm, received news that called him to 
Spain, and soon started with a few others, carrying 
Coronado's letter of October 20th to the king. 

The winter was for the most part an uneventful 
one ; but there was considerable suffering, especially for 
want of clothing, as the natives were still hostile and 
refused to reoccupy their towns or to furnish supplies. 
Therefore the soldiers became discontented, and there 
was much disagreement between the general, officers, 
and gentlemen about the distribution of such food and 
clothing as remained. At the approach of spring, 
when preparations for a new expedition had been far 
advanced, Coronado, while engaged in a tournament 

Hist. Ariz, and N. Mex. 5 


on a day of festival, was thrown by the breaking of a 
girth, and received from Maldonado's horse a kick on 
the head. He was seriously injured and long confined 
to his bed. After partial recovery he had a dangerous 
relapse, caused by the return of Cardenas with news 
that the Sonora colonists had been massacred by 
Indians. Superstition also had its influence on his 
Aveakened mind; for a necromancer in Spain had long 
ago predicted for him a brilliant career in a distant 
land, to be terminated by a fall that would cause his 
death. The prevailing discontent among officers and 
men tended greatly to increase the leader's despon- 
dency and his desire to return that he might die near 
his wife and children.^® The soldiers at last presented, 
or were induced to present, a petition for return; it 
was decided in a council of officers to grant the peti- 
tion, abandoning further attemps at conquest; and 
the corresponding orders were issued; some of the 
gentlemen officers opposed this resolution, and others 
soon repented of their vote ; but apparently a majority, 
including the general, though willing to shirk respon- 
sibility, were not really desirous of remaining; and 
notwithstanding the alleged protests of many, and 
their demands to be allowed to continue the enterprise 
with a part of the army, Coronado refused to modify 
his plans, and even remained in his tent, pretending 
to be in worse health than he really was, in order to 
escape the importunities of his associates. 

Fray Juan de Padilla and Padre Luis, a lay brother, 
resolved to remain in the country and make an attempt 
to convert the natives of Cicuye and Quivira. An 
escort was furnished as far as Cicuye, where Padre 
Luis remained; wliile Fray Juan, accompanied by a 
Portuguese named Campo, a negro, a mestizo, and a 
few Mexican Indians, pressed on to Quivira. Subse- 
quently some sheep were sent to Brother Luis, and 
the messengers reported him as saying that he had 

"^ He had shortly before married a daughter of the treasurer, Alonso de 
Estrada. Mendoza's letter of '37 in Florida, Col. Doc, i. 128-9; Benial Diaz, 
Hid. Conq. Hex., 235. 


been well received by the masses, though the old men 
hated him, and would probably bring about his death. 
After the departure of the array nothing was ever 
known respecting the fate of this pioneer missionary 
of Pecos. But the Portuguese, with some of his 
companions, is said to have found his way later by the 
gulf coast to Mexico, bringing the report that Padilla 
had received the crown of martyrdom at the hands of 
the Quivirans, who killed him because he insisted on 
going to attempt the conversion of a hostile tribe. 
This is substantially the version of Castafieda; but 
there are several others; and respecting the number, 
names, and nationality of the padres and their attend- 
ants, the place and manner of their death, or the cir- 
cumstances of their escape, hardly two writers agree. 
This shows that little was really known on the sub- 

2' JaramiUo, 316-17, says that he left with P. Luis de Escalona a sla\'e boy 
named Cristobal; also that several Indians, one of them a Tarascau named 
Andres, and two negroes, one named Sebastian belonging to J. and another 
the slave of Melchor Perez, remained behind; also that P. Padilla took to 
Quivira a Portuguese, a negro who was a kind of subordinate friar, a mestizo, 
and 2 Ind. of Zapotlan, all dressed as friars, taking also sheep, mules, and a 
horse. After Padilla was killed, the Portuguese and Sebastian the Indian (?) 
escaped to Panuco. J. suggests that Sebastian might give useful information 
about the route to Q. from the east. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., iii. 610-12, 
tells us that Padilla was an Andalusian who had been guardian at Tulancingo 
and Zapotlan. He was one of 5 friars who went with Coronado, anotlier 
being Fr. Juan de la Cruz, and the two remaining in the far north with Andres 
del Campo, the Portuguese, and 2 Ind. of Michoacan. P. went with the 3 at- 
tendants in quest of new tribes to convert. Seeing that he was to be killed 
he sent the Portuguese away; and the two Ind., Liicas and Sebastian, managed 
by the aid of miracles to escajie, though the latter soon died. Fr. Juan de la 
Cruz remained at Tiguex, and nothing was ever known of his fate. Same 
version in Metidieta, Hist. Ecles., 742-5, and Vetnnmrt, Menolnyio, 121-2. 
Gomara, hkt. bid., 274, calls Padilla's companion Fr. Francisco (or prob. 
Franciscan), and there were 12 Michoacan Ind. Both friars were killed. 
Beaumont, Cron. de Mich., iv. 378-86, represents Fr. Marcos de Niza and Fr. 
Daniel as having returned with the army, leaving in the N. Fr. Juan de Pa- 
dilla, Fr. Luis de Escalona, and the lay brothers Fr. Luis de Ubeda and Fr. 
Juan de la Cruz, with the two Michoacan donados, Ltlcas and Sebastian, be- 
sides some other Ind. and the Portuguese and negro (who later became a friar 
in Mich. ). It is stated that Padilla and Cruz were killed, and implied that 
the others were also; but the Portuguese and 2 Mich, donados crossed the 
Missouri and reached Panuco, and later Mich. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. is. cap. 
12, seems to follow Jaramillo. Mota PadiUa, Hist. Conq. iV. Gal., 167-9, 
gives about the same version as Beaumont, but does not name Escalona; and 
he adds that Fr. Juan de la Cruz and Fr. Luis de Ubeda remained at Coquite 
(Cicuye ?), while PadiUa went to Quivira and was killed. Cruz was shot soon, 
but Ubeda lived in a hut and did good deeds, and nothing was known of hia 
death. 'The first martyrs of the church in the U. S.' Be Courcey's Cath. Ch., 


The return march of Coronado's array was begun in 
April 1542. All natives of Tiguex and other provinces 
of the north who had been enslaved were now released, 
for fear that if they were carried to Mexico their fate 
would be avenged on the friars who remained; but a 
number of Mexican Indians, besides those who went 
Avith the missionaries to Cicuye and Quivira, remained 
at Cibola, where they were found, as we shall see, 
many years later. Between Tiguex and Cibola over 
thirty horses died, though apparently in good condi- 
tion. It should be noted that from horses left in the 
country during this expedition may have originated 
the immense droves that in later times ranged the 
plains northward, though I have found no positive 
evidence of so early an origin ; also that sheep were 
introduced by Coronado. The march from Cibola 
south-eastward was uneventful. At Chichilticale, on 
the Gila, they met Captain Gallegos with reenforce- 
ments and supplies. The members of this party were 
greatly disappointed at meeting a retreating army, 
instead of joining the conquerors in the enjoyment of 
Quiviran spoils. The gentlemen officers thus rten- 
forced renewed their effoi-ts for a renewal of the con- 
quest, or at least for a halt until the viceroy could be 
consulted; but the soldiers would listen to nothing of 
the kind. Gallegos' men and others were insubordi- 
nate, but Coronado had lost all control^ his authority 
both as general and governor being disregarded. Most 
of the force disbanded at Culiacan in June; and Coro- 
nado finally reached Mexico with barely 100 men. 
Though at first coldly received by Mendoza, he gave 
explanations which were satisfactory, was honorably 
relieved of his command, and as soon as his health 
was restored resumed his duties as governor of Nueva 

Thus ended the grandest exploring expedition of 
tlie period, in which the Spani?rds learned in a sense 
all that was to be known of Arizona and New Mexico, 


tliougli tlie}' did not find the wonders tliey had souglit, 
and though they neither remembered nor made any 
use of their discoveries. The great Mixton revolt 
prevented anj^ immediate resumption of northern 
enterprises, which, however, would very likely not 
have been prosecuted in any event. Castaiieda, writ- 
ing twenty years later, expresses the opinion that in 
order to find any of the great things believed to be 
connected in some way with the Indies, they should 
Jiave directed their course to the north-west instead 
of the north-east; and he suggests that Quivira and 
the adjoining regions might be reached by a better 
route through the interior, or from the gulf coast, 
with aid of the guides who had escaped in that 
direction after the friar's death. 

The narratives of Coronado's expedition we have 
found remarkably accurate in a general sense, and 
quite as satisfactory as any records except an original 
detailed diary with maps could be expected to be. 
The general route has been easily traced, and several 
principal points on the journey have been identified 
with reasonable accuracy. There is a notable absence 
of exaggeration and mystery ; indeed, the country, its 
people and its towns, are represented as they actually 
existed. Yet it is no less remarkable, after making 
allowance for the stories scattered broadcast in Mex- 
ico and Spain by the returning soldiers of Coronado's 
army, how little eflect this exploration had on geo- 
graphical knowledge. For two centuries, though 
the narratives were extant and occasionally repeated 
with approximate accuracy, and though now and then 
an official report showed a fair knowledge of the facts 
in certain circles, no map within my knowledge — ex- 
cept Padre Kino's and a few others on the regions of 
Pimeria Alta up to the Gila — throws any light on 
the geography of Arizona and New Mexico, or makes 
any considerable approach to the general cartographic 
results that might have been reached by a fairly in- 
telligent use of the Coronado narratives alone. 


The historian Gomara before 1554 represented 
Coronado as having reached the coast, where he 
saw ships from Cathay with decorations in gold and 
silver; thus laying the foundation for endless confu- 
sion.^^ Espejo, visiting New Mexico in 1582, as will 
be related in the next chapter, while he found traces 
of Coronado's visit, had no definite idea of that otficer's 
explorations. Benavides, writing in 1G30, though cus- 
todian of the Franciscans in New Mexico for years, giv- 
ing a good account of the country, and even describing 
Coronado's journey, seems not to have had the slight- 
est idea that New Mexico had been the region ex- 
plored."^ Mota Padilla about 1740 gravely tells us 
that if Coronado had gone farther north and some- 
what westwardly he would probably have discovered 
what is now New Mexico.^" Many more accounts 
might be cited of similiar nature, with others much 
more and much less inaccurate ; and I may add that 
most modern writers — that is, those who allude in a 
general way without special investigation to this ex- 
pedition — have evidently regarded it as mysterious 
in most of its geographic phases, and have had a vague 
idea tliat almost any place from California across to 
Florida may have been visited by Coronado, if indeed 
the exploration was not altogether mythical. I think 
it time that the mysterious elements of the subject 
should be eliminated. 

And here I may suggest to the reader a perusal of 
the chapters devoted to the Northern Mystery, as 
already referred to.^^ There will be found, besides 
the curious complication of inaccuracies, exaggera- 
tions, and falsehoods, current for two centuries or 
more and resting on the expeditions of Niza and 
Coronado as well as on others real and fictitious, a 
reproduction of many old maps, which, while includ- 
es comanT, HM. Lid.. 274. 
'^Be,wri'/.<. J:,'ji:.i, llemomtraliee, 108-17. 
^Mota l'..,:;ib,. r„„v. X. Gntida, 169. 

^' See ///■-<. Xor/lui: ./ i 'na.if. i., cliap. i.-iv., this series, especially maps on 
p. 49, 54, es, GS, 82-4, 104, 108, 110, 114, 128, 131. 


ing in a sense the territory now under consideration, 
cannot be repeated conveniently liere, except one of 
1597, which explains itself. On the others will be 
seen on the South Sea coast, or on tributaries of the 
gulf of California, between latitudes 35° and 45° for 
the most part, scattered with but slight regard to any 
kind of order, the names, variously spelled, of Seven 
Cities, Quivira, Sierra Nevada, Cicuic, Axa, Tiguex, 
Cucho, Cibola, Tuchano, Totonteac, Granada, Marata, 
Chichuco, Rio Tizon, Laguna de Oro, New Mexico, 


Rio del Norte, Rio Bravo, Rio Buena Guia, Moqui, 
Anieies, Zuny, and finally after 1700 Santa Fe on a 
river flowing into the Mexican gulf Of these, Qui- 
vira, Marata, New Mexico, and Granada transformed 
into New Granada are made prominent often as prov- 
inces, while the province or kingdom of Tolm is added. 
At last in 1752-68 the maps of De L'Isle and Jefterys, 
with all their absurdities in other parts, give a tolera- 
bly accurate idea of Arizona and New Mexico in their 


rivers and other general features, details being largely 
and wisely omitted. 

While Coronado's was the last of the grand mili- 
tary expeditions for half a century, and while for 
much longer the far north was left almost exclu- 
sively to the theorists, yet toward the north there 
was a constant progress in the interior through the 
efforts of miners and missionaries in Xueva Galicia 
and Nueva Yizcaya, destined in time to cross the line 
of our territory. It was forty years before the line 
was again passed, unless there may have been one 
exception in the expeditions of Francisco de Ibarra 
in 1563-5. From a point not very definitely fixed 
in the sierra between Sinaloa and Durango, Ibarra 
marched for eight days to a point from which he 
saw a large town of several-storied buildings; and 
later, having gone to Sinaloa, he says he " went 300 
leagues from Chametla, in which entrada he found 
large settlements of natives clothed and well provided 
with maize and other things for their support; and 
they also had many houses of several stories. But 
because it was so far from New Spain and the Span- 
ish settlements, and because the governor had not 
people enough for settlement, and the natives were 
hostile, using poisoned arrows, he was obliged to re- 
turn." " Beaumont, deriving his information from un- 
known sources," as I have written elsewhere,^- "adds 
that Ibarra was accompanied by fifty soldiers, by 
Pedro de Tobar " — of Coronado's expedition — ' ' and 
by Padre Acebedo and other friars. His course was 
to the right of that followed by Coronado and nearer 
New Mexico. He reached some great jilains adjoin- 
ing those of the vacas — the buffalo plains — and there 
found an abandoned pueblo whose houses were of sev- 
eral stories, which was called Paguemi, and where 
there were traces of metals having been smelted. A 

'' See Bkt. North Mex. St., i. 105-10; also IlKirra, Relachn, 482-3; Velasco, 
Seladon, 553-61; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 538-41. Vargas, N. Mac. Tcitinu, 
129 (about 1583), tells us that Ibarra 'revolvid sobre la parte del norte hasta 
que did en los VaUes de las Vacas. ' 


few days later, as this wiiter seems to say, Ibarra 
reached the great city of Pagme, a most beautiful 
city adorned with very sumptuous edifices, extending 
over three leagues, with houses of three stories, very 
grand, with various and extensive plazas, and the 
houses surrounded with walls that appear to be of 
masonry." This town was also abandoned, and the 
people were said to have gone eastward. It is diffi- 
cult to determine what reliance should be placed on 
Beaumont's narrative; and there appear to be no 
grounds for more than the vaguest conjecture as to 
what region was thus explored by Ibarra. He may 
have visited some of the abandoned pueblos of the 
Gila valley; or may, as Beaumont seems to think, 
have gone farther to the region of the Moqui towns; 
or perhaps he went more to the east and reached the 
Casas Grandes of Chihuahua. 

There is nothing that can be added to throw new 
light on this subject, and I simply leave the record of 
what was possibly a new crossing of the Arizona line. 
It is perhaps worthy of notice, however, that in con- 
nection with Ibarra's entrada of 1563 the province 
of Copala is mentioned, a name that— though here 
applied apparently to Topia or an adjoining region 
in the sierra — figured later in the mythic northern 
geography; and especially that on his return Gov- 
ernor Ibarra boasted that he had discovered a 'new 
Mexico ' as well as a new Vizcaya. It is not unlikely 
that from this circumstance the name New Mexico 
came to be applied in later years to a country that 
Don Francisco had probabty never seen. Another 
noteworthy circumstance in this connection was the 
discovery in 1568 by a party of mining prospectors 
from Mazapil, in northern Zacatecas, of a lake which 
was formally named Laguna del Nuevo Mexico. This 
lake was apparently one of those in the modern Coa- 
huila, but the tendency to find a ' new Mexico ' in the 
north is noticeable. ^^ 

^' Tentimomo del desctih. y posesion de la Laijuna del Nnevo Mexico, hecJio por 
Fi-an. Cniio, ten. de alcalde mayor de Uis Minas de Mascipil en la Nueva GaUcia, 
in Pacheco, Doc, xix. 535. 




The Feanciscans in Nueva Vizcata— Fray Agustdi Rodeiquez— Provincb 
OF San Felipe — Details of Wanderings — Chamuscado's Return — 
Testimony in Mexico — Bibliography of the Entrada — The Friars 
Killed— Antonio Espejo and Fray Bernardino Beltran — Up the 
Rio del Norte — The Jumanas — Traces of Cabeza de Vaca — The 
Pueblos — News of Coronado — Map — To Acojia and Zuni — MoQui 
Towns — Silver Mines — Return of Beltkan and Part of the Com- 
pany — Espejo Visits the Quires, Ubates, and Tanos — Pecos or 
CicuiQUE — A Hostile Province — Down the Rio de Vacas and Home 
— The Name New Mexico. 

Forty years had passed away, and in tliat time the 
achievements of Fray Marcos and Francisco Yasquez 
had been wellnigh forgotten, or at least had taken 
the form of vague and semi-mythic traditions, so min- 
gled with baseless geographic conjectures as to retain 
but the frailest foundation of historic fact. But in 
those years Spanish occupation had gradually extended 
over a broad field nortliward from Nueva Galicia to 
the latitude of southern Chihuahua. Here, in the 
region corresponding to the later Allende and Jimenez, 
known then by the various names of San Bartolome, 
Santa Bdrbara, Santa Barbola, and San Gregorio, rich 
mines had been discovered, a flourishing settlement 
had sprung into existence, the Franciscan friars were 
striving with their accustomed zeal, and a small mili- 
tary force was maintained for the protection of miners, 
missionaries, and a few settlers from the ever-impend- 
ing raids of savage tribes of the north and east.^ 

' For the annals of this region in the 16th and 17th centuries, see Hist. 
North Mex. States. 



One of the missionary band stationed at this fron- 
tier outpost of the San Bartolome valley was Fray 
Agustin Rodriguez.^ In the wanderings to which 
he was called by duty and by his ardent desire for 
martyrdom, the good friar came in contact with the 
Conchos, who lived on the river so called, and from 
them he heard rumors of a superior people dressed in 
cotton, whose home was in the north. Padre Agus- 
tin chanced to have read Cabeza de Vaca's narrative, 
and this gave the new reports additional interest in 
his eyes, though he appears to have known nothing of 
Coronado's entrada. If, while winning his coveted 
crown of martyrdom, he could also achieve the glory 
of a new conquista espiritual, so much the better for 
himself and his order. Therefore, in November 1580, 
he applied to Viceroy Corufia for a license to under- 
take the enterprise, apparently visiting Mexico for 
that purpose. The king had forbidden new entradas 
except with royal license; yet the viceroy took the 
liberty of authorizing the organization of a volunteer 
escort not exceeding twenty men, who might also 
carry along some articles for barter; the padre pro- 
vincial gave the required permission; and the friar re- 
turned to San Bartolome to fit out his party. 

Two other Franciscans, padres Juan de Santa Maria 
and Francisco Lopez, were assigned by the provincial 
to the new field; eight or nine soldiers of the twenty 
allowed were induced, in the hope of finding mines, to 
volunteer their services, one of the number, Francisco 
Sanchez Chamuscado, being made their leader;^ and 
from eight to fifteen Indian servants, besides a mes- 
tizo named Juan Bautista, were engaged for the trip. 

^In the narrative attached to Espejo's relation, more widely circulated 
than any other, he is called Agustin Ruiz, and by this name he is known to 
modern writers; but the original records to be cited presently leave no doubt 
on the matter; and he is also called Rodriguez by Torquemada, Arlegui, Mota 
Padilla, Aparicio, and others. Vargas, in Pacheco, iJoc, xv. 131, calls him 

^ Their names were Pedro Bustamante, Hernan Gallegos, Felipe Esealante, 
Hernando Barrundo, and (according to VillagrA) Pedro Sanchez de Chavez, 
Juan Sanchez, Herrera, and Fuensalida. There were perhaps S men besides 
the leader. 


This party, some twenty strong, set out from San 
Bartolome on the 6th of June, 1581, and followed the 
Rio Concha, or Conchos, down to its junction with a 
very large river which they named the Guadalquivir, 
really the Rio Grande, or Bravo del Norte. Up this 

Eaely Routes to New Mexico. 

river they marched for 20 days, or 80 leagues, as they 
overestimated the distance, to the first group of pue- 
blos, to which province, or rather to the whole region 
of the pueblos, they gave the name of San Felipe, 


arriving in August.* This first group was in the 
Socorro region, being the same visited by Coronado's 
officers. From this point they continued their jour- 
ney up the valley, and visited most of the groups on 
the main river and its branches. I append an outline 
of their movements,^ from which it will be apparent 
that the towns visited cannot be accurately identified 
from the meagre details of the testimony, the good 
faith of which, however, there is no reason to ques- 
tion. A pueblo of Puaray was made the centre of 
operations, and from later records it is reasonably 
clear that this place was in the Tigua province, or 
Coronado's Tiguex. Here the friars remained while 
the soldiers made all or part of their exploring trips; 
and here they were finally left with their Indian 
attendants and the mestizo, by Chamuscado and his 
men, who set out on their return in December or 

* Barrundo and Escalante in their Belacion state that from S. Bartolome 
they travelled 31 days among tribes of wild Ind., then 19 days through a 
desert, uninhabited country, and on Aug. loth found an Ind. who told of a 
maize-producing people ahead, the pueblos being reached on Aug. 21st; but 
there is some confusion, as 31 and 19 d. from June 6th would not be Aug. 

^The statement of B. and E. as cited in note 4 is that the 1st pueljlo had 
45 houses, and half a league farther were found 5 more towns; ami in all the 
province for a space of 50 1. there were Gl towns with a pop. of over 130,000. 
The following is the narrative of Bustamante and Gallegos: Heard of many 
pueblos on both sides of the river; went on up the river, visiting many and 
seeing more; reached a province of different language and dress; and still 
another with better houses, a good descrip. of the towns being given. (This 
may be supposed to have been the Tigua prov., or Coronado's Tiguex.) Then 
they left the river, but still went N. one day to a large pueblo of 400 or 500 
houses of 4 or 5 stories, which they called Tlascala (possibly Cia); and heard 
of a large settlement 10 d. farther N. ; but turned back, and from one of the 
pueblos previously visited and named Castildavid crossed the river to the 
s. (?), and by a small branch river went to 3 fine pueblos, where they 
heard of 11 more of a different nation farther up not visited, this valley (not 
clear if it was the one with 3 or that with 11) being named Valleviciosa. 
Then they went 30 1. in dif. directions in quest of buffalo, finding many, es- 
pecially at certain springs and plains which they called Llanos de S. Fran- 
cisco y Aguas Zaroas; saw also a rancheria of wild Ind. with dogs carrying 
burdens. Thence they returned to the pueblo (one of the 3), and from that 
point went down the river to a pueblo called Puaray, or Puara (near Tiguex). 
Here they heard of a valley of Came in the s. , which they visited, finding 6 
pueblos of a dif. nation, hearing also of a valley of Asay, or Osay, with 5 
pueblos and much cotton, but the snow prevented their going farther. Back 
at Puaray they went 14 1. across the Sierra Morena to visit some fine salinas, 
where they obtained specimens of salt for Mexico, and where they saw and 
heard of other towns. Returning again to Puaray, where the friars had 
remained, Chamuscado and his soldiero started back for S. Bartolome. 


January. The natives had been everywhere friendly, 
and no trouble was anticipated; or at least there is 
no evidence that the missionaries objected to the de- 
parture of the escort. 

On his return to San Bartolome, Chamuscado and 
some of his men started for Mexico to report, particu- 
larly on some mining prospects they had found in the 
far north; but the leader died on the way. In May 
1582 the testimony of two of the men was taken before 
the viceroy, and this, as supplemented by other evi- 
dence a little later, constitutes our best authority on 
the expedition of Padre Rodriguez.^ This supple- 
mentary investigation was occasioned by rumors that 
the friars left in the north had been killed; and Bar- 
rundo, one of Chaiuuscado's men, testified that among 
the southern Indians who had voluntaril}' remained 
at Puaray were three named Andres, Francisco, and 
Ger6nimo, the latter a servant of the witness. Fran- 
cisco had made his appearance at San Bartolome, and 
had stated that Padre Lopez, the guardian or chief of 
the friars, had been killed by the natives of Puaray, 
whereupon the three Indians had taken flight, believ- 

' {Nuevo Medco), Testimonio dado en Mejico so^re el Descuhnmiento de dos- 
ckntas leguas adelanie de las miims de Santa Bdrbola, gobernadon. de Diego de 
I'mrra: cuyo descubrimiento se hizo en virtud de cierta liceiwia que pidid Fi: Agus- 
tin RodriijULZ ij otros religiosos Franciscanos. Acompailan relaciones de eUe des- 
ciihriiniinfo y otros documentos. Anos 15S2-3. In Pacheco, Doc, xv. 80-150. 
First we have the testimony of Bustamante and Gallegos, given May 16th, 
the day after their arrival, pp. 80-95; 2d, testimony of Hern. Bamindo, taken 
Oct. 20th, pp. 95-7; 3d, report of the viceroy to king, Nov. 1st, with other 
corresp. of later date, pp. 97-101; 4th, Espejo, Relation, as noted elsewhere, 
including a brief preliminary account of Rodriguez' trip, pp. 101-26; 5th, an 
undated resume of the N. ilex, expeditions, including those of Rodriguez and 
Espejo, by Francisco Diaz de Vargas, pp. 126-37; 6th, views of Rodrigo Rio 
de Losa on the preparations necessary for a new entrada, resulting in that of 
Espejo, pp. 137^0; 7th (Escalanie and Bamindo), Sikxcion Breve y verdadera 
del descitOrimierUo del Stievo Mexico, a statement by two of Chamuscado 's men, 
made after the return of part of Espejo's force, pp. 146-50. (Also given in 
Cartas de Iiidias, 230-3.) A repetition of Espejo s relation follows in another 
expediente. For other authorities, see the following note. 

All the witnesses speak of the discovery of mines, and E. and B., Bel. , 149, 
give the following details: 'Asimismo descubrimos en la dicha tierra once 
descubrimientos de minas con vetas muy poderosas, todas eUas de metales de 
plata, que de los ties dellos se truxo el metal a esta ciudad, y se did a Su 
Excelencia; el lo mandd ensayar al ensayador de la casade la moneda, el cual 
los ensayd y les hallo, al un metal dellos a la mitad de plata; al otro haUd a 
veinte marcos por quintal, y al otro cinco marcos. ' 


ing from the tumult they heard that Rodriguez and 
Santa Maria were also killed. Andres was killed on 
the return, but Ger6nimo was found in the Zacatecas 
mines, and confirmed what Francisco had said, coming 
to Mexico with the witness, but subsequently disap- 
pearing. This may be regarded as practically all that 
was ever known respecting the circumstances of the 
friars' death. It would appear, however, that Santa 
Maria was the first to die instead of Lopez, and that 
he was killed at some distance from Puaray, where 
the others met their fate. Some variations of the 
story, possibly resting to a slight extent on additional 
information, are appended. '^ 

' Espejo, Hel, 164, 175-7 (112-15), represents Sta Maria as the first victim 
at a distance from Puaray, and even states that he was killed before Chamus- 
cado's departure; but this last would seem unlikely, since it would involve 
the witnesses in direct falsehood. E. may have confounded C. 's return with 
that of the 3 Indians a httle later. In HaUuyt's Voy., iii. 383, 389-90, is 
given a version of Rodriguez' (called Ruiz, as already noted) expedition witli 
that of Espejo, in Span, and Engl., taken from Gonzalez de Mendoza's Hist. 
China, ed. of Madrid, 1586, which I have not seen. Laet, Nmms Orbis, 303, 
took the account from the ed. of 1589. I have the ItaL ed. of '86 and the 
Span, of '96, neither of which contains this matter. Neither does Brunet or 
any other bibliographer that I have consulted note any such difference in edi- 
tions; though of course I do not doubt that such a curious difference exists. 
This version is the one followed by most modern writers, as Whipple, in Pac. 
S. R. Iiept% iii. 113-15. It is given substantially in Moiitamis, N. Weei-eld, 
215-16; and Dapper, N. Welt, 242-3; OgiUy's Amer., 292-5; Holmes' Annals 
o/Amer., i. 95. 

P. Zarate de Salmeron, Relaciones, 9-10, and P. Niel, Apurd., 87-8, fol- 
lowed by Davis, Span. Conq., 234^9, Prince, Hint. St, 149-52, and others, 
tell us that at Puara (located by Davis 8 miles above Alburquerque) the 
soldiers refused to go on, and in spite of the friars' persuasions abandoned 
them and returned to the south. The padres went on to Galisteo, of the 
Tanos nation, where P. Sta Maria volunteered to go on to Mexico for a mis- 
sionary reenforcement, while the others returned to Puara. Sta Maria 
crossed the Sandia Mts, and on the 3d day at S. Pablo (S. Pedro ace. to Niel, 
perhaps S. Pedro y S. Pablo), of the Teguas (Tiguas) nation, when he stopped 
to rest under a tree, the natives killed him and burned his remains. After a 
season of spiritual prosperity at Puara, P. Lopez, while engaged in his devo- 
tions about a league from the pueblo, was killed by an Ind., and his body 
was brought for burial to the town. P. Ruiz (Rodriguez) was now alone, but 
even the protection of the Tigua chief, who removed him to Santiago a league 
and a half up the river, could not save his life; and his dead body was soon 
thrown into the river. The remains of Lopez were disinterred in 1614, and 
reburied in the church at Sandia. Of course the statements of Salmeron and 
Niel command respect, even though the source of their information is not 
definitely known. Davis seems to have translated Salmeron 's text — which oa 
p. 278 he says he was unable to find — without knowing it, having probably 
seen a MS. copy which he may have mistaken for an original doc. in the 

Torquemada's version, Monarq. Ind., iii. 459, 626-8, is similar to that just 


It seemed to the viceroy and his advisers in Mex- 
ico altogether proper and even necessary that some- 
thing should be done, not only to ascertain the fate of 
the two friars, and succor them if still alive, but to 
investigate the truth of Chamuscado's reports respect- 
ing silver mines, and the general desirability of the 
northern province for Spanish occupation. But long 
before the red-tape processes in vogue at the capital 
could be concluded, the expediente completed, the 
king consulted, and any practical result reached, a 
new expedition was planned and carried out indepen- 
dently of the national authorities. 

The Franciscans of Nueva Vizcaya were naturally 
much troubled about the fate of Padre Rodriguez and 
his companion, after the return of their native attend- 
ants with reports that one of the three friars had been 
killed; and Padre Bernardino Beltran was eager to 
represent his order in a new entrada. Don Antonio 
Espejo, a rich citizen of Mexico who chanced to be 
sojourning temporarily at the Santa Biirbara mines, 
and who had a taste for adventure, was willing to pay 
the expenses of the expedition, and serve as com- 
mander. There was no time to consult the viceroy, 
but the alcalde mayor of Cuatro Cienegas took it upon 

noticed. He gives some biographic matter about the three martyrs. Rodi- 
guez was a lay friar, a native of Niebla iu Spain, who had penetrated some 
distance northward before he went to Mex. to get a license for the expedition. 
Lopez was an Andalusiau, and superior of the band. Sta Maria was a Cata- 
lan, ver3ed in astrology, whic-h peculiarity led him to try a new route of re- 
turn. The friars went 0:1 loO 1. after the soldiers left them, to N. Mex. — so 
named by this party. His meaning is perhaps that the escort turned back 
somewhere in the El Paso region, and did not reach the pueblos. This author 
is followed literally or in substance by Vetancur, Croii., 95; hi., Menohyio, 
57-8, 1.30; Mendieta, Hlit. Seles., 7J2-5; an 1 Fernaadaz, Hift. Ecles., 57-8. 
Arlegui, Chron. de Zac, 227-32, gives a similar version, but tells us that the 
soldiers turned back at S., and the friars kept on to a spring called 
Sta Maria de las Canetas (in northern Chihuahua), where two were killed, 
after the other had started to return, by a tribe hostile to the one vriih whom 
they worked. Aparieio. Conventos, 281, makes the date 1551, and the distance 
to the Tiguas 40J 1. Mota Padilla, Conq. JST. Gal, 107-9, tells us they went 
beyond the Tiguas and were killed in the prov. of Marata! Alegre, Hist. 
Co.i:p. Jesus, i. 326-7, seems to have no idea that they went so far north as 
N. Mex. Alcedo, Dice, iii. 183^, implies that Ruiz accompjinied Espejo. 
ViUagra, Hist. N. Mex., 35, gives a poetical version, and, as we have seen, 
names the members of Chamuscado's party. See also Calk, Ifolicias, 101-2; 
Salc.zar, Monarqula de Espai'ia, ii. 258-9; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 145; Pifiio, N, 
Mex., 5; St Fraiias' Life, 575. 


himself to issue tlie needed license and commission; 
fourteen soldiers volunteered for the service;^ a num- 
ber of native servants were obtained; Espejo fitted 
out tlie party with the necessary arms and supplies, 
including 115 horses and mules; and the start was 
made from San Bartolomd on the 10th of November, 
1582. The route as before was down the Rio Conchos 
to the junction of the Bravo, a distance of 59 leagues, 
accomplished in fifteen days, as is somewhat vaguely 
indicated in the narrative.^ On the way Espejo found 

*The soldiers were Juan Lopez de Ibarra, Diego Perez de Lujan, Gaspar 
de Lujan, Cristxjbal Sanchez, Gregorio Hernandez, Juan Hernandez, Miguel 
Sanchez Valenciauo, with wife and two sons, Lazaro Sanchez and Miguel San- 
chez Nevado, Pedro Hernandez de Almansa, Francisco Barreto (Barrero or 
Barroto), Bernardo de Luna (or Cuna), Juan de Frias, and Alonso Miranda. 
The HiiMuyt version does not give the force. Aparicio says there were 100 
horsemen. Vargas, 131-2, says there were 17 men and a woman; and he 
names the padre Pedro de Heredia. Espejo, himself, in one letter, Erpedieiife, 
151, says he had 15 men. Arlegui and Mota PadUla tell us there were two 
friars, the latter naming the 2d Juan de la Cruz. 

' Espejo, Relacioa del Viage que yo A ntoiiio Espejo, dudadano de la ciudad de 
Mexico, natural de la ciudad de Cdrdoba, hize con catorce soldados y un religioso 
de la ordeii de San Francisco, d las promncias y poblaciones de la Niieva Mexico, 
a cpdenpune por nomhre la Nueva Andalucia, d conlemplacion de mi patria, en 
Jin del ano 1583, in N. Mex. Testim., 101-26; repeated with a few verbal 
variations on pp. 1G3 et seq. of the same vol. Pacheco, Doc, xv. This is of 
course the best authority for the expedition, being written at S. Bartolome in 
Oct. 1583, just after the author's return. There are also some items of infor- 
mation in Espejo's letters and other doc, in the N. Mex. Testim., and Espejo, 
Expedienle, in the same vol. 

The best kixown authority, and indeed in substance the only one consulted 
by modern writers, is that in HaJcluyt's Voy., iii. 383-96, in Spanish and Eng- 
lish, under the following title: El Viaie que him Antonio de Espeio en el anno de 
ochenta y ires; el qual con sus companneros desubneron vna tierra en que hallaron 
qninze Prmiincias todas llenas de pueblos, y de casas de quatro y cinco altos, d 
quien pusieron por nombre El nueuo Mexico, por parecerm en muchas cosas al viejo, 
etc., taken from Gonzalez Mendoza's Hist. China, as mentioned in note 7 of 
this chap. This narrative, written in the third person, is in parts identical 
with the Eelacion, but in other parts differs widely; and it does not appear on 
what the variations rest. The original Relacion clears up some of the difficul- 
ties found in connection with the Viaje, but also creates some new ones. I 
shall follow the former, but indicate the principal variations in my notes. 

Salmeron, Selaciones, 11, Niel, Apuntaciones, 88, and Villagra, Hist. AT. 
Mex., 35, barely mention Espejo's entrada; Davis, Span. Conq., 240-61, fol- 
lows mainly Hakluyt's translation, introducing a few verbal and other changes 
from a source not mentioned, some of them being evidently errors; and noth- 
ing is added to the Hakluyt version by any of the following: Torquemada, 
Monarq. Ind., iii. 359; Mendieta, Hist. Ecks., 400-1; Descrip. de America, 
113-16; Morelli, Fast. Ncm. Orbis, 28; Purclius his Pilgnmes, iv. 1561-2; Ale- 
gre. Hist. Comp. J., i. 327; Calk, Noticias, 102; Aparicio, Conventos, 281-2; 
Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 167-9; Laet, Nov. Orbis, 309-14; Montamis, N. 
Weereld, 243-6; Gotffriedt, N. Welt, 561-5; Otermin, in N. Mex. Doc, ii. 1135- 
43; Prince's Hist. Sk., 153-60; Whipple, in Pac. R. B. Repts, iii. 113-15; 
Brachenridge's Early Disccn)., 17-21; Ariz. Hist. (Elliott), 43: Hinton's Hand- 
book, 387-8. 

Hist. Ariz, and N. Mex. 6 


silver prospects, and passed through the country of 
the Conchos, Pazaguates, and Tobosos successively, 
all being friendly, tliough the Tobosos — in later years 
rivalling the Apaches in their savage raids — at first 
fled, because, as they said, they had formerly been ill 
treated by a party of Spaniards. 

About the junction of the rivers, and extending 
twelve days' journey up the Rio Grande, were the 
Jumanas — the name being written also Jumanos and 
Humanos — or Patarabue3'es, who like the Tobosos 
were hostile at first, attacking the camp at night, kill- 
ing a few horses, and fleeing to the mountains ; but 
like the rest they finally listened to explanations, gave 
and took gifts, furnished guides and escorts, and be- 
came altogether friendly. These Jumanas in several 
respects were superior to the southern tribes, and 
especially in their buildings, many of which were flat- 
roofed, and probably built of stone or adobes,^" being 
doubtless Cabeza de Vaca's "fixed dwellings of civili- 
zation;" for indeed, these natives had a smattering of 
Christianity, obtained, as they explained, from "three 
christians and a negro" who had passed that way in 
former years.^' 

From the Jumana province, which must have ter- 
minated I think some distance below the modem 
boundary of New Mexico, the Spaniards went on up 
the river, but nothing definite is recorded of time or 
distance. Two populous provinces of inferior but 
friendly natives were traversed, eight days' journey 
apart, about which little could be learned for want of 
an interpreter, not even the names of these nations. In 
the first the people had some cotton cloth and feather- 
work, which they were understood to have obtained 
by bartering buffalo and deer skins with a western 

" ' Casas cle Azotea, bajas y eon buena traza de pueblos. ' The Hakluyt ver- 
sion has it de callcaiito, tliat is, of masonry, but this is not in the original. 
Many of the dwellings, however, were mere straw huts. There were 5 
towns and 10,000 inhabitants. 

" See p. IS of this voL This is almost positive proof that Cabeza de Vaca 
did not enter N. Jlex, 


peojjle ; and they also on being shown samples of silver 
indicated that plenty of that metal could be fomid five 
days westward. In the second province, where the 
rancherias were near lagoons on both sides of the Rio 
del Norte — so called here probably for the first time — 
was found a Concho who told of a large lake fifteen 
days westward, on the borders of which were many 
towns of houses several stories high.^" He ofiered 
to guide the Spaniards thither, but their duty called 
them to the north. 

Still up the valley of the Rio Grande, through for- 
ests of mezquite, pine, Cottonwood, and other trees, 
journeyed Espejo's company for fifteen days, or 80 
leagues, without meeting any inhabitants; and then, 
twelve leagues beyond a rancheri'a of straw huts, they 
reached the first group, or province, of the pueblos, 
where the houses were from two to four stories high, 
and where ten towns were visited on both banks of 
the river in two days' journey, and apparently others 
were seen in the distance, all containing a population 
of some 12,000 friendly natives, whose manners and 
customs are described with tolerable accuracy. This 
southernmost group must be identified with those 
visited by Coronado and Rodriguez, beginning appar- 
ently in the region of latitude 34°, and certainly be- 
tween Fra Cristobal and the mouth of the Puerco.^* 

Half a league beyond the limits of this first district 
they entered another, that of the Tiguas, or Coro- 
nado's Tiguex, and soon came to the pueblo of Puara — 
also written Puala, Pualas, and Poala — near the site of 
the modern Bernalillo, as we have seen, and one of 16 
towns constituting the province. It was at Puara, as 

■^ It is idle to speculate on the possible meaning of these reports. There 
was no such lake with its towns, unless possibly the reference was to Laguna 
and its adjoining group iu the N. w.— which groupi almost certainly was not 
in existence at that time. 

'^ Da\^3 and Prince i«hink it was in the region of Isleta; and indeed, the two 
days' journey from Socorro might well include Isleta, or Coronado's Tutahaco. 
In the N. Hex., Traslado de Pos, 116, the southernmost pueblo is named Tre- 
naquil. The 4 days spent in this prov. may or may not have included the two 
days mentioned as the extent of the prov. 


was now definitely ascertained, that padres Rodriguez 
and Lopez with their attendants had been killed;" and 
the natives, fearing that vengeance was Espejo's object, 
fled to the mountains, and nothing could induce them to 
return ; but fortunately they left in the towns — or pos- 
sibly the town, for it is not quite clear that any but 
Puara was abandoned — a plentiful store of food.^^ Not 
only was information here obtained about the friars, 
but, writes Espejo, "we found very truthful statements 
that Francisco Vasquez Coronado was in this province, 
and that they killed here nine of his soldiers and forty 
horses, and that for that reason he had destroyed a 
pueblo of the province ; and of this the natives of these 
pueblos gave us an account." This clear statement, 
omitted in the Hakluyt version of the narrative hith- 
erto followed, would have saved Gallatin, Davis, and 
others from the error of locating Coronado's Tiguex 
on the Rio Puerco. 

The main object of the entrada had now been ac- 
complished, and the return was talked of; but it 
seemed to the leader that as there were reports of 
other friendly provinces farther on, especially in the 
east and not far off, the opportunity was good to do 
his Majesty good service at comparatively slight cost 
by additional exploration ; and this view, being dis- 
cussed in council at Puara, was approved by Padre 
Beltran and the rest. Accordingly, with two com- 
panions, the captain went in two days eastward to a 
province of the Maguas, or Magrias, on the borders 
of the buffalo plains, where he found eleven pueblos 
of some 40,000 inhabitants, and where, as he learned. 
Padre Santa Maria had been killed. It was a country 
of pine woods, without running streams, and with 
good indications of metals in the mountains on the 

'* There is nothing to show that the remains were found as Davis states. 

'^Salmeron, Sel., 11, says the town was sacked by Espejo in vengeance; 
Niel, Apuni.. 88, that the guilty ones were brought to justice; and Arlegui, 
Cron. Zac, 221, that several thousand lud. were killed; but nothing of this is 
in the original, and it is improbable, considering E. 's small force and his am- 
bitious views for the future. Yet it is stated by Zaldlvar, in N. Mex. 
Memorial, that E. on his return burned Puara and garroted 16 Ind. 


way.^* Thence he returned to Puara on the Rio del 

The next move, and of the whole company, was one 
day's journey of about six leagues up the river to the 
province of the Quires, or Coronado's Quirix, with 

EbPEjo IN New Mexico. 

its five pueblos, and 15,000 people, where the stran- 
gers were given a most friendly reception, and where 
observations showed a latitude of 37° 30', at least two 
degrees too far north. Then they went two days, or 

I'lu Espejo, Exped., 156, theprov. of Magrias ia said to adjoin that of the 
Tiguas on the N. E. Thus it would seem to have been in the Galisteo region 
though I know of no ruins to indicate so large a prov., and some other difficul- 
ties will appear in connection with later wanderings. Davis and Prince, mis- 
led probably by the word cibola ('esta provincia confina con las vacas que 
llaman de Civola') or ' buffalo,' represent this exped. as having been directed to 
the west. 


some 14 leagues, to a province of the Punames — also 
written Pumames and Cunames — with five towns, 
the capital being Sia, or Siay, of eight plazas, and 
houses plastered and painted. This pueblo was on a 
small tributary of the Rio Grande flowing from the 
north; but clearly the distance is much exaggerated 
if it is to be in any way identified with the Cia of 
modern times.^' The next province, six leagues to 
the nortli-west, and doubtless up the branch river, was 
that of the Emexes — Emeges or Amejes — clearly 
that of Jemes, with seven pueblos and some 30,000 
souls, one of the towns, a large one in the mountains, 
not being visited. From Jemes Espejo gives his 
course as to the west for 15 leagues — really over 20 
leagues south-west — to Acoma, on a jDehol 50 yards 
high, accessible only by steps cut in the solid rock. 
Its population was estimated at over 6,000.^'^ The 
next stage of the journey was four days, or 24 leagues, 
westward to Zuhi, or Cibola,^'' with its six pueblos, 
and over 20,000 people. 

At Zuni the Spaniards found, not only crosses 
standing near the towns, but three christian Indians 
still living, who had come with Coronado 40 years 
before. These were Andres, Gaspar, and Anton, 
natives of Culiacan, Mexico, and Guadalajara, respect- 

1" There were over 20,000 inhab. in the province; mines were reported in 
the sierra, and even rich ores were shown. In the Hakluyt version the 
pueblo is called Cia. There can be no doubt of the general identity of this 
region with the valley of Cia and Jemes, though besides Espejo's careless 
distances, both pueblo sites have probably been changed in later times. 

'"Ace. to N. Mex., Memorial, 206-7, crosses were found here as at other 
points in the west. Espejo tells us that the Acomans had their cultivated aud 
irrigated fields 2 1. from the penol, where the stream was dauimed. The 
mountain tribes are numerous and warlike; they are called Querechos (the 
name, it will be noted, that Coronado applies to a nation on the eastern plains), 
aud work for the pueljlo, besides bringing salt, game, and skias to trade for 
cotton and other articles. It is noticeable that Espejo elsewhere, E^ediente, 
157, puts Acoma N. w. of Quires. Here, as in other earlier narratives, it 
would be more convenient to locate Acoma farther north than the peilol 
pueblo of later years. 

'^The Hakluyt version has it, 'que se nombra en leugua de los naturales 
Zuny, y la Uaman los Espanuoles Cibola;' but the original reads, 'que la pro- 
vincia Uaman Zuni, y por otro nombre Ciliola,' or in the other copy, 'y le 
Uaman Ame (or Ami) y por otro nombre Cibola. ' One of the 6 pueblos is called 
Aquico, p. 118. 


ively; and they told of the explorations in the west 
made by Coronado's captains, Don Pedro de Tobar 
being named. What was still more interesting, they 
asserted that 60 daj-s' journey in the west, far beyond 
where Coronado's men had been forced to turn back 
for want of water, there was a great lake with many 
settlements on its banks, where the people had gold 
in abundance, wearing that metal in the form of 
bracelets and ear-rings. This fabulous lake, as we 
have seen, was destined to play an important role in 
annals of the ISTorthern Mystery. Here at Zuui, 
Padre Beltran and four or five of the soldiers an- 
nounced their desire to return to Nueva Vizcaya, 
believing it useless to search for gold and silver where 
Coronado had failed to find them, and also that their 
force was too small for a further advance. These 
men were accordingly left at Zuni with permission to 
return; but the leader resolved to visit another prov- 
ince reported to be not far distant. 

With nine soldiers, the three Mexican Indians, and 
150 friendly Cibolans, Espejo marched westward from 
Zuiii, and in a journey of four days, or 28 leagues, 
reached the province of Mohoce, or Mohace, with five 
large pueblos and over 50,000 inhabitants. One of 
the towns was Aguato, or Zaguato.^° There can be 
little doubt that the Mohoce province was identical 
with the Moqui towns. The people, though they 
sent messengers to warn the strangers not to approach 
on pain of death, were easily convinced of the visitor's 
friendly intentions, and gave them a most enthusias- 
tic welcome, loading them with cotton manias and 
food, besides delighting their ears with confirmation 
of the tales respecting wealth in the far west. The 
horses inspired more fear than the men, and Espejo 
humored the terror of the natives by admitting the 
animals' ferocity, thus inducing the chief to build a 

^"The name Mohoce, suggestive of Moqul, is not given in the Hakluyt 
version, only the pueblo Zagnato being named. In the later JV. Mex., Memo- 
rial, 206-7, the following pueblos, in connection with E.'s trip, are named 
as being apparently in the western region: Deziaquabos, Gaspe, Comupavi, 
Majanani, and Olalla. 


kind of stone fort to hold the monsters — a fort which, 
in case of trouble, might be useful to the small Span- 
ish force. Hakluyt notes this as "a witty policie to 
be used by the English in like cases." Here they 
remained six days, visiting all the pueblos, and be- 
coming so firmly convinced of the natives' friendship 
that the leader left in the province five of his men to 
return to Zuiii witli the luggage. 

With four of his soldiers and some Moqui guides, 
Espejo set out to find rich mines reported in the west; 
and after a journey of 45 leagues over a mountainous 
country he found the mines, and with his own hands 
obtained rich samples of silver ore. On the streams 
he found large quantities of wild grapes, walnut-trees, 
flax, magueyes, and Indian figs. Several settlements 
of mountain tribes were visited, where the people 
raised maize and were uniformly friendly. These 
natives also told of a great river beyond the moun- 
tains — clearly the Colorado; and drew liberally on 
their imagination for tlae additional information that 
the river was eight leagues wide, with great towns on 
its banks, in comparison with which towns all the other 
provinces were nothing. The river flowed into the 
north sea, and- tlie natives used canoes to cross it. 
From the mines the explorers returned by a more 
direct route of 60 leagues to Zufii. It will be remem- 
bered that Coronado had reached the Colorado by a 
westerly or north- westwardly course from Moqui; and 
it is probable that Espejo's route was rather to the 
south-west, as he only heard of the great river beyond 
the mountains. Taking his distances of 45 leagues 
from Moqui and 60 leagues from Zuni, we might 
locate his mine in the region of Bill Williams Moun- 
tain 40 or 50 miles north of Prescott. The record 
hardly justifies any more definite location.^^ 

^' The Hakluyt version speaks more definitely of ' dos rios razonables, ' on 
the banks of which was found flax, etc. Cue of these streams was doubtless 
the Colorado Chiquito, sometimes called Rio de Lino from the flax. Davis 
on his map locates the mines in about lat. 36°, long. 112°, or considerably far- 
ther north than the site I have indicated; but between the two I venture no 
positive opinion, the data being too meagre. The origin of Davis' name 
Tubirans, applied to the western tribes, I do not know. 




Back at Zufii Espejo found not only the five men 
he had left at Moqui, but Padre Beltran and his com- 
panions, who had not yet started on their return, but 
soon did so, by the same route, perhaps, that they had 
come, or more likely crossing directly from Acoma 
south-eastward to the Rio Grande, and thence down 
the river. ^- The commander with his eight remaining 
companions, with a view of making further explora- 
tions up the Rio del Norte, marched in ten days, or 
about 60 leagues, to the Quires province,^* and thence 
eastward in two days, or 12 leagues, to the province 
of the Ubates, or Hubates, with some 20,000 people 
in five pueblos. From this province, having spent 
two days in visiting some mines, they went in one 
day to the province of Tamos with its three large 
pueblos and 40,000 inhabitants. One of these pueblos 
was Cicuique, that is, Pecos, situated half a league 
from the Rio de las Vacas. I think it most likely 
that Espejo on quitting the Quires went up the river 
as he had intended — north-east instead of east, as his 
relation has it — and that the Ubates were the Tehua 
pueblos north of Santa Fe. The name Tamos, or 
Tanos, as applied to pueblos in the Galisteo region, 
was well known in later years; and Pecos is clearly 
indicated by Espejo as one of the three towns, though. 
we are left in doubt as to the other two, as we were 
before respecting the province of Maguas between 
this group and the Tiguas."* 

^^ In the statement of Escalante and Barrundo in N. Mex. Testim. , 148-9, 
made before Espejo's return, but at a date not given, allusion is made to the 
return of Beltran, leaving E. in the north. B. 's report, if he made any , I have 
not found. The returning party at first consisted of Miguel Sanchez and his 
two sons, Greg. Hernandez, Cris. Sanchez, and Frias, or 6 in all, leaving Es- 
pejo 9 for the Moqui trip; later, on E.'s return, the alferez Gregorio Hernan- 
dez, or Fernandez, is said to have joined Beltran 's party, leaving E. 8 men. 
There is some confusion in these names and numbers. 

'" Not ' towards ' the Quires, as in the Hakluyt version. 

**Bandelier, Hist. Introd., 116, thinks there can be no doubt that Pecos 
was one of the Ubates towns; but he seems not to have noticed Espejo's 
direct statement, or the name Cicuique, not occurring in the Hakluyt ver- 
sion. In the ?.". Mex. Ytinerario, 258, it is positively stated that Pecos was 
identical with Espejo's Tamos. There can be no foundation for Davis' iden- 
tification of Tamos and Taos on his map. 


The Tanos, unlike the other nations visited, were 
not friendly to the Spaniards, refusing admission to 
their towns and furnishing no food. It was therefore 
deemed unwise to remain longer in the country with 
so small a company, some of the soldiers being also 
ill. It was now July 1583. A Pecos Indian was 
employed to show a shorter route for departure than 
that by which they had entered the country. In half 
a league they reached the Rio de las Vacas, or Cow 
River, later known as tlie Pecos; and down this 
river, seeing many buffaloes in the first part of the 
journey, they travelled 120 leagues, eastward as the 
narrative has it — but Espejo's directions are often 
inaccurate — until they found three natives of the 
Jumana nation, who directed them across to the Rio 
Concho in 12 days, or some 40 leagues. Thence 
Espejo went to San Bartolome, where he arrived on 
the 20th of September, and where he dated his report 
at the end of October. Padre Beltran and his party, 
had arrived long before, and had gone to Durango. 
A map accompanied Espejo's report, but is not known 
to be extant. 

Thus Espejo, a private citizen, accompanied by only 
a friar and fourteen soldiers, peacefully wandering 
from province to province, had accomplished substan- 
tially as great results as liad Coronado with his grand 
army, his winter's warfare on the Rio Grande, and 
his barbarous oppression of the unoffending natives. 
Espejo visited 74 pueblos, the population of which, 
exclusive of the Tiguas, he estimated at 253,000 souls, 
doubtless a gross exaggeration. It is evident also 
that he overrated, from motives that will presently 
appear, the general resources and advantages of the 
country as a field for Spanish enterprise. Yet there 
is no reason to question the truthfulness of his nar- 
rative, nor is there much difficulty in satisfactorily 
tracing his route or identifying most of the pueblo 
groups visited. The expeditions of Rodriguez and 
Espejo must be regarded as most remarkable ones, 


modestly and accurately recorded, and in their prac- 
tical results vastly more important than the earlier 
efforts which gave such fame to Niza and Coronado. 
At the end of the last chapter I have shown how the 
name Nuevo Mexico — in the early times as often Nueva 
Mexico, in the feminine — had been in a sense invented 
and held in readiness for future grand discoveries. 
The application of the name to the country that was 
to bear it permanently has been attributed by good 
authorities, early and modern, both to Rodriguez and 
to Espejo, tliough the former really called it San 
Felipe and the latter Nueva Andalucia. The truth 
would seem to be, that the name was applied in 
Mexico, under circumstances not fully recorded, after 
Chaniuscado's return, and during Espejo's absence. 
Its first occurrence, as far as I know, is in Rio de 
Losa's essay written about this time. San Felipe de 
Nuevo Mexico appears occasionally in early docu- 
ments. It was obviously natural that such a name 
should have suggested itself as appropriate for any 
newly discovered province whose people and buildings 
resembled in a general way — that is, in comparison 
with tlie wild tribes and their huts — those of the val- 
ley of Mexico.^^ 

^Espejo, Bel, 101, 164; iV. Mex. Testimonio, 83, 90, 137, 142; M. Hex., 
Memorial, 204. Name applied by the early Span, to all their possessions 
along the N. w. coast ( !), but later referred to the intendency on the Rio 
Grande. CmMs' Conq. Col., 28; name prob. derived from the resemblance of 
its inhab. to those of the city of Mex. and its environs. Oreij'js Com. of the 
Pmirien, i. 116. Because of the great number of inhab. Arleifui, 229. At 
first called Nueva Granada (!). Barreiro, Ojeada, 7; Davis' ill Oringo, 74. 
Bartlett, Pers. Nan:, i. 184, incorrectly says there was a mission at El Paso 
before 1600. Davis, El Grinrp, 79-1, speaks of a P. Marcos de Niza, not the 
original, but perhaps his son (!), who penetrated to Zuni before 1598. Hosta, 
native governor of Jemes, related to Simpson, Journal, 22, the tradition of a 
priest who mysteriously appeared before the conquest. His custom of tak- 
ing anything he wanted at last enraged the lud., who planned to kill him; 
but he disappeared as mysteriously as he had come. 




VrEvrs OF Rio de Losa — Royal Cedula — Reports of Beltran and Es- 
PEJO— Attractions in the North— Foreign Encroachments— Pro- 
ject OF Cristobal Martin — The Empresario's Demands — Proposed 
Conquest and Settlement by Antonio Espejo — Francisco Diaz de Var- 
gas Willing to Serve the King as Conqueror — No Results — The 
Viceroy's Contract with Juan Bautista de Lomas — Francisco de 
Urdinola — Caspar Cast.4N0 de Sosa and his Illegal Entrada— Up 
THE Rio Pecos — A Winter Tour among the Pueblos — Thirty-three 
Towns Visited— The Leader's Return in Chains— Captain Juan 



It was in November 1582, before anything was 
known in Mexico of Espejo's proposed expedition from 
Kueva Vizcaj-a, that Viceroy Coruua reported to the 
king the result of his investigation respecting the en- 
trada and probable fate of Rodriguez and his compan- 
ion friars.^ In this report he enclosed for the royal 
guidance a communication from Don Rodrigo del Rio 
de Losa, lieutenant captain-general of Nueva Galicia, 
who had been consulted as a man "de mucha expe- 
riencia en entradas," having served with Arellano in 
Florida and with Ibarra in Xueva Vizcaya. Don 
Rodrigo wrote on the supposition that the people of 
New Mexico were now hostile, and urged that a suffi- 
cient force should be sent to punish the murderers of 
the friars, and to inspire such respect for Spanish 
arms as would prevent future outrages and revolts. 
The number of soldiers should not be less than 300, 

' Nov. 1, '82, viceroy to king. N. Mex. Testim., 97-9. 


with seven mules and horses for each man. For after 
the recent murders had been avenged, and the coun- 
try reduced to a state of peace, a few settlers behig 
left, it should be the main object of the expedition to 
continue its march across the buffalo plains to Quivira 
and beyond, even to the shores of the north or south 
sea, or to the "strait which is near China, in latitude 
57°," the occupation of which by the French or Eng- 
lish might thus be prevented. With this view, mate- 
rial for building two small ships should be carried, for 
the crossing of rivers or straits, or perhaps the send- 
ing back of news respecting any great discovery. 
Details of the necessary outfit are suggested; friars 
must of course be sent with the explorers; and it 
would be well to encourage the officers and men by 
release from taxation, offers of titles, and liberal enco- 
miendas of New Mexican Indians.^ The result was a 
roj^al order of March 1583, in which the viceroy was 
instructed to make a contract with some suitable per- 
son to undertake the expedition in accordance with 
the laws and regulations, without cost to the royal 
treasury ; but the contract must be submitted to the 
consejo for approval before anything was actually 

Then came Beltran and Espejo, bringing reports 
calculated to increase the growing interest in New 
Mexico and the regions beyond. The people were not 
hostile, but well disposed to welcome Spanish visitors ; 
the country in its cUmate and products presented many 
attractions for settlers from the south; though the 
natives made no use of the precious metals, ores rich 
in silver had been found at several points, and the 
' development of profitable mines might with confidence 
be hoped for. The spiritual prospects were even more 
brilliant than the mineral, for 250,000 natives of supe- 
rior intelligence were awaiting conversion; and es- 

'^ No date. Rio tie Losa to viceroy. N. Mex Testim., \?tl^i6. 
'March 29 and April 19, '83. Pacheco, Fx., xv. 100; xvi. 297. The 
order was received in Mex. in August. 


pecially, to say nothing of the long-coveted wealth of 
Quivira in the north-east easily accessible from New 
Mexico as a base, a great lake and broad river, with 
populous towns and plenty of gold, afforded a new 
incentive to exploring effort in the north-west. And 
moreover, it would seem to have been about this time 
that fears of foreign encroachment in these regions 
were renewed by the statement of Padre Diego Mar- 
quez, who had fallen into the hands of 'gente lute- 
rana,' and had been closely questioned at the English 
court respecting his knowledge of the north. This he 
made known to the authorities in Mexico, who felt 
that something must be done to prevent this fair land 
from falling into the hands of impious Lutherans.* 

The first to take advantage of the king's order was 
Cristobal Martin, a vecino of Mexico, who in October 
1583, probably with knowledge of Padre Beltran's 
return, applied to the audiencia for a contract to under- 
take the conquest and settlement of New Mexico in 
accordance with the late cedula and earlier ordinances. 
He was willing to fit out an expedition of 200 or 300 
men, and to spend $50,000 in the enterprise. He 
desired a missionary force of six Franciscans, besides 
two secular clergymen ; and asked to be supplied with 
certain arms and ammunition; but otherwise the en- 
trada was to be at his own cost. There was, however, 
nothing small about Don Cristobal's demands. Though 
full of faith and loyalty, he could not afford to save 
souls and win for his king new provinces at his own 
cost for nothing. He must have the position of cap- 
tain-general and governor of the new reino for himself 
and family during three lives; the right to distribute 
as encomiendas to his men all the natives of the con- 
quered towns and provinces for ten lives; the authority 
to appoint and remove all officials, and to grant lands ; 
a reduction of the king's fifth to one twentieth of the 

* Villagrd, Hist. N. Mex., 36. Rio de Loza, 139, had declared the im- 
portance of occupying N. Mex., to prevent ' que otras naciones de francesea 
o inglesea luterauoa no la ocupeu. ' 


product of mines for 100 years; the privileges of hijos- 
dalgo for the conquistadores and their descendants; 
exemption from taxation on all products for 100 years; 
free use of the Salinas for the three lives; the chief 
judicial authority as governor ; the right to discover 
and settle for 1,000 leagues beyond the first New 
Mexican towns, to occupy ports on either ocean, and 
to trade with two ships from one of these ports with- 
out paying duties ; the right to call on the viceroy for 
additional men and supplies by paying the costs; the 
right to found a mayorazgo, or entail, for his heirs, 
with sufficient revenue to perpetuate the family name 
and glory; and many other things which need not be 
catalogued here. These conquerors of the sixteenth 
century took great risks, regulating their demands 
accordingly; and as the burden was to fall on the 
Indians mainly, the king was often most liberal in his 
concessions. From October to December, Martin 
several times renewed his petition, and it would ap- 
pear that his contract was finally approved by the 
Mexican authorities and sent to the consejo de Indias 
for confirmation.^ 

Espejo himself was next in the field as an aspirant 
for New Mexican glory, plausibly claiming that his 
recent service, experience, and success clearly pointed 
to him as above all others entitled to preference. But 
Don Antonio proposed no contract with the Mexican 
authorities. From motives of pride or policy^ he 
chose to apply directly to the king; indeed, he urged 
most earnestly that the viceroy should have nothing 

^Martin, Asiento con Cripstohal Martin por el qae se ofrece d ir en persona al 
descubrimknto, pacijicacion, y pohlacion del Nueito Mexico, hajo las condicione.i que 
expone.— Mexico a 56 de Octul>re de 1SS3. lu Pacheco, Doc, xvi. 277-301. 
This is the testimonio, or expediente, of the Mexican proceedings sent to 
Spain at a date not given, but soon after Deo. 24th, when the transcript is 
certified. It does not appear in these doc. that the contract was signed; but 
at the beginning M. says that ' el fue el primero que capitulo 6 asentd en vir- 
tud de una Real Cedula de V. A., el negocio de la poblacion y descobrimiento 
del N. Mex., y fue remitido a Vuestra Real Consejo de Yndias.' 

'' Perhaps he had reason to suppose that the viceroy would not favor him. 
Indeed, there is a slight reference in one of his letters to a part of his estate 
as cmbanjada, or attached, which may indicate troubles with the authorities 
of Nueva Espaua. 


to do with the enterprise. This, in the empresario's 
opinion, was absolutely essential to prevent ruinous 
wrangles and delays, wars and outrages on the natives, 
or dissensions and desertions among officers and men; 
and to insure the safe, speedy, and econonaical 
transformation of New Mexico into a flourishing 
community of tribute-paying subjects of Spain. In 
his original report of October 1583, summing up 
what he had accomplished, Espejo expressed his de- 
sire to spend his life and fortune in the king's service, 
at the same time announcing that he had brought 
from the north a native of Mohoce, and another of 
the Tanos, who might be trained for useful service as 
interpreters. In a letter to the archbishop he also 
made known his intention to apply for a royal com- 
mission to conquer and settle the country he had 
visited, and to explore the regions beyond, even to 
the ocean coasts on either side.^ Accordingly in 
April 1584, he authorized his son-in-law, Pedro Gon- 
zalez de Mendoza, about to start for Spain, with 
Bonilla and Barbadillo already at Madrid, to repre- 
sent him at court, and obtain in his name the "con- 
quista y pacificacion y gobernacion" of the provinces 
of New Mexico, or Nueva Andalucia, " which prov- 
inces I have discovered and taken possession of in the 
name of his Majesty." At the same time were for- 
warded a copy of his Relacion, and his formal petition, 
including a plan of his proposed operations. The 
expedition was to consist of 400 men, for the most 
part recruited in Spain, 100 of them with wives and 
children, to be organized in four companies. The 
men were to be well supplied with all they could need, 

''Espejo, Relacion, 124-6; Id., Eiq>edienle y Relacion, 162-3, 1S6-9. This 
latter collection, in Paclteco, Doc, xv. 151-91, is a continuation of theiV. Mex., 
Testimomo, and might as well be included in it, though in print it has a separate 
title— indeed, two of them, the first being Expcdiente sobre el ofreci/iuento que 
hace Fran. Diaz de Vargas, etc., though it contains nothing about V. The 
contents are: 1st, three undated conimunicatious (1584) of Espejo to the 
king, the last being his formal petition, p. 151-63; 2d, a copy of the Espejo, 
Relacion (as sent to the king with the petition), p. 163-89; 3d, April 23, '84, 
appointment of an agent, p. 189-91. There is another letter of E. to the 
king (April 23, '89), in N. Mex., Teatim., 100-1. 


either as soldiers or settlers ; and besides tlie cavalry 
horses required, large droves of mares, cattle, and 
sheep were to be provided. Spiritual interests of the 
new reino would be intrusted to twenty-four Fran- 
ciscans. The entry would be made in two divisions, 
one going by the Rio del Norte, and the other, with 
the live-stock and wagons, by the Rio de Vacas. The 
garrison and families would at first be stationed in the 
vicinity of Acoma. In dealing with the natives, a 
conciliatory policy of justice and peace was to be 
strictly followed. In carrying out the scheme, Es- 
pejo was ready to expend over 100,000 ducats, be- 
sides the 10,000 he had already spent; he had twenty 
associates of considerable wealth ; and he would give 
bonds in the sum of $200,000. The reward claimed 
for his devotion to the royal interests — "much less 
than what j'our Majesty promises in the ordenanzas," 
yet doubtless including the capitanfa general and 
governorship, with privileges, titles, land-grants, en- 
comiendas, and other emoluments for himself and 
associates — was to be made known in a supplemen- 
tary memorial, which, as far as I know, is not extant. 
There are some indications that Don Antonio went in 
person to Spain to urge his claims.^ 

It does not clearly appear that anything was known 
in Mexico of Espejo's proposed conquest; but it is 
probable that respecting this project or that of Martin, 
some additional investigation was ordered, and Fran- 
cisco Diaz de Vargas — alguacil mayor and regidor of 
Puebla — called upon for his views. At any rate, Don 
Francisco found occasion about this time to address 
the king on this subject.'' He began by presenting a 
brief resume of northern exploration from the time 
of Cortes down to the date of writing; and from 
that resume he concluded that where so many able 
explorers had failed to find anything worth retaining, 

'(April 15S4.) Espejo's petition to the king, in Espejo, Exped. y Rel, 

'Xo date (1584-5). Vargas to king, in N. Mex. Testim., 126-37. Espejo'a 
entrada io mentioned, but not his new project. 
Hist. Ariz, and N. Mex. 7 


the presumption was, that the country was poor and 
undesirable. Doubtless the New Mexicans were a 
superior people; yet notwithstanding their agricul- 
ture, cotton, buffalo-skins, and many-storied stone and 
adobe dwellings, they were a distant, isolated commu- 
nity, surrounded for hundreds of leagues by wild and 
warlike tribes, and their country therefore offered at 
present but slight inducements for Spanish settlers. 
As the latest reports, however, were more favorable 
than earlier ones, as there was a prospect of rich 
mines, and since it was desirable to learn what foun- 
dation there might be for the reports of wealth be- 
yond New Mexico, and especially what connection the 
great lake and river might have with the strait of 
Anian, it seemed advisable to send out an expedition 
— not of colonization and conquest, but simply of ex- 
ploration. For this purpose a force of 50 or 60 men 
would suffice to verify the recent reports, push inves- 
tigation 200 leagues farther north, and report results. 
These were sensible views, and Diaz de Vargas had 
the courage of his convictions; for in his patriotic 
zeal, mindful, not only of his own past services in high 
positions, but of those of his father, who was one of 
the old conquistadores, he even offered — and here we 
have at last the true inwardness of the document — to 
command the exploring party in person ! And later, 
should the preliminary survey prove satisfactory, Don 
Francisco, accepting the titles and emoluments in such 
cases provided, would himself take charge of the great 
work of conquering and colonizing New Mexico. 

Thus we have three empresarios in the field; and 
it is not unlikely that there were others. But respect- 
ing the fate of the different projects, or rather the 
circumstances that prevented their acceptance and 
execution, we know absolutely nothing; or at least I 
have found no document relating to either of the 
propositions after they were sent to the king and 
council. Perhaps the empresarios' demands were 
deemed excessive, or they could give no satisfactory 


assurances of their ability to comply with the condi- 
tions of the contracts, or were not willing to accept 
the conditions, or perhaps died ; at any rate, noth- 
ing more is heard of Martin, or Espejo, or Diaz de 
Vargas; and for five years nothing is heard of New 

At the beginning of 1589 Juan Bautista de Lomas 
y Colnienares, resident at the Nieves mines, and re- 
puted to be the richest man in Nueva Galicia, pre- 
sented to Viceroy Villamanrique a memorial of 37 
articles, in which he proposed to undertake the con- 
quest of New Mexico. He was much more exacting 
in his conditions than even Martin had been, demand- 
ing, besides all that the latter had claimed and much 
more that cannot be specified in the space at my 
conmiand, the office of captain-general and governor, 
with almost unlimited authority for six lives, at a sal- 
ary of 8,000 ducats; jurisdiction over all territory 
beyond the Rio Conchos, with the exclusion of all 
other conquerors from the territory beyond what he 
might choose to conquer; the title of count or marques 
for himself and descendants, with 40,000 vassals; the 
privilege of granting three pueblos as an entailed en- 
comienda, and another for the descendants of conquis- 
tadores not otherwise provided for; and the right to 
fortify ports and build ships on either ocean. His 
sons were associated with him in the enterprise, and 
Don Juan Bautista evidently had no intention of sac- 
rificing the family prestige and wealth. He claimed 
to have rendered most important services at his own 
expense on the northern frontier.^" 

Lomas' contract was approved by the viceroy on 
the 11th of March, 1589; but the latter, though it. 
appears that by a cedula of 1586 he had full powers to 
authorize entradas, deemed it best to consult the king 

^^ Lomas, Asknto y capUuladones que el virey de la Nueva Espafla, marques 
de Villamanrique, hlzo con Joan Bautista de Lomas Cohnenares, sobre el descubii- 
miento y Poblacion de las provincias del Nnevo Mixico a 15 de Febrero de 1589, in 
Pacheco, Doc, xv. 54-80. This is a copy of the expediente sent from Mexico 
in 1592, and attached to Lomas' renewed petition of 1595. 


in so important a matter; and at court the project re- 
ceived no attention whatever, or at least it drew out 
from the king no order or response. In 1592, Velasco, 
having succeeded Yillamanrique as viceroy, Lomas 
attempted to revive the matter, but could obtain noth- 
ing more than a certified copy of the preceding docu- 
ments. For it seems that Velasco favored another 
claimant, and made a new contract with Francisco de 
Urdiiiola.^^ Before the latter could begin operations, 
however, he was arrested by order of the audiencia of 
Guadalajara on a charge of poisoning his wife — a 
charge which Villagrd in a burst of poetic indignation 
declares to have been founded only on invidia venenosa ; 
and during subsequent legal complications New Mex- 
ican affairs were naturally neglected. Once more in 
1595 Don Juan Bautista made an effort to obtain 
from the king an order to Viceroy Monterey to" renew 
his contract with such modifications as might be 
deemed desirable; but nothing more is heard of his 
project or its author.'' 

"While the several empresarios named were vainly 
striving to obtain from the king legal authority to 
win fame and wealth in the north, another deter- 
mined to take a short cut to glory by undertaking an 
entrada without the royal license. This was Gaspar 
Castaiio de Sosa, who had been alcalde maj'or at San 
Luis Potosi in 1575, and in 1590 was acting as lieu- 
tenant-governor of Xuevo Leon. He claimed some 
kind of authority for his expedition ; but it is evident 
from subsequent events that his acts were regarded 
as irregular and illegal. I suspect that he may have 
been duly authorized to explore and colonize the 
Nuevo Leon region, and that he was led by Espejo's 

" Aliout this time tJrdiuoIa seems to liave been sent with a Tlascaltec 
colony to Coahuila. HIM. J^'orth Mex. St., i. 126-7. He waa later gov. of N. 
Galicia, according to Villagri. 

'■^Villagrd, Hist. N. JJex., 36-8, briefly mentions Lomas' project and Ur- 
diflola's contract. Modern writers do not mention this or the preceding ones 
of Vargas, Espejo, and Martin. 


reports to transfer, without special license from king 
or viceroy, his efforts to a more promising field. The 
name of Cristobal Martin among his associates is also 
suggestive. Respecting the preliminaries of the ex- 
pedition, little or nothing is known ; but the original 
diary has fortunately been preserved.^^ 

The start was on the 27th of July, 1590, from the 
villa de Almaden, wherever that may have been — 
probably somewhere in Nuevo Leon — and the force 
was over 170 persons including women and children." 
A wagon train was laden with supplies deemed need- 
ful for a new settlement. In two days the company 
reached the Rio de Nadadores, remaining ten days ; 
and, mentioning also the Sabinas and several streams 
not found on any modern map, they arrived on the 
9th of September at the Rio Bravo, where they spent 
the rest of the month, awaitino' the return of messen- 

^^Casinm de Sosa, Memoria del desaihrimicntn rpif On^-jv,,- Ct^iifn ■If Sosa, 
tenk'nte de gohenmdor y capUan general ilrl mn r:< : ; - . / " ; . ' rri/ D. 
Felipe nuestro seiloi; va a liaeer, al cum-plimi' i'i> < ' 'Iklio 

tjohenmdof les hati concedido, y d 41 como f<n Ito/'n- A n^' n" . - -■ .m- / m.^ , :,■ i ^ nnniese 
vei-dpof la dicha provision 4 cedulas realets y libru u'e nKcni.i /c//'.s i/c yj^oulores 
concediilas d todos los vecinos del dicho reino, etc., etc., in Pacheco, Doc, iv. 
283-354; Id:, xv. 191-261. From the Munoz collection, anil at the end, was a 
note aa follows: 'Hizose relacion dello, y vidse por los SeQores del Consejo 
e;i 10 de Noviembre de 1592 — Sant Andres.' It would seem to be a copy of 
the original diary made in some official book of records, probably in connec- 
tion with legal difficulties in which the leader became involved. 

It is a somewhat perplexing narrative; long, verbose, and complicated; re- 
quiring close study, but rewarding that study with only the most meagre 
geuerid results. If a man lost his way, we have all the details of his wander- 
ing back to camp; we know exactly the day and hour when the dog of Juan 
Perez was killed by the kick of an ox; we have all the discussions and diplo- 
matic manoeuvres resulting from a difference of opinion as to whether a bushel 
of corn might safely be distriljuted as rations; but we rarely find the course 
or distance of a day's journey. Were it not for the vicinity of two great 
rivers, the reader might be in doubt whether the travellers were going north- 
west in Guatemala or south-east in New England. 

" The following names appear scattered in the narrative, evidently those 
of leading men in the company: Cris. de Heredia (captain and maestro de 
campo), Andres Perez (secretary), Manuel de Medreras, Fran. Lopez de Re- 
calde, Juan de Carbajal, Juan de Contreras, Domingo de Santistevan, Diego 
Diaz de Verlanda, Alouso Jaimes y Ponce, Fran, de Mancha, Fran. Salado, 
Juan Perez de los Rios, Martin de Salazar, Juan Rodriguez de Nieto, Pedro 
Flores, Bias Martinez de Mederos, Cris. Martin, Jusepe Rodriguez, Juan de 
Estrada, Gonzalo de Lares, Diego de Biruega, Cris. de Biruega, Pedro de 
Inigo, Juan Rodriguez de Avalos, Hernau Ponce de Leon, Pedro Pinto, Juan 
de Vega, Alonso Liicas, Domingo Hernandez, Fran, de Bascones, and Juan 


gers who had been sent to Mexico,^^ and making some 
explorations for a later advance. It was decided to 
go forward by way of the Rio Salado, a stream whose 
existence seems to have been known, though just how 
it was known or what was the origin of the name does 
not appear. 

Here on the Rio Bravo their troubles began. After 
receiving conflicting reports from several exploring 
parties they started on the 1st of October for the Rio 
Salado. To find a way for the wagons over a rough 
country and across intermediate streams — the princi- 
pal one being called the Rio de Lajas — to the river 
which was the object of their search, and to get out 
of the mountains into the plains, consumed most of 
the month ; and only at the end of October did they 
start up the valley of the Salado to their land of 
promise. I make no attempt to trace their wander- 
ings of this month in Coahuila and Texas, or even 
to determine where they crossed the Bravo, or Rio 
Grande ; but content myself with the conclusion that 
the Salado was without doubt Espejo's Cow River, or 
the Pecos. •« 

Slowly the caravan crept up the valley and over 

'^They were sent about Aug. 21st with letters to the viceroy, but they did 
not return. Probably this corresp. with the viceroy would throw much light 
on Castano's enterprise. Possibly he wrote to obtain authority for a change 
of plans involving the trip to N. Mex. 

"■ The narrative is too long and complicated for a study of details here, 
especially as the travellers were not yet in N. Mex. territory. The most 
definite statement is on p. 289, while they were on the Bravo. One explor. 
party had found a stream which it could not cross; then Capt. Heredia was 
sent out ' el cual salio en demanda del diclio rio Salado, y Uegd al rio que 
estaba descubierto [that is, by the earlier party] y hallo paso en el dicho rio 
para poder pasar las carretas, porque hasta entonces no se habia hallado. Y 
descubierto el dicho paso, fue atravesaudo aquella lomeria que habia hasta el 
rio Bravo, y Uegd al dicho rio Bravo; y se volvid al dicho real, diciendo que 
por alii podiamos pasar y ir atravesando al rio Salado.' But they found 
many difEeulties in following this road; the fording the Bravo is not clearly 
recorded; and after tliey reached the region of the Salado it took many days 
to get down to its banks. The Sabinas of Coahuila is called the Salado on 
many maps, but of course the idea of following this river up to N. Mex. is 
absurd. Tliat Castano did not go up the Bravo is shown by his efforts while 
on that river to find the other; by the broad sabanas, or plains, over which 
the route lay; and by the statement that a spring far up the Salado, p. 306, 
was the first since leaving the Bravo. Perhaps they crossed in the region of 
Fort Duncan, and the Lajas was the S. Pedro in Texas. 


the broad Texan plains, at first on the eastern bank of 
the river, but later crossing and recrossing it often, 
with no incident calling for mention, meeting a few 
roaming Indians, and passing no settlements. The 
1st of December an unfordable branch stream forced 
them to cross to the eastern bank of the main river. 
On the 7th was noticed the first grove of cottonwoods. 
On the 23d a small advance party returned to meet 
the main body with exciting news. They had entered 
a pueblo farther up the river, eastward, where they 
bad been kindly received, and had spent the night 
there; but the next morning while engaged in peace- 
ful efforts — if we take their word for it — to collect a 
supply of maize, they were suddenly attacked and 
driven away, losing a part of their arms and luggage, 
and having three of their number wounded. 

Leaving the women and children with the wagons 
properly guarded at a place called Urraca, Castano 
set out on the 27th with the larger part of his force, 
and on the last day of the month and year arrived at 
the pueblo, which was situated about half a league 
from the river, being a large town with buildings of 
four and five stories — evidently identical with Pecos. 
The inhabitants were on the roofs in hostile attitude, 
armed with stones and bows and slings. After a great 
part of the day had been spent in vain attempts to 
conciliate them, an attack was made late in the after- 
noon, and the town was taken after a fight which seems 
to have been attended with no very serious casualties 
on either side. Great care was taken to prevent 
outrages, and to gain the people's confidence; but 
though they submitted, it was impossible to overcome 
their suspicion and timidity. During the second night 
they all left the pueblo and fled. The Spaniards re- 
mained five or six days, admiring the many-storied 
houses, the five plazas, the sixteen estufas, the im- 
mense stores of maize, amounting to 30,000 fanegas, 
the garments of the men and women, the beautiful 
pottery, and many other curious things. 


Having sent back much needed supplies of food to 
the camp at Urraca, the teniente de gobernador started 
on the 6th of January, 1591, in quest of new discov- 
eries. Two days over a mountainous snow-covered 
country and across a frozen stream brought him to 
the second pueblo, a small one whose inhabitants 
were well disposed, and readily submitted to the 
appointment of governor, alcaldes, and other officials, 
thus rendering allegiance to the Spanish crown. 
Four other pueblos, all of the same type, differing 
only in size, and apparently not far apart or far from 
the second, were now visited successivel}', submitting 
without resistance or serious objection to the required 
formalities. In each a cross was set up with all pos- 
sible ceremony and solemnity.^'' The seventh pueblo 
was a large one in another valley two leagues distant, 
with adobe houses of two and three stories, and in the 
plaza a large structure half under ground which seemed 
to serve as a kind of temple. The eighth and ninth 
pueblos were a day's march up a large river northward; 
but the tenth, a very large one with buildings from 
seven to nine stories high, situated five leagues bej'ond 
the last, where the inhabitants wore chalchihuites for 
ornaments, though seen was not entered, because the 
people were not altogether friendly, and on account of 
the cold, and lack of forage for the horses, the neces- 
sary time for conciliation could not now be spared. ^^ 
Returning through the snow to the southern towns, 
Castaiio next received the submission of pueblos eleven- 
and twelve across the river westward, a league apart, 
and then of number thirteen after recrossing to the 
eastern bank. The next move was over a snowy 
route to another valley in two days; and here 
were found, all in sight of each, four towns of the 

" It would seem that Castafio continued his journey N. w. from Pecos, and 
reached the Tehua pueblos x. of Sta Fe. The next 3 towns may ha\-e been 
of the same group, or farther up the river, possibly to Picuries; but all is 
mere conjecture. 

1** Though the distance given is too small, this pueblo from its size and de- 
scription should be Taos in the extreme north. 


Quereses, the only aboriginal name applied in this 
narrative, apparently identical with Coronado's Qui- 
rix, Espejo's Quires, and the later well-known Queres 
about the junction of the Galisteo and Rio Grande. 
The eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth pueblos, 
about a league apart, the first and perhaps the others 
being also of the Queres nation, graciously submitting 
to the strangers' god and king, were named respect- 
ively San Mdrcos, San Lucas, and San Cristdbal.^" 

On the 24th of January, after a heavy fall of snow, 
the little army started eastward from San Cristobal 
with native guides to bring up the rest of the colony, 
and the wagon-train from Urraca. Passing through 
pine forests and melting snow to get water for men 
and horses, they crossed the Rio Salado, or Pecos, on 
the 26th, and next day reached the camp at Urraca, 
most opportunely, for the store of food was wellnigh 
exhausted. Four days later the whole couipany started 
on the return; but progress being slow, on account of 
excessive cold and occasional accidents to the wagons, 
it was not till February 8th that they left the Pecos, 
reaching San Cristobal on the 15th, and San Mdrcos 
on tiie 18th. This town for a time was made a centre 
of operations. A few days after the return a new 
pueblo, the twenty-first, two leagues awa)^, was visited 
and peaceably reduced to Spanish allegiance. In the 
first days of March Castaho with a small party made 
a trip apparently to pueblo number one, or Pecos, but 
possibly to number ten, finding the people recovered 
from their fears, and ready for the formalities of sub- 
mission. Next he went by way of a place and stream 
named Ihigo to the twenty-second pueblo, named 
Santo Domingo, on a 'rio caudaloso' called also Rio 

'' These names are not mentioned in the diary till a little later on the re- 
turn from the east. There is little probahility that these names or that of 
Sto Domingo, given later, were permanent; nor is it possible to identify them 
accurately; still there is little doubt that they were iu the region of Sta Ana, 
S. Felipe, and Sto Domingo. Near S. Marcos promising mines were discov- 
ered. It is somewhat remarkable that saints' names are not applied to the 
other pueblos. 


Grande, to which point the main camp was soon trans- 

In these days was brought to Hght a plot of certain 
men to desert their leader, perhaps even to kill him, 
and to quit the country. Their cause of complaint, if 
we may credit the perhaps not impartial chronicler, 
was the kindness shown the natives by the teniente de 
gobernador, and the consequent lack of opportunities 
for plunder. All implicated, however, were pardoned 
by the kind-hearted Castaiio at the intercession of all 
the camp; and the only punishment inflicted was on 
Alonso Jaimez whose commission to go to Zacatecas 
for reenforcements was revoked. Permission was even 
given to such as might desire it to abandon the enter- 
prise and go home, but none took advantage of the 
offer. This was about the 11th of March; and in his 
search for mines Castaiio found in the mountains two 
pueblos, twenty-three and twenty-four, which had been 
abandoned recently because of Indian wars. No more 
dates are given ; but the final tour of exploration was 
to tlie province where the padres were said to have been 
killed years before. This is the only allusion in the 
diary to any knowledge on Castaiio's part that New 
Mexico had ever been visited before. In this province 
there were fourteen pueblos in sight on the river bank, 
nine of which — numbers twenty-five to thirty-three — 
were visited. Most of them were temporarily deserted 
by the inhabitants, in the fear that the invaders came to 
avenge the death of the friars ; but the rest submitted 
without resistance. We must suppose that in this last 
expedition Don Gaspar went from Santo Domingo 
down the Rio Grande to the province of the Tiguas.'^^ 

On his return from this tour, with a few men Cas- 
tano met Indians who reported the arrival of a new 
party of Spaniards. A little later he met some of his 

''" It seems most likely that this was not the Sto Domingo of later years, 
but a pueblo farther south, or down the river. 

''^ There is nothing to show the direction, and that little is confusing, as, 
for instance, the statement that he weut ' up the river ' in visiting the towns. 


own men, who said that Captain Juan Morlete^^ had 
arrived from the south with 50 men. Hoping to learn 
that reenforcements had been sent to him, though the 
names were not familiar, the teniente de gobernador 
hastened to the camp, only to learn that Morlete had 
come with orders from the king and viceroy for his 
arrest. He quietly submitted, and here the diary 
ends abruptly, after Don Gaspar had been put in 
shackles. Apparently the whole company returned 
south with their unfortunate chief Lomas in 1592 
tells us that Morlete was accompanied by Padre Juan 
Gomez, and arrested Castano "for having entered the 
said country without license from Vuestra Senoria." 
Onate in 1598 found traces of the wagons, showing 
the return route to have been down the Rio Grande. 
Salmeron says of this expedition "and those of Captain 
Nemorcete and of Humana I do not write, because 
they all saw the same things, and one telling suffices" — 
an unfortunate resolution of the venerable Franciscan, 
since he probably had at his command information 
that would have thrown desirable light on all these 
entradas. Father Niel adds nothing to the statement 
of his predecessor except in correcting Nemorcete's 
name to Morlete; and the poet Villagrd supplies no 

Of the expedition attributed by Salmeron and 
other writers to Humana, as it was an illegal one — 
contra bando, as the Spaniards put it — no diary could 

^^The diary has it Morlote, which may be correct. 

''"Lomas, Asiente, 58; N. Mex., Ytinermio, 245; Salmeron, Reh, 11; Nid, 
Apunt., 88. Villagra's version, Hist. N. MIex., 36-7, is as follows: 
' Y por el de nouenta eutro Castano, 
Por ser alia teniente mas antiguo, 
Del Reyno de Leon 4 qiiien siguierou 
Muchos nobles soldados valerosos, 
C'uio Maese de campo ae llamaua 
Christoual de heredia bien proiiado 
En oosas de la guerra y de buen tino, 
Para correr muy grandes despoblados, 
A los quales mandd el Virey prendiese 
El Capitan Morlete, y sin tardarse, 
Socorrido de mucha soldadesca; 
Braba, dispuesta, y bien exercitada, 
A todos los prendid, y bolvio del puesto.' 


have been expected to be written, even had the unfor- 
tunate adventurers lived to return and report their 
discoveries. Francisco Leiva Bonilla, a Portuguese, 
was the veritable chief, and Juan de Humana one of 
his companions. The party was sent out on a raid 
against rebellious Indians by the governor of Xueva 
Vizcaya at a date not exactly known, but apparently 
in 1594-6. Captain Bonilla, moved by the current 
reports of north-eastern wealth, determined to extend 
his operations to New Mexico and Quivira. The gov- 
ernor sent Pedro de Cazorla to overtake the partj' and 
forbid such an expedition, declaring Bonilla a traitor 
if he disobeyed; but all in vain, though six of the 
jiarty refused to follow the leader, and returned. The 
adventurers' progress to and through New Mexico has 
no record. They are next heard from far out on the 
buftalo plains in search of Quivira. Here in a quarrel 
Humana killed his chief and assumed command. A 
little later, when the party had passed through an 
immense settlement and reached a broad river which 
was to be crossed on balsas, three Mexican Indians 
deserted, one of whom, Jose, survived to tell the tale 
to Ohate in 1598. Once more we hear of the gold- 
seekers. Farther toward Quivira, or Tindan, or per- 
haps returning gold-laden from those fabulous lands, 
they encamp on the plain at the place since called 
Matanza. The Indians set fire to the grass, and rush, 
thousands strong, upon the Spaniards just before 
dawn. Only Alonso Sanchez and a mulatto girl 
escape the massacre. Sanchez became a great chief 
among the natives, and from him comes the story, 
just how is not very clear, since there is no definite 
record that he was ever seen later by any white man. 
When we take into consideration their sources, it is 
not surprising that the records of Humaiia's achieve- 
ments are not very complete.^* 

"Villagra, Hist. N. Mex., 37, 142, is the authority for the first part of 
this expedition; and he also as an eye-witness speaks of the Ind. deserter 
Jose, or Jusepe, at S. Juan. Onate, Carta de 1599, 303, 309, says that he 


was instructed to free the province from traitors by arresting Humana and 
his men; also that one of H.'s Indians (Jose) joined his force. Gregg, Com. 
Prairies, i. 117, seems to have seen a copy of this communication or another 
containing similar statements at Sta Fe. Niel, Apunt., 89-95, calls Humaila 
adelantado and governor; says that he killed Capt. Leiva, his bravest officer, 
and that the Indian Jos6 was found by Ouate among the Picuries. Davis, 
Span, Conq., 260, seems to follow Niel for the most part, without naming 
that author. He says Humana was killed three days after leaving Quivira, 
which D., as before stated, persists in identifying with the ruins of that name 
far south of Sta Fe. 




A Blank in Histoby Filled — The Versions of Eaely Writers — Not Im- 
proved BY Modern Authors— The Veritable but Unknown Author- 
ities — VillagrA's Work — An Epic History of the Conquest — Don 


Change of Viceroys — Vexatious Delays — Documents from the 
Archives Confirming the Poet — Persecittions — Start for the 
North — In Zacatecas— Visita — At Casco and Santa Barbara — 
Royal Order of Suspension — A Year's Delay — Order to Start in 
1597 — On the Conchos — The Franciscan Friars — List of OSate's 
Associates — To the Rio del Norte — Format, Possession Taken in 
April 1598— The Drama. 

Hating chroincled in the preceding chapters all the 
various explorations of New Mexican territory from 
1540 to 1596, together with several unsuccessful pro- 
jects of colonization, I now come to the final success 
of another similar undertaking, to the actual conquest 
and occupation of the country accomplished by Don 
Juan de Ohate for the king of Spain, in 1598-9. 
While this achievement may properly be regarded as 
the most important in New Mexican annals, the cor- 
ner-stone of the historic structure, its record has 
hitherto been left almost a blank. The early standard 
writers somewhat unaccountably gave but a brief and 
generally inaccurate outline of the conquest. Nearly 
all gave the date as 1595-6, fixing it by that of Ohate's 
preparations, and greatly underestimating the delays 
that ensued ; and only Mariana, the historian of Spain, 
seems to have given a correct date. The sum and 
substance of all these versions, rejecting errors, would 



be hardly more than a statement that in 1595 Ouate 
undertook the enterprise, and soon with the aid of 
Franciscan friars succeeded in occupying the province, 
and even made a tour to the Quivira region in the 
north-eastern plains.^ 

That later writers, consulting only a part of these 
earlier authorities, should not have materially improved 
the accuracy and completeness of the record is not 
surprising. They have made a few slight additions 
from documentary sources; but they have retained 
for the most part the erroneous dates, and have intro- 
duced some new errors, the latest and best of them, 
Davis and Prince, having copied the blunder of some 
faulty document consulted, and moved the conquest 
backward to 1591.^ The real and original authorities 

•Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., i. 670 et seq., mentions the confirmations of 
O.'s contract in 1595 by Viceroy Monterey, the enlistment of men in Mex., 
and the appointment of a comisario of the Franciscan band; but gives no 
further details or dates until after N. Mex. was occupied, that is, after 1600. 
'Pasaron todos, hasta llegar i, las poblaciones que Uaman N. Mexico, y alii 
asentaron Real, y oi Dia permanece, y de la que ha ido sucediendo se dird, en 
BUS lugares.' This is virtually Torquemada's history of the conquest. Men- 
dieta. Hist. Ecles., 402, writing in 1596, merely notes that the viceroy is now 
fitting out O.'s expedition. Vetancur, Chrdiika, 95, notes the contract made 
by Velasco and confirmed by Monterey, the appointment of friars, as in Tor- 
quemada, and then says: ' Llegaron con facilidad, y entre los dos rios fundarou 
una Villa a S. Gabriel dedicada.' Calle, Notkias, 102, after noting the con- 
tract ratified Sept. 30, 1595, the Franciscans, etc. , like the rest, thus records 
the conquest: ' Llegd al Nuevo Mexico y hizo asiento, tomo possession del por 
la Magestad Catdlica del Rey N. Senor, y puso su Real en el pueblo que se 
intituld San Galjriel cuyo sitio esta en 37° de altura al Norte, situado entre 
dos rios, donde fundaron Convento luego los Religiosos, y hasta el aiio de 1008 
bautizaron 8,000 almas.' Salmeron, Rdackmes, 23-i, recording the start in 
1596, the names of friars, number of soldiers, etc., tells us, 'dejadas largas 
historias, que no hacen a mi intento,' that Ouate with over 400 men went 
400 miles N., pitched his camp in lat. 37° 30', and went on to make 
further entradas and explorations. But he adds an account of the Quivira 
exped., pp. 26 et seq. Niel, Apuiit., 89-94, cannot be said to add anything to 
Salmerou's version, and neither implies that the entrada was delayed more 
than a few months, in 1596. Ludovicus Tribaldus, in a letter to Richard 
Haklnyt, printed in Purchas his Pilgrimes, iv. 1565-6 (see also descrip., v. 
853-6), and in Laet, Nomis Orbis, 314, mentions certain early troubles at 
Acoma. Alegre, Hist. Camp. J., i. 310-11, mentions the exped. as of 1596. 
See also Mariana, Hist. Espafia, ii. 527; Morelli, Fast. Nov. Orb., 31; Thesau- 
rits, Gcoij., ii. 252-3; Cava, Tres Sirjlos, i. 225-9; Arleijui, Cron. Zac., 56-7; 
Aparicio, Conventos, 282; Alcedo, Dice, iii. 189; Bermrdez, Zac, 31-4; Re- 
villa Criijtdo, in Dice. Univ., v. 441, who makes the date 1600. 

'Barreiro, Ojcada, 5, thus records the conquest, writing before 1S32: 
'Pero lo cierto es que en el aflo de 1595 con cedula de Felipe segundo dirigida 
al Virrey de Mexico Zuniga y Acevedo, conde de Monterey, entro al Nuevo- 
Mexico Juan de Onate con los primeros espanoles que lo poblaron, trayendo 


— a book published in 1610, and documents obtained 
in modern times from the Spanish archives — are now 
utiUzed practically for the first time in writing the 
history of New Mexico. I say practically, because in 
the long interval between the writing and final revision 
of this chapter, a Spanish investigator has given to 
the public a resume of the book referred to, and an- 
other in America has made known his acquaintance 
with the volumes containing the confirmatory docu- 

The veritable authority for the events presented in 
this chapter is to be found in the shape of an epic poem, 
written by Captain Gaspar de Villagra, one of Onate's 
companion conquistadores, and published only eleven 
years after the occurrence of the events narrated.* 

consijo 65 religiosos franciscanos.' Pino, Exposicion, 35-6, of 1812, and Id., 
Notkias, 2-8, a new ed. of '49, gives the king's cedula of July 8, 1602, in 
Onate's favor, which ia copied by Davis and others. The latter edition also 
contains Barreiro's statement and that of Calle as already quoted, aad in 
addition that of Prejes, Hist. Breve., 243, which is to the eflFect that Espejo 
having been sent by the viceroy to protect the missions of N. Mex., and 
some trouble having arisen with adjoining tribes, presidios were needed and 
Onate was therefore sent, arriving in 1595! Zamacois, Hist. Mij., v. 206-10, 
implies that the conquest was effected in 1596-7, and teUs us that two years 
later was founded the 1st city named Monterey. Rivera, Oobernantes de Mex., 
i. 71-2, gives no exact dates and few details, but he adds a little genuine in- 
formation about the troubles before N. Mex. was reached. Gregg, Com. of 
the Prairies, i. 117 et seq., found at Sta Fe a very important document, the 
memorial of Oiiate dated Sept. 21, 1595, which is not known to have been 
seen since, and of which the author gives a resume. Davis, Span. Coiiq., 
263-78, as I have stated, gives the date as 1591, but adds a note on the confus- 
ion of dates. He seems to have used a MS. copy of part of Salmeron's 
work, regarding it as Onate's diary. He also copies the cedula of 1602 as 
given by Barreiro, has evidently consulted Gregg, and also cites Larenau- 
diiiTe (Mexi'jtie, 147, who gives the date as 1600, not 1599). See also— none of 
them containing original or additional material — Prince's Hist. Sk., 161-6; 
Viarjero Univ, xxvii. 144-5; Mayers Mex. Aztec, i. 174; MeVme's 2,000 Miles, 
135-6; Domenech's Deserts, 185; Murray's Caih. Ch., 74-6; Xoin: Ann. Voy., 
cxxxi. 255; Famliam's Mex., 23; Modern Traveller, ii. 71--; Hinions Hand- 
book, 388-9; Milller, Heisen, iii. 188; Magliano's St. Francis, 575-7; Davis' 
El Giinr/o, 73. 

*I allude to Fernandez Duro (1882) and Bandelier (1881), whose works are 
elsewhere noticed. In the same interval, 1877-86, I have also discovered 
that the book was used in 1619 in a blundering sketch by Cordoba. My sur- 
prise in this matter has been for 10 years that the Doc. Hist. Mex., the Col. 
Doc. Inkl., and the work of Villagra have not been utilized by historical 

* Villagra, Historia de I' .Vv ■ ; V 'n, del Capitan Gaspar de Villagrd. 
Dirigidn. al Key D. Felipe , I T r,ro desle nombi-e. Ano IGIO. Con 

privilegio, en Alcala, por /.' ' '.'rande. A costa de Baptista Lopez 

mercader de Hbros. 16mo, J I, -^7 k i\xs. The preliminary leaves contain a 

VILLAGRA'S epic. 113 

This work, though by no means unknown to bibliog- 
raphers, is very rare ; and its historic value seems to 

quaint wood-cut portrait of the author; the usual certificates of secular license 
aud ecclesiastic apjjroval; dedication to the king; prologue; a series of numer- 
ous short eaticioiies and sojietos by different writers, full of flattery addressed 
for the most part to Villagra or Ouate, the longest being by Luis Tribaldos, 
the same who wrote to Hakluyt on the conquest; and finally a table of con- 
tents of th3 33 cantos which make up the book. The 1st begins as follows: 


Canto Pnmero. 
Que declara el argumento 
de la historia, y sitio de la nueva Mexico, y noticia 
q della se tuvo, en quanto la antigualla de 
los Indies, y de la salida y decen- 
dencia de los verdaderos 
Las armas y el varon heroico canto. 
El ser, valor, jarudencia, y alto esfuerfo, 
De aquel cuya paciencia no rendida, 
Por un mar de disgustos arrojada, 
A pesar de la inuidia pomjonosa, 
Los hechos y prohesas va encumbrando. 
De aquellos Espauoles valerosos. 
Que en la Occidental India remontados, 
Descubriendo del mundo lo que escoude. 
Plus vltra con braueza van diziendo, 
A fuer(^ de valor y braijos fuertes, 
En armas y quebrantos tan sufridos, 
Quanto de tosca pluraa celebrados; 
Suplicoos Christianissimo Filipo, 
Que pues de nueva Mexico soys fenix, 
Nueuamente salido y producido, 
De aquellas viuas Hamas y cenizas, 
De ardentisima fee, en cuyas brasas, 
A vuestro sacro Padre, y seiior nuestro, 
Todo deshecho y abrasado vimos, 
Suspendais algun tan to de los hombres (hombros). 
El grande y graue peso que os impide, 
De aquese inmenso globo que en justicia, 
Por solo vuestro bra90 se sustenta, 

Y prestando gran Rey atento oido, 
Vereis aqui la fuerfa de trabajos, 
Calumnias y aflicciones con que planta, f 
El Euangelio santo y Fe de Christo, 

Aquel Christiano Achiles que quisistes, 
Que en obra tan heroicase ocupase, 

Y si por qual que buena suerte alcaufo, 
A teneros Monarca por oiente, 

Quien duda que con admirable espanto. 
La redondez del mundo todo escuche, 
Lo que a tan alto Rey atento tiene, 
Pues siendo assi de vos fauorecido, 
No siendo menos escriuir los hechos, 
Dignos de que la plunia los leuante. 
Que empreder los q no sou menos dignos 
De que la misma pluma los escriua. 
Hist. Ariz, and N. Mex. S 


have been concealed from the public until 1883. When 
I had occasion to consult its pages in 1877, I did so 

Solo resta que aquellos valerosos, 

Por quien este cuydado yo he tornado, 

Alienteu con su gran valor heroico, 

El atreuido buelo de mi pluma, 

Porque desta vez pienso que veremos, 

Yguales las palabras con las obras. 

Escucliadme gran Rey que soi testigo, 

De todo quanto aqui sefior os digo. 
Or, rendering the same in English as literally as possible, with an exact re- 
production of the measure, and with a remarkably successful effort not to be 
a better poet than Don Gaspar, we have: 

History of New Mexico. 

First Canto. 
Which makes known the argument 
of the history, and the situation of New Mexico, and 
knowledge had of it from ancient monuments 
of the Indians, and of the departure 
and origin of the 
Of arms I sing and of the man heroic; 
The being, valor, prudence, and high efifort 
Of him whose endless, never-tiring patience. 
Over an ocean of annoyance stretching, 
Despite the fangs of foul, envenomed envy 
Brave deeds of prowess ever is achieving ; 
Of those brave men of Spain, conquistadorea, 
Wlio, in the Western India nobly striving. 
And searchmg out all of the world yet hidden. 
Still onward press their glorious achievements. 
By their strong arms and deeds of daring valor. 
In strife of arms and hardships as enduring 
As, with rude pen, worthy of being honored. 
And thee I supplicate, most Christian Philip, 
Since of New Mexico thou art the Phcenix 
Of late sprung forth and in thy grandeur risen. 
From out the mass of living flame and ashes 
Of faith most ardent, in whose glowing embers 
Thy own most holy father and our master 
We saw in wrapped, devoured by sacred fervor— 
To move some little time from off thy shoulders 
The great and heavy weight, that thee oppresses. 
Of that terrestrial globe which in all justice 
Is by thine own strong arm alone supported; 
And giving, gracious king, attentive hearing, 
Thou here wilt see the weight of weary labors, 
And grievous calumnies with which is planted 
The holy gospel and tlie faith of Jesus 
By that Achilles who by royal order 
Devotes himself to sucli heroic service. 
And if I may by rare access of fortune 
Have thee, most noble Philip, for a hearer, 
Wlio doubts that with a universal impulse 
The whole wide world will hold its breath to listen 
To that which holds so great a king's attention? 


with an idea that it might furnish material for a brief 
note as a literary curiosity; but I found it a most com- 
plete narrative, very little if at all the less useful for 
being in verse. The subject is well enough adapted 
to epic narration, and in the generally smooth-flowing 
endecasyllabic lines of Villagra loses nothing of its 
intrinsic fascination. Occasionally the author quits 
the realm of poesy to give us a document in plain prose ; 
and while enthusiastic in praise of his leader and his 
companions, our New Mexican Homer is modest in 
recounting his own exploits. Of all the territories of 
America — or of the world, so far as my knowledge 
goes — New Mexico alone may point to a poem as the 
original authority for its early annals. Not less re- 
markable is the historic accuracy of the muse in this 
production, or the long concealment of the book from 
the eye of students.'' 

Then, being thus by thee so highly favored, 
Since it is nothing less to write the story 
Of deeds that worthy are of the pen's record, 
Than to achieve deeds that no less are worthy 
Of being put by the same pen in writing. 
Nothing remains but that those men heroic, 
For whose sake I this task have undertaken. 
Should still encourage by their acts of valor 
The flight ambitious of a pen so humble. 
For in this case I think we shall see equalled 
Deeds by the words in which tliey arc recorded. 
Listen to me, great king, for I was witness 
Of all that here, my lord, I have to tell thee. 
*In the prose documents V.'s name is generally written Villagran and 
sometimes Perez de V. He was procurador general in tlic expedition, as well 
as captain. C'es^reo Fernandez Duro, Don Diego de Pcnaloxn, 14S-U.J, gives 
in 1883 an excellent summary of V.'s work, which is as I have said the first 
announcement to the world in modern times of its historic value. He quotes 
from Lopez de Haro, NohUario, some slight biog. matter, from which it appears 
that Don Gaspar was of the illustrious family of the Perez of Villagra, a 
town in the province of Campos, Spain, a family which included several val- 
iant captains, among them Don Francisco de ViUagra, well known in connec- 
tion with the conquest of the Araucanos iu S. America. Luis C'aljrera de 
Cordoba, Hlstona de Felipe, ii., Madrid, 1019, gave a trashy account of the 
early explorations of N. Mex., and also a brief account of the conquest, in 
which he follows Vdlajra. This is the only instance known to me in which 
V. 's work has been consulted. The extract on N. Mex. is translated in Ter- 
naiix-Cowpans, Voyages, ser. i. tora. x. p. 429-50. 

Fernandez Duro, Noticia de Exped., 131, part of the work noticed above, 
cites under date of 1604 Fijueredo, Relacion del viaje al Nuevo Mejico que hizo 
elCapitan general D. Juan de Quote, por Fr. Roqite Figueredo, viiskmero francis' 
cano en la expedkion, as a MS. mentioned by Beristain; also Oi'tate, Diario y re- 
lacion de la entrmla que hizo D. Juan de Onate en el Nuevo Mixico, hacia el reino 
de Tolan, em'iada al Rey, MS., cited by Barcia. From the date those MSS. 
may refer exclusively to O. 's expeditions from rather than to N. Mex, 


Viceroy Velasco on the failure of Urdiuola's project, 
not favoring as we have seen that of Lomas, accepted 
the j^ropositions of Juan de Onate in the autumn of 
1595.* Don Juan was a rich and prominent resident 
of Zacatecas, son of tlie brave and popular conquista- 
dor Don Cristobal ; married to Doiia Isabel, daughter 
of Juan de Tolosa, granddaughter of Hernan Cortes, 
and great-granddaughter of Montezunia;^ and was 
backed by the wealth, nobility, and power of Nueva 
Galicia. Oiiate's petition and contract are not ex- 
tant; but the former with marginal notes of approval 
and dissent was seen by G-regg at Santa Fe; and his 
brief resume, confirmed by incidental allusions in other 
documents, shows that the contract did not differ 
materially from the earlier ones that have been de- 
scribed. The empresario agreed to raise a force of 200 
men or more at his own expense; but seems to have 
been furnished by the king with a considerable quan- 
tity of arms and ammunition, and even a sum of money, 
being also authorized to confiscate the property of Bo- 
nilla and other adventurers if he could catch them. 
He was made governor, adelantado, and captain-general 
of the territories to be colonized ; and his somewhat ex- 
travagant claims for honors, titles, lands, and other 
emoluments were freely granted by Velasco so far as 
the royal instructions would permit.^ 

^ Villagra says the capitulations were concluded on Aug. 24th. In the JV. 
Mex., Mem., 1S8-9, it is stated that O.'s petition was dated Sept. 25th, and 
the contract approved Dec. (clearly a misprint for Oct.) 15th. Gregg saw the 
memorial at Sta Fe, and gives the date as Sept. 21st, which may be an error 
for 25th, or vice versa. Villagra's Aug. 24th may be the date of some pre- 
liminary agreement. I have no doubt the final approval by Velasco was in 
Oct. It was at least before the new viceroy's arrival on Nov. 5th. Torque- 
mada, i. 670-3, makes the date Sept. 30th; and Alaman, Disert., iii. apen. IS, 
says it was in '94. Velasco's instructions were issued Oct. 21, '95. 

' Fernandez I)uro, 130, says Don Juan married Doua Isabel Cortes Monte- 
zuma, daughter of Cortes. Arlegui, Chron. Zac, 50-7, makes Dona Isabel 
the wife of Cristobal de Onate and the mother of Don Juan. Bernardez, Zac. , 
31-4, confirms the statement of VillagrS as in my te.xt. The S. Luk Potosi, 
Relacion Circuns., 1, calls 0. ' descubridor, conquistador, y poblador ' of S. Luis 
1583, and son of Dona Isabel ace. to Haro's Koliilmio. 

^ According to Gregg's resume of the memorial, 0. offered to raise 200 men, 
and to supply at his own expense live-stock, implements, merchandise, and 
one year's provisions for the colony. la return, he asked for himself the 
titles of gov., etc., for 5 lives; 30 leagues of land with all the vassals thereon; 


The contract once signed, Don Juan, securing the 
support of the highest officials and most iniiuential 
men of Mexico, Nueva Gahcia, and Nueva Vizcaya, 
invoking the aid of his four brotliers, and the four 
brothers Zaldivar, his nephews, and of other active 
friends,^ set about the task of recruiting an armj', by- 
no means a long or difficult one. The sargento mayor, 
Captain Vicente Zaldivar, unfurled his enlistment ban- 
ner in the grand plaza of Mexico with a salute of artil- 
lery; the scenes of '30 and '40 under Guzman and 
Coronado were repeated; recruits came in from all 
directions, attracted by the favorable terms offered 
and the hope of wealth and fame in the north, and 
the ranks were soon fuU.^" 

All was enthusiasm; success seemed assured; and 
preparations for an early departure were wellnigh 
completed, when a change of viceroys occurred in 
November, the count of Monterey succeeding Velasco. 
This in itself naturally caused some delay; but more 
serious causes were at work. Onate's brilliant pros- 

a salary of 8,000 ducats, and exemption from the crown tax for working 
mines; for his family; hereditary nobility and liberal encomiendas; for liis 
army, arms and ammunition; for his officers, repartimientos of native laborers; 
for his colony, a loan of 20,000 pesos from the royal treasury; and for the 
spiritual well-being of all, 6 friars and the fitting church accoutrements. He 
also asked for instructions respecting the forcible conversion of gentiles and 
the collection of tribute. Gregg does not indicate what demands were 
granted or declined in the marginal notes; nor is it apparent whether this 
was the original arrangement or the final one as modified by a new viceroy. 
It is stated in the A". Mex., Mem., 188-9, that Velasco accepted the offer by 
indorsing the several articles of the petition ia marginal notes. VOlagra says 
0. got $4,000 in money; Torquemada and CaUe add also So, 000 as a loan. 

In Pino, Not. Hist., 2-3, and more complete in Davis, Span. Co]iq., 264-5, 
is the royal order of July 8, 1602, confirming the title of hijosdalgo to Ouato's 
associates for 5 years in the conquest, according to an article of the original 

' There are named Gov. Diego Velasco of N. Vizcaya, Rodrigo del Rio de 
Loza, Santiago uel Riego and Maldonado of the audiencia, Lequetio, Antonio 
de Figueroa, the Bailuelos, Ruy Bias de Mendoza, Juan Cortes — great-grand- 
son of Hernan — Juan de Guevara, and Salas, the alcalde of Zacatecas. Onate's 
brothers were Fernando, Cristobal, Alonso, and Luis Nunez Perez. Tlie Zal- 
divar brothers, whose mother seems to have an Oiiate, were Cristobal, Fran- 
cisco, Juan, and Vicente, who were apparently the sons of the Juan Z. wlio 
was a captain of Coronado's army in '40. Villagra and some others imply 
that the Zaldivars were O.'s cousins; but 0. calls them sobnnos. Vicente 
also married a daughter of Juan Ouate. 

'" Salmeron and Niel say that 600 or 700 men were enlisted, though this 
seems doubtful, as there was no known authority to enlist more than 200. 


pects, and the unusual prerogatives granted him, had 
created jealousy; and his rivals and foes appear to 
have had more influence with the new viceroy than 
with the old one. Even before he reached the capi- 
tal, ]\Ionterey asked for a delay ; but after Velasco had 
explained the matter by letter, he consented to a com- 
pletion of the arrangements. Arriving the 5tli of 
November and taking possession of his office, he pro- 
ceeded to investigate somewhat at his leisure the ade- 
lantado's fitness for his position, and the truth of 
certain charges against him. The exact nature of 
the accusations is not revealed; but soon ever^'body 
seems to have had something to say against Don Juan 
and his enterprise ; virtue, if we may credit the poet 
companion and eulogist, being in this instance well- 
nigii overpowered by calumny. A prominent ele- 
ment, however, in the new viceroy's policy was his 
favor to one Pedro Ponce de Leon, who wished to 
undertake the conquista himself; at any rate, he wrote 
to the king on December 20th, asking that ratification 
of O.iate's project be delayed until new information 
could be obtained. The poet's narrative of these and 
latter complications is confirmed by documents from 
the Spanish archives." 

" These documents on Onate's conquest are published in tlie Pacheco, Doc. 
xvi.. and are of the greatest importance, as follows: y. Mex., Memorial sohre 
el Vkcci Mrj-ini y ,««.« acoiUecimientos, 1595-1602, p. 188-227. This is a docu- 
!iic It :r , 1. u ;ir' cif Ouatc's negotiations, contracts, and acts, made by or for 
Vi . : ■ Z 1 i\ u- ill 1G02, in connection with his efforts to obtain further aid 
fiM II . ;i ^ V,. It contains not only a resume of documents, corresp., etc., 
lai; imk..'.i t;;.jtiiuo:iy taken in Mexico on O.'s achievements and the importance 
of .., iiitiuuing tlie conquest, alluding incidentall;.- to tlic results of earlier 
rxpl.'iations. Ytinerario de Icis m'nrns del Cin-rr,, <!<• li jit'urnndon de Ij, Nucva, 
\'r: ■ ' . . . con los arjruigrs y Icjuas de su i/--l niri^i, c<iii,iiio txlo de carretas 
. . . /'.',. ■; -,r f .f'li ih~ ri:f.i V I rjvriencia, y qne traki verdiid, y es sacerdote. 
A I ' '' /(-sf) de l.xs JorTmd:is que /uz3 el campo de su 

.1/ I < I In provincia de la Niieva. Mexico. Ai'to de 

i^ I i", I . LJ^ :-, I i; n a diary, or rferrofero from the Caxco mines 
Auj. J, '.h, to tiij tail of Acoma, Jan. 24, '99. It bears indications, how- 
ever, of having been prepared in Mex. from memory, notes, doc, etc., 
and not a copy of an original diary as written from day to day. It, like all 
tlie other doe., i? a part of th ■ Z.ddivar expedie.nte of 1G02. Traslad) de Li 
]>'-' ' ;' ■ ' /' • " ' " ' il n I lillomd Don Joan de Onate, de Lslieynosy 
J' ^ I > la.<i oliediencias y vasallaje qtte los Judios de 

nil' , - y provincias le dieron en eldicho nomhre. 

All I :!.- }; :.S x>. 'JS-lil. Tile lurm'al acts of taking possession of N. Mex. 


At last the %dceroy was induced to approve his 
predecessor's contract with certain modifications, in- 
sisting particularly that Ohate should not, as he 
demanded, be independent of the audiencia in the 
administration of justice, or of the viceroy in war and 
finance. Preparations were now actively renewed for 
the march; but when the modifications alluded to 
became known to some members of the colony, whose 
privileges were more or less curtailed, a new storm of 
complaints and curses burst upon the leader's head; and 
his foes took advantage of the occasion to renew their 
attacks. Ohate deemed it wiser to flee from than 
resist such foes; accordingly he made haste to begin 
his march northward.^'^ In Zacatecas a halt was made 
for final preparations. In June 1596, Lope de UUoa 
y Lemos was commissioned by Monterey to make a 
visita general, or inspection and inventory. Ulloa was 
also instructed to remove the army from the settle- 
ments on account of certain complaints of disorderly 
conduct; and he began his inspection in July, appoint- 
ing Francisco de Esquivel as assistant or comisario.'^ 
This caused an annoying and seemingly needless delay 
from the poet's point of view; but as the viceroy 

for Spain followed by the acts of submission of the pueblos and native chief- 
tains, with dates and witnesses, especially valuable by reason of the many 
pueblo names. Oilaie, Copia de Carta excripta al Virrei/ Gomle de Monterrey 
(por) Don Joan de Ofiate, de la Nueva Mexico, a dos de Marzo de 1599 anos, 
p. 302-15. A letter written at S. Juan, describing briefly what has been 
done, and dwelling particularly on the brilliant prospects — all to solicit fur- 
ther aid. N. Mex., Discurso y Propoaicion <i'ie se hace a Vueslra Magestad de 

10 tocante d fos Descuhrimieatos del Niiei'o Mexico por stti capltulos de puntos 
diferenle^, p. 38-66. A letter of Viceroy Monterey to the king, probably of 
loJ2, containing a resume of what had been done in the Onite matter, and 
the viceroy's ideas of what more should be done. It is also given in Fernan- 
ilrz Diiro, Don Dieijo de Peiialosa, 13-27. 0/Vxte (Alomo de), Pide se confirme 

1 1 capilulacioii. que hizo el Virey con Don Juan de Oi'uite, p. 316-22. Dated 
May 4, 1600, at Mailrid, and addressed to the king. There follows a letter 
of May 5tli of like purport and addressed to the consejo. 

'^ With him at this time went several Franciscans under P. Rodrigo Duran 
as comisario. Those named are Baltasar, Cristobal de Salazar, and Diego 
Marquez, or Martinez — he who had formerly been captured by ' gente lute- 
rana — who went as confessor or representative of the Inquisition. 

I'iV. Mex., 2Iein., 191; Id., Dis. y Prop., 43-4. VUlagra says nothing of 
any complaint of disorders. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., tells us that O.'s men 
mutinied at Taxco, refusing to go on unless the force was increased, and cer- 
tain promises were fulfilled. The viceroy sent Ulloa to punish the malecon- 
tents and make them go on! 


had already sent a friendly letter, assuring the governor 
that the visita was a mere formality, not based on any 
suspicion, no serious discontent resulted at this time, 
and soon the force moved on, a part to the Caxco, 
or Taxco, mines in Durango," and the rest still farther 
to the San Bartolomd valley. 

About a year had now passed since the contract was 
signed, and the military colony had been considerably 
reduced during the delay. ^^ A courier was daily 
expected with marching orders, and at last he came, 
the 9th of September, with a sealed packet for Ulloa, 
which contained, as the general and all the army 
thought, the welcome order. Bitter was Ouate's dis- 
appointment when the packet was found to be, instead, 
a royal order of May 8th, directing a suspension of the 
entrada until the receipt of further instructions, in con- 
sequence of the viceroy's letter of the past December 
and the pending negotiations with Ponce de Leon. 
Enclosed was the viceroy's letter of August 12th to 
Ulloa, instructing that officer to make known the 
king's will, and to order Onate, under the severest 
penalties, including a revocation of all past concessio^is, 
to make no further advance. ^^ In October came from 

" I do not find this place on the maps, but I have a note, of forgotten ori- 
gin, to the effect that it was on the Kio Nazas in central Durango. This is 
confirmed by the later route which led through Zarca and Cerro Gordo, and 
is probably correct. They reached Caxco, via Avino and S. Juan del Rio, on 
Nov. 1, '96. N. Mex., Ytin., 229. 

'' Villagra says reduced to 500 men; and we have noted that some authori- 
ties give the original force as 600 or 700; but only about 200 besides negroes, 
Indians, etc., are mentioned in any of the original doc. or corresp. 
'° LI ego luego un correo con gran priessa 
Pidiendo albricias por el buen despacho, 
De las nueuas alegres que traia, 
De Vuestro Visorey, en que mandaua. 
Que luego todo el campo se aprestase, 

Y que la noble entrada prosiguiesse, 

Y como esta mjis cerca del engaiSo, 
Aquel que esta mas fuera de sospecha, 
Assi fue que el correo assegurado, 

Con gran contento entrd y dio su pliego. 
El qual se abrio en secreto, y con recato, 
Que ninguno supiesse ni entendiesse, 
Lo que el cerrado pliego alli traia, 

Y como no ay secreto tan oculto. 

Que al tin no se reuele y se nos muestre. 


Mexico a repetition of the order. The governor with 
a heavy heart thought of his past efforts, and of the 
500,000 ducats already spent; but kissed the unwel- 
come pliego and promised to obey. He concealed the 
bad news from his army for a time, and joined in their 
festivities. He had no thought of giving up his enter- 
prise; and Juan Guerra generously offered to bear a 
portion of the heavy expense to be entailed by this 
new delay, which was destined to last over a year. 

It seems unnecessary to narrate in detail the history 
of this gloomy period. Soldiers were constantly 
deserting, and more than once utter failure seemed 
inevitable. One visita after another was ordered; 
but Oiiate was able on each occasion to keep his force 
and supplies up to the standard of his contract." 
To his protests against the delay, and those of his 
brothers and friends, the viceroy, although professing 
the most friendly disposition, replied always that he 
could not act without royal orders. The adelantado's 
foes wished of course to break up the expedition alto- 
gether, and at times such was the policy of the gov- 
ernment as well ; but at other times there seemed to 
be a desire to keep the force together until Ponce de 
Leon or some other royally favored individual could 
be in some way given the command. Padre Duran 
became discouraged and left the company with most 
of his friars in spite of all remonstrances.^** But amid 
all troubles. Onate, if we may credit his somewhat 

El que en aqueste pliego se encerraua, 

Contra las buenas nueuas que el correo, 

Con inoceneia a todos quiso darnos. 

Sin quitar una letra ni anidiria, 

Quiero con atencion aqui escriuirla. 
And accordingly the poet dismounts from Pegasus and gives us these doc. in 
prose. Villat/rd, 54-60. They are reproduced in Fernandez Duro's summary; 
and the dates of reception are found in N. Mex., Mem., 192. 

'" From Nov. '96 to Feb. '97 many communications between Ulloa and 
Ouate, in relation to the visitas, are given in N. Mex., Mem., 192-7. Part of 
the force at this period was at C'axco and the rest at Sta Barbara. There 
were a few over 200 soldier-colonists, besides negro slaves and Indians. It is 
implied that O. had contracted to pay expenses of his colony only until N. 
Mex. was reached, so that the delay was ruinous. 0. seems to have visited 
Mex. in the interval. 

i^Torquemada and others also mention this fact. 


partial biographer, stood firm as a rock, sustained by 
his friends, and by the influence of Dona Eufemia, 
the beautiful wife of Alferez Penalosa, who publicly 
harangued the men, urging them to imitate the forti- 
tude of their leader. Some were mutinous, and bent 
on going to New Mexico in spite of the king's pro- 
hibition ; but cutting off the head of their leader 
checked the ardor of this party. 

Late in 1597 came orders to get ready, to submit 
to a final visita, and to start. The royal cedula of 
April 2d, on which these orders were founded, I have 
not seen. In September Juan Frias de Salazar was 
commissioned as visitador, Esquivel retaining his 
position as comisario, and in December, when the 
army had been reunited at the Santa Barbara mines, 
the final inspection began.''' If we follow Villagrd's 
version, the expectation was that Ohate could not pass 
the inspection; and the viceroy even advised him not 
to attempt it but to disband his force. The general's 
reply was that he would submit, not only to this visita, 
but to as many more as the government might choose 
to order; and he did submit, and successfully passed 
the ordeal. The viceroy states, however, that Sala- 
zar was secretly instructed to deal as leniently as pos- 
sible with Oiiate, disregarding small deficiencies; and 
the records show that there was a deficiency in both 

■'Villagra does not name Salazar, but calls the successor of Ulloa — who 
was sent to China — Capt Guerrero, with Jaime Fernandez as secretary. This 
may be an error, or Uuerrero may have been intermediate between Ulloa and 
Salazar. The new visitador ace. to V. was a bitter foe cf Onate, and the 
quarrel between tlie two waxed very hot. As a sample of the obstacles 
tin-own in the way of the colony, I note the following: Instead of permitting 
a halt while the inspection was being conducted, as was usual and expected, 
the vi^ihuloi- ordered an immediate march. Then in some most unsuitable 
place he would order a halt, forbid the men for several days to leave their 
tents to look after the live-stock, forbid the purchase of any animals, and 
then suddenly order the goats or some other class to be presented immediately 
at his oiiice for inspection! Villiigrd, Hist. N. Hex., 72-4. 

The rear division of the army had left Caxco Aug. 1st, and marched via 
Cirrizal, Zarca, Los Patos, Cerro Gordo, La Parida, Bauz, Rio Florido, and 
Rio Bunuelos to Sta Barbara in S. Bartolome valley, where they arrived Aug. 
lyth, and remained till Dec. 17th. Then they pitched the camp a few leagues 
farther on, at the arroyo de S. Gerdnimo, where the visita began Dec. 22d, 
and where they remained a month. N. Mex., Ytinerario, 229-32; Id., Mem., 
197-5; JU., Discurso, U. 


supplies and men, of whom only 130 remained. It 
was decided that the viceroy should raise 80 men at 
Ohate's expense — Juan Guei^ra and his wife, Ana de 
Mendoza, becoming sureties — and about this number 
were indeed sent north the next year.'" 

Onate's Route, 

"xV. J/&C., Mem., 197-S; Id., Discurso, 4A. As we have seen, most au- 
thorities speak of only short delays, and imply that the exped. started for 
N. Mex. in the summer of '96. The delays are attributed by Salmeron and 
Niel to the devil, who trembled at the prospect of losing his grasp on so 
many thousands of souls. Cavo, Tns Siglos, i. 225-9, like Rivera, tells us 
the delay was caused by a mutiny at Caxco, wliich UUoa succeeded in quelling. 


The final inspection having been concluded the 20th 
of January, 1598, the army started northward six days 
later, and on the 30th reached the Conchos. Spanish 
travellers in America never encamped if it were pos- 
sible to avoid it, on the near, but always on the far- 
ther, side of a stream; therefore haste was made to 
cross; and the bustle and incidents of bridging and 
fording the river are vividly portrayed by our poet 
chronicler. They remained in camp on the Conchos 
for a week, getting rid of the visitador, who is said to 
have departed without bidding the colonists good-by, 
but also having to part with Padre Marquez, their 
confessor. Arrangements had, however, been made 
for a new band of ten Franciscans ; and these friars, 
under Padre Alonso Martinez, as comisario, came north 
witJi Captain Farfan and his party, who had escorted 
Padre Marquez on his return, and joined the army 
soon after the start. "^ 

The force that left the Conchos on the 7th of Feb- 
ruary is given by Salmeron and Niel, and implied by 
Villagra, as 400 men, 130 of whom were accompanied 
by their families. The documentary records indicate 
only the 130 soldier colonists, besides a large number 
of servants and Indians ; and it is difficult to under- 
stand how there could have been more whom Ouate 
could not utilize to make up the 200 of his contract. 
Don Crist6bal de Oiiate, son of Don Juan, accompanied 
the expedition as teniente de gobernador y capitan 
general, at the age of ten years ! Juan de Zaldivar 
was maestro de campo; Don Vicente, his brother, sar- 
gento mayor ; Captain Villagrd, procurador general ; 
Captain Bartolome Romeros, contador; Zubia, or 
Cubia, proveedor; and Juan Velarde and Juan Perez 
Donis, secretaries. I append a list of such names as 

'^ They arrived March 3d. Their names were Alonso Martinez, Francisco 
de Zamora, Juan Rosas, Alonso Lugo, Francisco de San Miguel, Andres Cor- 
chado, Cristobal Salazar (a cousin of Oiiate), Juan Claros, Pedro Vergara, and 
Juan de Sau Buenaventura — the last 2 lay friars; also brothers Martin, Fran- 
cisco, and Juan de Dios are named. Barreiro, Ojeada, 5, says Ouate had 65 
Franciscans with him ! 


I have found in the various records, well worth pre- 
serving, as including the first settlers of New Mexico ; 
though unfortunately the full names and titles of all 
could not be made to fit the metre of the poetic ver- 
sion.-'^ There were 83 wagons in the train, and 7,000 
head of cattle. 

' Alphabetic list of Onate's associates iu 
Capt. Pablo de Aguilar 

Asoencio de Archuleta 

Alf. Dionisio de Banuelos 

Juan Benitez 

Capt. Juan Gutierrez de Bocanegra 
Juan Perez de Bustillo 
Cesar Ortiz Cadirao 
Juan Camacho 
Estevan Carabajal 
Juan de Caso 

Alf. (Capt. ) Bernab6 de las Casas 
Juan Catalan 

Capt. Gregorio Cesar 

Alf. Juan Cortes 
Marcos Cortes 
Pedro Sanchez Damiero 
Juan Diaz 

Sec. Juan Perez de Donis 
Capt. Felipe Escalante 
Juan Escarramal 
Capt. Marcelo de Espinosa 
Capt. Marcos Farfan de los Godos 
Juan Fernandez 
Manuel Francisco 
Alvaro Garcia 
Francisco Garcia 
Marcos Garcia 
Simon Garcia 
Luis Gascon 
Bartolonie Gonzalez 
Juan Gonzalez 
Juan Griego 

Francisco Guillen 
Antonio Gutierrez 
Alf. Gerdn. de Heredia 
Antonio Hernandez 
Francisco Hernandez 
Gonzalo Hernandez 
Pedro Hernandez 

the conquest of N. Max. 
Antonio Coude de Herrera 
Cristobal de Herrera 
Juan de Herrera 
Alonzo Nuiiez de Hinojosa 
Leon de Isasti 

Capt. Diego Landin 
Francisco de Ledesma 
Alf. Juan de Leon 
Domingo de Lizana 
Cristobal Lopez 
Juan Lopez 
Alnnso Liicas 

Francisco Marquez 
Capt. Gerdnimo Marquez 
Heruan Martin 
Juan Martinez 
Juan Medel 

Alouso Gomez Montesinos 
Baltasar de Monzon 
Juan Moran 

Capt. Diego Nunez 
Juan de Olague 
Ten. Gen. Cristobal de Onate 
Capt. Gen. Juan de Onate 
Juan de Ortega 

Regundo Paladin 
Simon de Paz 
Juan de Pedraza 
Alt. Pereyra 
Simon Perez 
Capt. Juan Pinero 
Alf. Fran, de Posa y Peualosa 
Capt. Alonso de Quesada 
Fran. Guillen de Quesada 
Martin Ramirez 
Juan Raugel 

Pedro de los Reyes 
Pedro de Ribera 


Instead of descending the Conches as earlier ex- 
plorers had done, Onate seems to have taken a north- 
ward course to the Rio Bravo. Two exploring par- 
ties were sent out in advance to find a way for the 
wagons, and Villagra, who accompanied the sargento 
mayor, devotes more than two cantos of his work to a 
description of their adventures; and in the Ytmerario 
the dates, distances, and names of successive points 
reached by the main army are given ; but tliough this 
was the first exploration of nortliern Chihuahua, the 
details have no special interest in connection with our 
present subject except as appended in a note."^ Pro- 
gress with the wagons was naturally slow, but there 

Alonso del Rio Sosa 

Diego Robledo Capt. Tabora 

Francisco Robledo Capt. Francisco Vaca 

Pedro Robledo Varela 

Pedro Rodriguez Francisco Vasquez 

Sebastian Rodriguez Jorge de la Vega 

Bartolome Romeros Sec. Juan Velarde 

Capt. Moreno de la Rua Francisco Vido 

Capt. Ruiz Juan de Victoria Vido 

Juan Ruiz Capt. Gaspar de Villagra 

Lorenzo Salado Villalba 

Juan de Salaa Villaviciosa 

Alonso Sanchez Capt. Juan de Zaldivar 

Cristobal Sanchez Capt. Vicente de Zaldivar 

Francisco Sanchez Alf. Leon Zapata 

Antonio Sarinana. Prov. Zubia 

Juan de Segura Zumaia. 

22 Feb. 7th, left the Conchos; 3 1. to La Teutacion. 8th, 2 1. to Agua del In- 
cendio. 9th, 3 1. to barrancas. 10th, 3 1. to Rio S. Pedro, forded in 28° 45', 
remaining a month, and the padres arriving March 3d. March 11th, 3 I. to 
Charcos. 12th, 5 1. to Rio de Nombre de Dios. 14th, back to S. Buena- 
ventura a short distance, whence Landin started for Mex. 18th, 3 1. to 
Sierrazuela de las Hogueras. 19th, 1 1. to S. Jose, or Sacramento, where 
holy Thursday was celebrated with great ceremonies. 20th, 3 1. to Sta Cruz. 
22J, 3 1. to Encinar de la Resurreccion. 24th, 2 1. to Alameda de la Asump- 
cion. 25th, 1 1. to Laguna de S. Benito y Ojuelos del Norte, a lake 2 1. in 
circum. 2Gth, 3 1. to Aguage de la Cruz. 27th, 1 1. to Penol de Velez in lat. 
30°. 30th, 2 1. to Ancon del Recelo. 31st, 2 1. to fuente de S. Fran, de 
Paula. April ls1^2d, 3 1. to Socorro del Cielo. 3d-5th, 6 1. to Rio de la Men- 
tira and Cienega de S. Isidro in about 30° 30'. 7th, 2 1. to Alchicubite de S. 
Vicente. Sth-9th, 3 1. to Cienega de la Concepcion, and beginning of the 
sand dunes. 10th, li 1. to fuente de S. Leon in lat. 31°. 11th, spring of S. 
Emenegildo. 12th, 31. to Bocas de los M^danos. 19th-20th. G 1. to the Rio 
del Norta in 31° 30', river called Rio Bravo farther s. E. April 2Stli-May 3d, 
8^ 1. up the river. May 4th, forded the river in exactly 31° (not a typog. 
error, for the writer notes that they had lost 30' in going 8h 1.!); they called 
the ford Vado de los Puertos; in many leagues there is no other way for 


were no adventures or calamities. Captain Landin 
was despatched for Mexico with letters in the middle 
of ;March. On the 20th of April they reached the 
Rio Grande. On the last day of the month, a few 
leagues up the river on the western bank, Ohate pro- 
ceeded with all the complicated and curious cere- 
monial deemed essential in such cases, to take formal 
possession for God, the king, and himself, of New 
Mexico "and all the adjoining provinces," as appears 
from the long and verbose act of possession duly cer- 
tified by Juan Perez, the royal escribano, in the pres- 
ence of the friars and all the army.'^* There were also 
imposing religious ceremonies, including mass in a 
chapel built for the occasion, and a sermon by the 
padre comisario; and finally in the evening the per- 
formance of an original comedy written by Captain 
Far fan on a subject connected with the conquest of 
New Mexico — early days of the drama, indeed." 

^*This acta is given in full by Villagrd, p. 129-32; and also in N. Mex. 
Traslado, 88-101. In this doc. Oiiate alludes to the king's order of April 2, 
'97, approviug his appointment; and also names all the friars of his company. 
Space does not permit the translation of this paper as a curiosity. 

'''' 'Hobo sermon, gran solemnidad eclesidstica y seglar, gran salva y alegria, 
y a la tarde comedia.' N. Mex., Ytiii., 242. 



El Paso del Norte — Up the Rio Grande — The First Pueblo Group at 
Socorro — A Miracle at Puaeai — From Pueblo to Pueblo — Obedi- 
ence AND Vassalage— San Juan de los Caballeros, San Gabriel, 
AND City of San Francisco— Universal Junta — Distribution of 
Missionaries — List of Towns — Zaldivar's Trip to the Plains — 
Onate's South-eastern Tour — The Captain-general Starts for the 
Mar del Sur — Submission of Acoma, Zuni, and the Moqui Towns- 
Visit TO Mines in Arizona — Villagra's Adventures, Acoma to 
Zuni — Eevolt of Acoma — Death of Zaldivar and Fifteen Compan- 
ions — Vengeance of the Spaniards — Battle of the Penol — Destruc- 
tion of Acoma and Slaughter of the Natives — End of the Epic 
AND Other Records. 

On the 4th of May, 1598, only twenty-five miles 
above the point where they first reached the Rio 
Grande, the Spaniards were shown by natives a con- 
venient ford, and the army crossed to the eastern 
bank. The latitude is confusedly given as 31° or 31° 
30'; and I have no doubt that this "ford of the river 
of the north " was the original El Paso del Norte, a 
name that has been retained ever since for the locality 
where the river leaves the territory which is now 
New Mexico. From the 5th to the 20th the army 
marched slowly up the river on the eastern side for 
fifteen and a half leagues, with none but trivial inci- 
dents, if we except the death of several persons of the 
colony, and without applying names to localities. 
Here Captain Aguilar returned from an advance ex- 
ploration, having reached the first pueblos and entered 
one of them against the orders of his chief, who, how- 


ever, pardoned him at the intercession of" his men. 
Fearing that the natives might be alarmed and run 
away with their food supphes, Onate with the Zaldi- 
vars, Villagrd, padres Salazar and Martinez, and fifty 
men,' started on tlie 2 2d, and in six days, 26 or 22 
leagues, reached the first group of pueblos, a storm 
with thunder, lightning, and perhaps an earthquake 
marking the approach, and drawing from the padres 
all the pra3-ers of tlie litany. 

It is noticeable that the distance of 41 or 38 leagues 
from El Paso confirms our identification, from the re- 
ports of earlier explorers, of the southernmost group 
of pueblos with the Socorro region in latitude 34°; 
and indeed, the pueblo of Teipana, three leagues above 
Qualacii of the first two, was now named Socorro. 
Besides these three which are mentioned as occupied, 
there were others abandoned, but only these two 
names are given. The natives gave a kind welcome 
to the strangers, entertained the governor in their 
towns, and furnished supplies of maize, which desirable 
'socorro' was sent back to the main camp. It was 
the middle of June when Oiiate and his advance party 
left what may be regarded as the first group of towns.^ 

The next advance up the river was to a small pueblo 
named Nueva Sevilla, seven leagues above Socorro, 
the first in which the soldiers slept, and where they 
remained a week while the Zaldivars went to explore 
the Abo pueblos,^ and Villagrd made a tour in search 
of maize. Then on the 2 2d of June they went on for 
four leagues to a new but abandoned pueblo, which they 

' Onate, Corp. de Carta-, 303, says there were 70 men; and that one of his 
objects was to find and arrest Humana. The force is not given in the Ytine- 

^ The purport of Onate 's narrative, however, indicates less clearly than 
those of earlier explorers a grouping of the towns; but rather makes a con- 
tinuous line of pueblos at intervals of 3 or 4 1. The text of the Ytinerario 
leaves it slightly doubtful whether the next town was not four instead of 7 1. 
above Socorro. 

' This is the first mention of this name. Tlie ruins of Abo are in about 
lat. 34° 30', 25 or 30 mUes east of the river, and agreeing very well with the 
indications of this record. Sevilla was not far from the junction of the Rio 
Puerco. Tlie Ytinerario, 242-53, is chiefly followed for this part of the jour- 
ney, as Villagra disposes of it somewhat briefly. 
Hist. Akiz. and N. Mex. 9 


named San Juan Bautlsta, as they were there on the 
24th, or Saint John's day.* Here the general heard 
of two Mexican Indians left by Castano, and started 
northward on the 25th in search of them, reaching 
Puruai, named San Antonio, in a journey of sixteen 
leagues. Here the friars were lodged in a newly 
painted room, and in the morning they beheM on the 
walls life-like portraits of the martyred Rodriguez 
and Lopez of seventeen years ago, which the natives 
had vainly tried to conceal with the paint! The two 
Mexicans, Tomas and Cristobal, were presently brought 
in from another pueblo, and they proved as interpreters 
a most valuable acquisition to the Spaniards. Before 
the end of June they visited the pueblo of Tria — pos- 
sibly Cia — which they named San Pedro y San Pablo ; 
and moved on three leagues from Puruai to San 
Felipe, and thence four leagues to Guipui, or Santo 
Domingo.^ This town was made a kind of headquar- 
ters or capital for a time, all of Onate's advance party 
coming up apparently; and in this province we are 
told was chosen® a convent named Asumpcion, though 
nothing appears later about such an institution. On 
the 4th of July Captain Juan de Zaldivar was sent 
back to bring up the rest of the wagons and colonists 
who had reached the first pueblos on June 26th, but 
who did not join the advance army till August. 

At Santo Domingo on the 7th of July seven chief- 
tains representing some thirty-four pueblos assembled 
to acknowledge the supremacy of new masters tem- 
poral and spiritual. Tomas and Cristobal, serving as 
interpreters, explained at great length the material 
prosperity and eternal happiness that must result from 

* S. Juan must have been some distance below Isleta, and must not be con- 
founded with S. Juan de los Caballeros. 

* Perhaps S. Felipe was 3 1. beyond S. Pedro y S. Pablo instead of Puruai; 
or Sto Domingo 4 1. from P. instead of from S. Felipe. Elsewhere in the 
Ytinenirh Sto Domingo is said to be 6 1. from P. Not much importance can 
be attached to exact distances in these records. Clearly S. Felipe and Sto 
Domingo correspond with those still so called, though it is not certain that 
the sites were not slightly changed in the next century. 

* ' Se elixid convento de la advocacion de Nra Sra de la Asumpcion.' Ytin., 
254. Perhaps it should bs ' se erigid,' or was built instead of chosen. 


being 'good,' and submitting cheerfully to Felipe II. 
and God, as contrasted with present disaster and fu- 
ture damnation inseparably connected with refusal; 
and the chief's, disposed to be friendly or fearing the 
strangers' guns and horses, even if they had some lin- 
gering doubts respecting the political and doctrinal 
theories presented, humbly kneeled and swore tlie re- 
quired allegiance, as was duly recorded in a ponderous 
document.^ On July 9th the army left the pueblo of 
Bove, or San Ildefonso,* and in two days, or ten 
leagues — the wagons going by a longer route of six- 
teen leagues via San Marcos — to Caypa, or San Juan, 
doubtless identical, or nearly so, with the pueblo still 
bearing the name near the junction of the Rio Grande 
and Rio Chama just above latitude 36°. From the 
courtesy of the people- —especially after much-needed 
rain had been produced by the padres' prayers — this 
town was soon called San Juan de los Caballeros, and 
for several years was the Spanish capital, or centre of 
operations. The name San Gabriel was also applied 
by the friars to their establishment here, or more prob- 
ably to another pueblo not far distant.' 

' Ohedie7icia y Vasallaje d Sic Mitgpstad por los indlos de Santo Domingo (July 
7, 1598), in N. Mex. Traslado, 101-8. As there were several similar acts a 
little later, it will be more convenient to name the pueblos together in a sub- 
sequent note. 

" Of their going from Sto Dom. to S. lid. nothing is said, nor is the dis- 
tance mentioned; out it would seem that S. lid. may have been much nearer 
to Sto Dom. than the pueblo now called S. lid., else the distance of 10 1. to 
S. Juan would be inexplicable. 

* Both in the Ytinerario and in Oiiate, Cop. de d'rta, 304, the distance is 
given as 61 1. from the point where O. originally left the wagons far south of 
Socorro, and this corresponds nearly enough with the actual distance from a 
point just above lat. 33° to one just above 36°. The place is often called S. 
Juan Bautista, but must be distinct from the southern pueblo originally so 
named. Davis' statement, Span. Conij., 289, that the name ' de los Caballeros ' 
originated from the gentlemanly conduct of the natives during the great re- 
volt of the next century, though founded on several early statements, is an 
error. Several early writers speak of the villa de San Gabriel, and indeed 
Zaldivar so calls the Span, headquarters in 1602. iV. Mex., Mem., 198. Tor- 
quemada and others cited earlier in this chapter state that the Spaniards es- 
taljlished themselves at S. Gabriel between the Rio Grande and a smaller 
stream. Salmeron and Niel locate it between the Zama, or Chama, and Rio 
Grande. In the Arch. iV. Mex., 158, the ruins of S. Gabriel are mentioned 
as on the Chama 6 1. above its mouth. S. Gabriel del Yunque, in Esralante 
Carta, 116, recalls Coronado's Yunque Yunque. It will be noted that in the 
subsequent distrib. of friars in Sept., S. Gabriel is named as distinct from S. 

132 OJJATE'S conquest CONTrNUED. 

From San Juan on the 13tli Onate went to PIcu- 
ries, or San Buenaventura, six leagues; and thence 
six leagues farther to Taos, or San Miguel, or Tay- 
beron, the northern limit. Returning to San Juan 
he went to San Ildefonso on the 20th, and thence five 
leagues east to San Marcos next day, and the next to 
San Cristdbal/" On the 24th and 26th he went to 
Pecos, or Santiago,^^ by way of Glisteo, or Santa Ana; 
returning to San Cristobal and San Marcos on the 
26th, and next day going down to Santo Domingo, 
where the main company from below under Saklivar 
arrived the same day. From the 2d to the 7th of 
August Oiiate made a tour by way of the great pueblo 
of Tria — probably Cia — to the great one of the Emenes 
or Jcmes, visiting also some others of the eleven 
pueblos in that province, and finding some hot sulphur 
springs. Having returned to Santo Domingo, he 
went up to San Ildefonso on the 9th, and next day 
probably arrived at San Juan.^'^ 

It was the next day after this arrival, or the 11th 
of August, that work was begun on the ditches re- 
quired to bring water for the city of San Francisco 
which it was determined to found, some 1,500 Indians 
assembling to aid in the labor. I believe that the site 
of this intended city was at or in the immediate vicin- 
ity of San Juan, and not at Santa Fe, where the city 
was really built in later years. For a long time 
nothing more is heard of it, and it is probable that 
the progress of the work was soon interrupted by 
troubles presently to be noticed; or the water-works 

'" S. Cristobal and S. Marcos belonged apparently to the Nambe and Tesu- 
que group north of Sta Fe, yet in later years they seem to have been south 
and again north of Sta Fe. They may be the pueblos so named by Castauo, 
as Oiiate had an Ind. girl of S. Cristobal carried away by C. ; and near S. 
Marcos certain mines, called de Escalante, are mentioned as by C. 

" Pedro Orez, a native of Pecos carri&l away by Espejo, had died; but 
Brother Juan de Dios of O.'sband had learned the language, and he later 
settled here. 

'^ The diary is not clear for the 10th, there being apparently an omission 
of th3 doings of that day. Except for what follows about the new city this 
•would have no importance, and I think there can be no doubt that they went 
to S. Juaru 


may have been completed for San Juan, and the build- 
ing of the city postponed to a more convenient season 
when a change of site was found desirable. I find 
not the slightest reason to date the founding of Santa 
Fe from 1598.'* While San Francisco was to be the 
name of the new city, San Pablo was chosen by 
the Indians as the general patron of the territory. 
The last of the colonists and wagons arrived on the 
18th, and thus all were reunited at San Juan de los 
Caballeros. A few days later a mutinous plot of cer- 
tain soldiers, including apparently Captain Aguilar, 
was revealed, tut the governor was moved by tears 
and supplications to grant a general pardon." From 
August 23d to September 7th a church was built, and 
dedicated on the 8th with great ceremonies termi- 
nating with a sham battle between Christians and 
Moors. There was a week of general sports at this 
time which brought in a large number of natives from 
all directions, some of them coming, as the poet tells 
us, as spies to study the invaders' strength. 

A 'universal junta de toda la tierra' was held at 
San Juan on the 9th of September, on which occasion 
the native chiefs, including representatives of pueblos 

'^ ' Se empezd la saca del agua para la ciudad de nuestro Padre Sant Fran- 
cisco.' A\ ilex., Ytin., 202. In Id., TraMndo, 11(5, 'la cibdad de Sant Fran- 
cisco de los Espanoles que al presente se edifican ' is included with S. Juan in 
the missionary field of P. Salazar in the distribntion of Sept. 9th; aud this is 
cited by Bandelier, Hkt. liitrod., 19, as 'documentary evidence regarding the 
establishment of Sta Fe,' though it does not follow that B. really opposes my 
view of the matter. That the writer of the Ytinerarto, after carefully noting 
Oiiate's tour through the Sta Fe region and return to S. Juan, should have re- 
ferred to the beginning of work oa tlie new city the next day, having in mind a 

site 25 or 30 miles away, with no preliminary record of choosing the site, etc., 
is as improbable as that a city at Sta Fe in process of construction should have 
escaped all mention for 10 years or more; but there is nothing at aU strange 

in the record if the meaning is that the city was to be at S. Juan, since the 
work may have gone on slowly for years or its suspension during the later 
troubles have left no record. Since writing what precedes I find in I'etancitr, 
Chron., 101, the following, which settles the question: From S. Juan de los 
CabaUeros are in sight (1680-91) the 'edificios de la vUla de S. Gabriel, 
primera f uudacion que se pasd a Sta Fe a la otra parte del rio. ' 

" Over 45 men were concerned, ace. to Oiiate, Cop. Carta, 304. Four men 
subsequently ran away for the 'tierra de paz.'with a baud of horses; but 
ViUagra aud Marquez went in pursuit, hanged two of the men, and recovered 
the animals, going as V. claims in 14 days to Sta Barbara; and indeed Ouate, 
305, says that they wrote to the viceroy from Sta B. They started Sept. 12th, 
ajid returned early in Nov. 


and provinces that had before submitted and many- 
others, renewed their formal submission, after listen- 
ing to a new explanation of the system by which 
the Almighty was represented in New Mexico e7t lo 
temjioral through the king by Onate, and en lo espiri- 
tual through the pope by the padre comisario Martinez. 
They also expressed the joy with which they would 
i-eceive the friars at their pueblos as spiritual teachers 
and masters, after listening to the cheering assurance 
that if they refused or disobeyed the padres they 
would all be burned alive, besides burning later in 
hell. Villagra tells us, however, that while they 
readily submitted to the king, they very sensibly told 
the padre comisario that so far as the new faith was 
concerned they had no objection to adopting it, if after 
proper instruction they found it desirable, adding 
naively that of course he would not wish them to em- 
brace a faith tliey did not fully understand ! There- 
upon Martinez proceeded to apportion the pueblos 
among his co-laborers.^'* 

In my narrative of earlier entradas I have given in 
text or notes all the pueblo names mentioned by the 
successive explorers, with such comments as seemed 
necessary to show their identity. In the records of 
Ohate's conquest, and especially in the acts of obedien- 
cia y vasallaje and distribution of friars, these names 
are very numerous, and doubtless in many instances 
very inaccurate as written or printed; yet I have 
deemed it desirable to preserve them ; and for the con- 
venience of reader and student I append them in com- 
pact form, adding all the names that appear in earlier 
narratives. Identification is in mo-;t cases, so far as 
individual pueblos are concerned, impossible; indeed, 
tliere is nothing left with which to identify them, and 
I make no attempt at arbitrary location on my maps, 
though all existing data of distance, direction, etc., 
will be found in these chapters. Fortunately, the 

'° Ohediencia y Vasallaje d Su Magestad por los iTidios del Pueblo de San Juan 
Bautlsta (Sept. 9, '98), in N. Mex., Traslado, 108-17, including the distribu- 
tion of the missionaries. Also Villagra, Hist. N. Mex., 152^, with less details. 


identity by groups or leading pueblos presents few 
difficulties, and in nearly every group a few names 
have survived to modern times. The towns in the 
sixteenth century occupied the same general range of 
territory as in the nineteenth ; but most of them were 
destroyed in the seventeenth, and many of those re- 
maining were moved from their original sites. ^^ I 

'* The body of what follows is from the Ohediendas of the N. Mex., Tras- 
laclo, items in parentheses being from the Ytinerario, Villagra's narrative, 
and other doc. relating to Onate's expedition; while notes from earlier expedi- 
tions and comments are enclosed in brackets. 

Under care of Fr. Francisco de S. Miguel, prov. of the Pecos (Santiago) 
with the 7 jjueblos of the eastern Cienega, and the Vaquero, or wild tribes, of 
that region to the Sierra Nevada, and the pueblos of the 'gran salina ' behind 
the sierra of Puruay; and besides the pueblos of Quanquiz, Hohota, XonaWs, 
Xatol, Xaimela, Aggey, Cuza, Cizentetpi, Aeoli, Abbo (Abo), Apena, Axauti, 
Amaxa, Couna, Dhiu, Alle, Atuyama, and Chein; and the 3 great pueblos of 
the Jumanas, or ' rayados ' called in their language Atripuy, Genobey, Que- 
lotetrey, and Pataotrey. In the Obedienda of Oct. 12th we have also in this 
s. E. region the prov. of Chealo with the pueblos of Acolocti, Cuzaya [Cuza 
above], Junetre, and Paaco; and in the Ohed. of Oct. 17th those of Cueldce, 
Xenopue, Patasce, and Abo. [Coronado calls Pecos Cicuye, Cicuio, Cicuique, 
Tiouique, Tienique, or Acuique, not naming others in the region. Rodriguez 
mentions prov., or valleys, of Came with 6 pueblos, and Asay, or Osay, with 
5, somewhere in the s. E. Espejo names the prov. of Tamos — Tanos — one of 
its pueblos being called Ciquique, or Pecos; and also the prov. of Maguas, or 
Magrias, of 11 pueblos N. E. of the Tiguas. Sayaque appears on JefFery's 
atlas.] Glisteo, or Sta Ana, is named in the Ytin. [In all this eastern region 
of about 40 puelilos alluded to we have iu modem times only the ruins Pecos, 
Galisteo, Abo, Gran Quivira, and various scattered heaps of nameless ruins. ] 

Fr. Juan C'laros, prov. of the Chiguas, or Tiguas, and pueblos of Napeya 
and Tuchiamas, and that of Pura with the 4 ' consecutive ' down the river, 
that of Poxen, I'uaray (S. Antonio), Trimati, Guayotri, Acacafui, Henicohio, 
Vareato 'with all its subjects to Puaray up and down the Rio del Norte '(?); 
also the prov. of Xalay, the prov. of Mohoqui (?), and the prov. of the Atripuy 
down the river with its pueblos which are Pregviey, Tuzahe, Aponitre, Vu- 

mahein, Quiapo, Trelaquepu, Cunquilipinoy, Calciati, Aquicato, Encaquiagual- 
caca, Quialpo, TrelagJi, Pesquis, Ayqui, Yancomo, Teyaxa, Qualacii (2d 
pueblo coming froms., ace. to Ytin.), Texa, Amo, on 'this side' [west?] of 

the river; and on the o'Jier, Pencoaua, Quiomaqui, Peixolde, Zumaque, Teey- 
traan, Preguey [see above, repeated], Canocan, Peytre, Qui-Ubaco, Tohol, 
Cantensapu^, Tercao, PoloocA, Treyey, Queelquelu, Atepira, Trula, Treypual, 
Tecahanqualahimo, Pdopue, Penjeacii, Teyparad (Teipana, or Socorro, 3 1. 
above Qualacii), and Trenaquel ' de la mesilla ' which is the 1st pueblo coming 
from Mexico. (Which of these were the ones called Nueva Sevilla and S. 
Juan Bautista in the Ytin. does not appear. ) In the Obed. of July 7th the 
Chigua pueblos named are Paniete, Piaqui, Axoytre, Piamato, Quioyaco, and 
Camitre, or at least these were under the captain of the Chiguas. [Niza's 
Totonteac may possibly have been the Tigua prov. Coronado wintered ia 
Tiguex, Tihuex, or Tihueq, a prov. of 12 or 15 pueblos; and visited Tutahaco, 
a prov. of 8 pueblos down the river in the Isleta region; also 4 towns in the 
Socorro region not named, which were also mentioned without being named 
by Rodriguez and Espejo. R.'s visit 1st shows the name Puaray or Puara; 
and E. names the pueblo of Puara, Puala, or Poalas, one of 16 ia the prov. of 
Tiguas. It is not probable that a single one of these 60 pueblos of the south- 
ern section of the Rio Grande valley U still standing, though there are a few 
of later origin]. 


have no doubt that the number of pueblos, about 170, 
is greatly exaggerated through a confoundiug of 
names pertaining to towns, tribes, and chieftains. 

Fr. Juan de Rosas, prov. of the Cheres, or Cherechos (Hores) [Queres. 
The name Querechos is applied by Coronado and Espejo to wild tribe? in the 
east and west] with the pueldos of the Castixes, or S. Felipe and Coniitre, 
Sto Domingo or Guipui, Alipoti, Chochiti or Cochiti; that of the Cienega de 
Carabajal; S. Marcos, S. Cristobal, Sta Ana, Ojana, Quipaua, del Puerto, and 
Pueblo Quemado. In the Obed. of July 7th are also named Tamy, Acogiya, 
Cachichi, Yates, and Tipoti. (Villagra gives the Queres prov. to P. Zauiora, 
omitting Rosas. ) [Coronado names Quirix, or Quivix, a prov. of 7 pueblos. 
Espejo eaUs it Quires with 5 pueblos Castano called it Quereses, naming 
one of the towns Sto Domingo, perhaps the same so called by Onate, and also 
S. Marcos, S. Liicas, and S. Cristobal. Pueblos still standing in this region, 
the Rio Grande valley, in about lat. 35° 30', retain the names of Sta Ana, S. 
Felipe, Sto Domingo, and Cochiti, some of them perhaps identical wlfh those 
of the 16th century.] 

Fr. Cristobal de Salazar, prov. of the Tepdas (Teguas, ace. to Villagra) 
[Tehuas], with the pueblos of Triapi, Triaque, S. llJefonso or Bove, Sta 
Clara, San Juan [de los CabaUeros] or Caypa, S. Gabriel, Trovniaxiaquino, 
Xiomato, Axol, Camitria, Quiotraco, and the city of S. Francisco ' que se 
edifjcan.' [Coronado calls the prov. Yuque-Yunque with 6 towns; and his 
Ximera, or Ximena, with Silos and other abandoned villages may have been 
in this region. Espejo calls the province or the eastern part of it Ubates or 
Hubates. Of the 10 or 11 Tehua pueblos, the names of S. Juan, Sta Clara, 
and S. Ildefonso still remain in this district, and of the same prov. are the 
towns of Nambe, Pujuaque, and Tesuque.] 

Fr. Francisco de Zamora, prov. of the Picuries, with aU the Apaches N. 
and w. of the Sierra Nevada; also prov. of the Taos with pueblos in that 
region and upper valley of the Rio Grande. Taos was also called Taj'berou 
and S. Miguel; and Picuries was S. Buenaventura. [Coronado called Taos 
Braba, Uraba, or Yuraba; and his Acha prov. in this region was possibly 

Fr. Alonso de Lugo, prov. of the Emmes (Emes) [Jemes], and the pueblos 
of Yjar, Guayoguia, Mecastria, Quiusta, Ceca, Potre, Trea [Cia?], Guatitruti, 
Catrdo; and the Apades [Apaches] and Cocoyes of the sierra and region. In 
the Obed. of July 7th, the Emmes pueblos are called Yxcagnayo, Quiamera, 
Fia, Quinsta, Leeca, Poze, Fiapuze, Friyti, and Caatri. [If, as seems likely, 
these are different spellings of the same 9 pueblos, our confidence in the 
accuracy of these doc. is considerably shaken. Coronado mentions the prov. 
of Hemes with 7 towns, and that of Aguas Calientes with 3. Espejo calU 
the prov. that of the Emexes, Emeges, or Amejes. The pueblo of Jemes 
still stands, but not on its original site.] 

Fr. Andres Corchado, prov. of Trias, or Trios, with pueblos of Tamaya, 
Yacco, Toajgua, and Pelchin. In the Obed. of July 7tli are named Comitre 
and Ayquiyu, with Triati and Pequen, perhaps in this region. Corchado's 
district lay westward from the ' gran pueblo ' of Tria or S. Pedro y S. Pablo 
(Zia, Villagra.) [Cia, called Chia by Coronado. Perhaps the Tlascala of Rod- 
riguez. Sia, or Siay, of Espejo, the capital of the prov. of Punanies, Pu- 
mames, or Cnnames of 5 puelilos.] Also Acoma, Obed. of Oct. 27th. [Possibly 
Niza's prov. of Acus or Marata. Coronado's Acuco, or Coco. Espejo's 
Acoma. If this pueblo could be located in the early times farther N. than its 
present site, say on the Puerco about lat. 35" 30', it would agree better with 
the records; but I find no evidence of a change, and the peculiarities of the 
peflol site render a change improbable, though not impossible.] Also Zuui, 
or Truni — Ohed. of Nov. 9th — a prov. of 6 puel)los, Aguicobi or Aguscobi, 
Canabi, Coaqueria, Halonagu, Macaqui, and Aguinsa. Ohed. of Nov. 9th. 
[Niza's prov. of Cibola with 7 pueblos, one of them Abacus. Coronado's 
Cibola, with 2 of the 7 towns named Granada and Muzaque, perhaps the 


After the general assembly and its attendant fes- 
tivities, Vicente Zaldivar was sent with fifty men to 

New Mexico in the Sixteenth Century. 

Macaqui above. Espejo's Ziini, Zuny, Am6, or Ami, one of the towns being 
Aquico.] Also the prov. of Mohoce or Mohoqui — Obed. of Nov. loth — with its 
pueblos of Mohoqui, Naybe, Xumupami, Cuanrabi, and Esperiez; the captains 
of which, perhaps confused with the pueblo names, were PananmA, Hoynigua, 
Xuyuuxa, Patigua, and Aguatuyba. Obed. of Nov. loth. [The modern 
names of the 7 Moqui towns^iVa^. Races, i. 528 — are Oraibe, Shunmthpa, 
Mushaiina, AJilela, (xualpi, Siwinna, and Tegua; or ace. to Garces in the 18th 
century, SesepaulabS, Masagneve, Janogualpa, Muqui, Coucabe, and Muca 
or Oraive. Coronado's Tusayan, Tucayan, Tuzan, Tusan, or Tucauo with 7 
towns. Espejo's Mohoce, or Mohace, with 5 towns, one of them Aguato, or 
Ziguato; other pueblos of Deziaguabos, Gaspe, Comupavl, Majanani, and 
Olalla being mentioned in connection with his exped.] 

Other pueblos named in the Otied. of July 7th with no indication of locality, 
and not named in the distribution of friars, are Aychini, Baguacat, Xutis« 
Yucaopi, Acacagua, Ytriza, and Atica. 


explore the buffalo plains of the east, with no results 
of a geographic or historic nature worth noticing here. 
Some petty adventures among the roving bands of 
natives, tlie shooting of the first bull by the valiant 
major, and a grand buffalo hunt with brilliant but not 
very successful efforts to capture some of the cibolos 
alive, claim, however, at the hands of our poet chron- 
icler more space than the annalist can devote to them. 
Zaldivar's absence was from September 10th to No- 
vember 8th, and he found traces of the expedition of 
Bonilla and Humana. His course was probably north- 
east. In October Ohate made a tour to the salinas 
eastward of Pecos, and thence south to Ab6 and 
the Jumana territory, the formal submission of the 
pueblo groups being on the 12th and 17th, and he 
returned about the 20th to the Rio Grande. 

On the 23d of October the general started from 
Puarai on a western tour, accompanied by Padre 
Martinez; and four days later received the obediencia 
of Acoma. Here according to Villagrd he had a nar- 
row escape without knowing it at the time. Zutuca- 
pan, a chief who had not been invited to the conference 
at San Juan, had harangued the people from the house- 
tops, and urged them not to yield to the haughty 
Castillos.^'' He had some success at first, but wiser 
counsels prevailed when his son Zutancalpo and the 
venerable Chumpo — 120 years of age — had made the 
people understand how very difficult it would be to 
defeal the valiant strangers, and the utter ruin that 
must result to Acoma in the case of failure. Still 
Zutucapan gained a following, and a secret plan was 
made by twelve conspirators to kill Ohate in an estufa, 
which on one pretence or another he was to be induced 
to visit. The adelantado with his small force arrived, 
was satisfied with his friendly reception, and was 
filled with admiration at sight of the peiiol town with 
its wonderful natural strength and defensive works. 

" So the Span, were generally called by the N. Mexicans. The name is a 
corruption of Castellanos. 


One of the twelve invited Onate to see something 
very curious, but he cautiously and fortunately de- 
clined to enter the fatal estufa. The formal submis- 
sion of the pueblo having been received, the little 
army continued its march westward to Zuni and to 
Mohoqui, where formal submission was rendered by the 
native chieftains on the 9th and 15th of November. ^^ 
Of Onate's western explorations in what is now 
Arizona we know but little. He was everywhere 
liospitably entertained by the natives, who held grand 
hunts to furnish diversion and game for their guests. 
A party under captains Farfan and Quesada were 
sent out from Moqui in search of mines, which were 
found in a pleasant, well-watered country some thirty 
leagues westward, perhaps in the same region pre- 
viously explored by Espejo.^^ There were also salt 
deposits, and according to Villagrd pearl-oyster shells, 
which caused a belief that the coast was not far dis- 
tant. The general had intended to reach the ocean on 
tliis tour, and soon after starting had sent orders to 
Juan Zaldivar to turn over the command at San Juan 
to his brother Vicente as soon as the latter should 
arrive from the plains, and to join his general in the 

'8 iV. Mex.. Traslado, 132^1. In the Ytin. it is stated that 0. like Espejo 
fouml at the Zufli towns, not only crosses, but Mex. Ind. left by Coronado. 

" It may be well to give the Ytiii. from Puarai (near Bernalillo or Sandia) 
to Acoma. Zuui, Moqui, and the mines as follows: w. 4 I. to Torrente de los 
Alamos, half-way between beinjj the Arroyo de los Mimbres; 7 1. to Manan- 
tial de la Barranca, and 2 1. (apparently, for the text is contusing) to Acoma. 
(It IS ditficult to make this agree with the present location of Acoma with re- 
spect to Sandia; and here, as in many earlier statements, we are tempted to 
locate A. much farther north. 

From the Peflol de Acoma 4 1. to source of the Rio de Mala Nueva; 8 1. to 
Agua de la Pefla; 4 1. to ' agua que va a Juni ' (source of Zuui River ?), where 
are 3 ruined pueblos; 3 1. to 1st Zuni pueblo, there being 6 within a space of 
3 1., and a famous Salina de Grano 9 1. east (?). 

From Zuiii, G 1. to Cienguilla; 6 1. to Manantialejos; 5 1. to 1st Moqui 
town; 3 1. to 2d pueblo; 4 1. to 4th, via 3d. These towns are the eastern 
(western ?) limit of settlements found down to Dec. 20, '98 (which may mean 
that 0. remained here till that date, or some of his party). 

From Moqui, 6 1. w. to Fuentecilla de los Medanos; 3 1. to Rio de la Ala- 
meda; 3 1. to foot of the Sierra sin Agua; 2 1. to Estauque del Pinal; 2i 1. to 
raucheria de los Gandules; 6 1. in the mts to Agua del Valle; 2 1. to ran- 
cherla de los Cruzados; 3 1. to the valley of partridges, magueys, with a fine 
river; 4 1. to 3d river, and 2 1. to 4th, both large streams; thence to the 
mines and hot springs, no distance given. Here the Ytin. termiuates 
abruptly with p. 276; but later events at Acoma are given on previous 
pages. This western derrotero is an addition without dates. 


west with thirty men. But trouble occurred, as we 
shall see, in connection with the carrying-out of these 
orders, and the Mar del Sur had to wait. 

We have seen that captains Villagrd, and Marquez 
had in September been sent soutli in pursuit of de- 
serters. They returned at the beginning of Novem- 
ber, and the former started alone with his horse and 
dog to join his leader and report the success of his 
mission. At Acoma he was so closely questioned by 
Zutucapan that his suspicions were aroused, and he 
refused to dismount. Stating that a large Spanish 
force was not far behind, and pleading urgent haste to 
overtake the general, he hurried on ; and sleeping that 
night by the wayside he awoke in a snow-storm. Soon 
he fell into a pitfall that the treacherous natives had 
prepared for him, left his horse dead therein,"" and 
plodded on through the snow on foot, taking the pre- 
caution to reverse his boots, with a view to mislead 
pursuers. After suffering intensely from hunger for 
several days, at last he killed his dog for food, but as 
the faithful animal with the life-torrent pouring from 
his side turned to lick the hand of his slayer, Villagrd 
had no heart to eat the food obtained at such a cost." 
Soon after, when just ready to perish, he was rescued 
by three of Ohate's men who were searching for lost 
horses in the Zuhi region. At the same time his 
pursuers — possibly imaginary — came up, but thinking 
the main force near at hand dared not attack."^ 

'" The best of historians, even poets, leave now and then a point obscure. 
Perhaps the author, if he were still living, might reconcile the death of his 
horse iu the pitfall with an earlier statement that at the time of writing he 
still had the noble charger that bore him on this journey ! A small woodcut 
in connection with V.'s portrait on the frontispiece is intended, as close ex- 
a!uinatiou leads me to believe, to represent this adventure in the pit. It cer- 
tainly represents nothing else. 

^' In the interests of history, and to the sacrifice of sentiment, I must add 
that the want of a tire to cook the dog was not without influence on the poet's 
decision. He had not thought of this when he did the cruel deed ! 

^-It must be noted that ace. to the Ytinemrio, 267, 275, Capt. Marquez 
was the man who made this trip, leaving Puarai Nov. 4th, and reaching Zuni 
half dead with cold and hunger; but I think it more likely that this id a slip 
of the pen tlian that Don Caspar should have appropriated the achievements 
of another; especially as V. was at Zuni on Nov. 9th, as is shown in the OOe- 


Don Vicente Zaldivar returned from the plains on 
the 8th of November, and on the 18th Don Juan set 
out as ordered to join Onate. Meanwhile the wily 
and patriot Zutucapan — if we are to credit the poet 
chronicler, who may have drawn on his imagination 
largely for his facts, or may on the other hand have 
obtained accurate information from the natives later — 
had renewed his efforts at Acoma, and this time suc- 
cessfully ; for after the orators of the former occasion 
had spoken and others had added their eloquence on 
both sides, it was determined to test the boasted in- 
vulnerability of the Spaniards by attacking them on 
their arrival, having first taken the precaution to scatter 
them where they would fall an easy prey. Such was 
the situation when Zaldivar and his companions ap- 
proached the pehol. The natives came out to meet 
them with gifts and every demonstration of friendly feel- 
ing. They offered all the supplies that were needed, and 
next day the soldiers, no treachery being suspected, 
were sent in small parties to bring the provisions from 
different parts of the pueblo. A loud shout from the 
Indians first warned the maestro de campo of his peril; 
he wished to order a retreat, and thus in his leader's 
absence avoid the responsibiUty of open war; but an- 
other officer not named — severely blamed by Villagrd, 
and accused of subsequent cowardice — opposed him 
until it was too late, and retreat was impossible. 

A desperate hand-to-hand fight of three hours en- 
sued; Zutucapan, Pilco, Amulco, Cotumbo, and Tem- 
pol were the native chieftains most prominent in the 
battle ; the Spaniards performed prodigies of valor in 
single combats; but the odds were too great, and one 
by one the little force melted away. At last the brave 
Zaldivar fell under the club of Zutucapan ; the native 
warriors set up a cry of victory ; five surviving Span- 
iards fled to the edge of the mesa and leaped down 
the cliff, four of them reaching the plain alive. Three 
others had escaped from the pehol, and all joined 
Alf^rez Casas, who was guarding the horses. Captain 


Tabora was sent to overtake Oiiate ; others went to 
warn the padres at their different stations, while the 
rest bore the sad tidings back to San Juan.^^ 

The scene in camp when the disaster was announced 
to the wives, children, and friends of the slaughtered 
company may be left to the imagination of the reader. 
Solemn funeral rites for the dead were hardly com- 
pleted when Tabora returned, saying that he had not 
been able to find the governor; whereupon Alferez 
Casas with three companions volunteered for the ser- 
vice; and after many difficulties met Onate beyond 
Acoma, near where Villagrd had been succored a 
month before. The adelantado retired to his tent and 
spent the night in prayer before a rude cross, if we 
may believe his eulogist, and in the morning made a 
speech of consolation to his men. Having witli the 
least possible delay called in the several bands of 
explorers, he marched his army carefully and sadly 
back to San Juan, where his safe arrival on December 
21st was celebrated by a te deum. 

Formal proceedings were now instituted before 
Juan Gutierrez Bocanegra, appointed alcalde for the 
occasion, against the rebels; and after the friars had 
given a written opinion respecting the elements of a 
just war and the rights of victors over a vanquished 
people, it was decided that Captain Vicente de Zal- 
dfvar be sent against Acoma ; that the inhabitants of 
that town must be forced to give up the arms of the 
murdered soldiers, to leave their peiiol, and to settle 
on the plains; that the fortress must be burned; and 
that all who might resist must be captured and en- 
slaved. Seventy brave men were selected for the 

'^'The fight took place on Deo. 4th. Ace. to Villagra and N. Mex., Mem., 
213, 223, the killed were 11, but only Spaniards were included. The list as 
given in the Ytin., 268, is as follows: Captains Diego NuQez and Felipe de 
Escalante, Alf. Pereyra, Araujo, Juan Camacho, Martin Ramirez, Juan de 
Segura, Pedro Robledo, Martin de Riveros, Sebastian Rodriguez, two mozos, 
a mulatto, and an Indian, besides Capt. Juan de Zaldivar. The wouuded 
were Leon Zapata, Juan de Olague, Cavanillas, and the alguacil real, Las 
Casas, who was struck twice with stones. If the no. of survivors is correctly 
indicated, Z. could not have taken 30 men as ordered. 


service, under officers including captains Zubia, Ro- 
mero, Aguilar, Farfan, Villagrd, and Marquez, Alferez 
Juan Cortes, and Juan Velarde as secretary. This 
army started on the r2th of January, 1599, and on 
the 21st arrived at Acoma, Villagrd, with twelve men 
visiting Cia on the way for supplies. After Zaldivar's 
departure there seems to have been an alarm of threat- 
ened attack on San Juan, which, although it proved 
unfounded, gave our chronicler an opportunity to 
describe the preparations for defence, and to record 
the heroic offer of Doiia Eufemia to lead the women 
to combat. 

At Acoma the followers of Zutucapan were exult- 
ant, and succeeded in creating a popular belief that 
their past victory was but the prelude to a greater 
success which was to annihilate the invaders and free 
the whole country. Gicombo, a prominent chieftain 
who had neither taken part in nor approved the first 
attack, and had many misgivings for the future, called 
a general assembly of chiefs, to which were invited 
certain leaders not belonging to Acoma. It seems to 
have been tacitly understood that after what had 
happened war could not be averted, and all were 
ready for the struggle; but Gicombo, Zutancalpo, and 
Chumpo urged the necessity of removing women and 
children, and of other extraordinary precautions. Zu- 
tucapan and his party, however, ridiculed all fears, and 
boastingly proclaimed their ability to hold the peiiol 
against the armies of the universe. When Zaldi'var 
drew near, crowds of men and women were seen upon 
the walls dancing stark naked in an orgy of defiance 
and insult. 

The sargento mayor, through Tomas the inter- 
preter, sent the rulers of Acoma a summons to come 
down and answer for the murder they had done ; but 
they only replied with taunts, while the Spaniards 
pitched their tents on the plain and prepared for an 
assault. There were two points at which the ascent 
could be effected; and the summit plateau was divided 

144 OSATE'S conquest CONTINUED. 

by a ravine into two parts connected by a narrow pass. 
Zaldivar's strategy was to assault one of the peuoles 
with his main force, while a small and chosen party 
should hold themselves in readiness to scale the other. 
The night was spent in revelry by the natives ; by the 
Spaniards in preparations and rest. On the morning 
of San Vicente, the 22d of January, the Indians began 
the battle by a discharge of arrows, and the Spanish 
leader sent what seemed to be his entire army to as- 
sault one of tlie entrances, where he soon concentrated 
the whole strength of the foe to oppose his ascent. 
Meanwhile, with twelve chosen men who had been 
concealed during the night, he mounted the other 
peiiol, and gained the summit without serious resist- 
ance. The twelve were speedily reenforced, and all 
day long the battle raged fiercely, both at the pass 
between the two plateaux and at the entrance to that 
not yet gained. 

For two days, and perhaps part of the third, the 
battle raged, and in five cantos of our epic are the 
details recounted of personal combats, desperate 
charges, individual acts of prowess on the part of 
Castilians and natives, religious services in the Chris- 
tian camp, juntas and discussions and dissensions in 
the fortress on the cliif, the death-struggles of nearly 
all the Acoma chieftains and of several of Onate's 
men, hair-breadth escapes of Villagrd and his com- 
rades — details which may not be followed here, but 
in which the poet fairly revels. The Spanish loss 
seems to have been very small — perhaps only one 
man — and that of the natives very large, as was natu- 
ral considering the diflTerence in weapons and armor. 
Zutucapan's only chance of a successful resistance was 
lost when the invaders gained a footing on the plateau. 
It was only by desperate valor, by immense superior- 
ity of numbers, and by the advantages of defence 
offered by the sumiuit pass, that the fated people 
were able to prolong the combat for three days. Dur- 
ing the last day's battle the buildings of the pueblo 


■were in flames, and hundreds killed each other in their 
desperation, or threw themselves down the clifi" and 
perished rather than yield. Santiago or San Pablo 
was clearly seen by tha natives during the conflict 
fig]iting for the Christians. 

Finally, on the 24th the Spaniards gained full 
possession of the penol pueblo, which they proceeded 
to destroy, at the same time slaughtering the in- 
habitants as a punishment for their sin of rebel- 
lion; though a remnant — 600 in number, out of an 
estimated population of 6,000, under the venerable 
Chumpo, according to Villagrd — was permitted to 
surrender, and came down to settle on the plain."* 
The pride and strength of the valiant Acomenses 
were broken forever; and it must have seemed hope- 
less for the other New Mexican communities to 
attempt Avhat this clift' town, with all its natural ad- 
vantages, had failed to accomplish. There is no record 
tliat any other pueblo became involved in open hostil- 
ity to the Spaniards; indeed, of definite events for 
the rest of 1599 we have no record at all. With the 
fall of Acoma all the regular chronologic records end, 
including the Ytinerario and Yillagrd,'s epic. The 
poet promised his sovereign to continue the narration 
of New World adventures when the duties of his 
lance should give leisure to his pen; but so far as I 
know the opportunity never came. 

'* The two authorities do not agree about the termination of the battle. 
Villagra implies that it lasted three days, when Chumpo and liis 600 survivors 
surrendered, after which the town was Ijurned. The Ytin. seems to say that 
the tight lasted from the evening (prob. a misprint for morning) of the 22d to 
the evening of the 23d, when the foe surrendered; but the Span, did not 
occupy tlie pueblo till the 24th, when the surviving inhabitants made fur- 
ther resistance in their estufas and minas; whereupon 'hizose la matanza y 
castigo de los mas dellos, i, fuego y sangre; y de todo punto se asolo y quemd 
el pueblo.' Ouate, Cop. Carta, 309, says Acoma had about 3,000 Indians 'a' 
qual en castigo de su maldad j' traicion . . . . y para escarmiento a los demas, 
lo asole y abrase todo. ' The description of Acoma, with its plateau divided 
by a ravine into two parts, does not agree with the present pueblo site, and 
adJs to our doubt about the identity. It agrees much better with El Moro, 
or Inscription Rock; but the distance of G 1. E. from the head of Zuui Cr. in 
the Ytinerario, as well as the distances given in earlier narratives, seem to 
make this identification difficult. There may be a similar cliif farther east 
than El Moro and farther north than Acoma. 
piST. Ariz, and N. Mex. 10 




&. Fragmentary Record— Onate's Letter — Reenforcement — Viceroy's 
Report — A Controversy at San Juan — Expedition to Quivira, 1601 
— Desertion of Colonists and Friars — Zaldivae in Mexico and Spain 
— Results — Onate's Expedttion to the South Sea, 1604-5 — A New 
Governor, 1608 — Founding of Santa Fe, 1605-16 — Padre Zarate de 
Salmeeon — ACustodia, 1621— New Missionakies, 1628-9 — Governors 
Zotylo and Silva — Benavides' Report — List of Governors, 1640-SO 
— Eastern Enteadas — Padre Posadas' Report — Indian Troubles — 
Padres Killed — Murder of Governor Rosas, 1642 — Controversy 
AND Disaster— Penalosa's Rule and Fictitious Trip to Qufvira, 
1662 — Apache Raids — Ayeta's Appeals — Aid that Came Too Late. 

Thk history of this province, from the fall of Acoma 
in 1599 to the great revolt of 1680, can never be made 
complete, for lack of data. The home archives were 
destroyed in the revolt, and we must depend on such 
fragments as found their way out into the world before 
that outbreak. I can do no more than simply bring 
together in this chapter more of these fragments than 
have ever been presented before. There were several 
writers of the period — notably Salmeron, Benavides, 
and Posadas — who might have left a satisfactory 
record, at least in the aggregate; but unfortunately 
the past and future had more charms for them than 
the present, and New Mexico less than the half- 
mythic regions beyond. 

On the 2d of March, 1599, the governor wrote to the 
viceroy an outline record of what he had accomplished, 
painting in bright colors the land he had conquered, ' 




and sending samples of its products. The western 
region since known as Arizona was most highly praised 
by him in respect of fertility and mineral promise ; but 
perhaps the idea of South Sea glories in that direction 
was prominent in his mind. What he wanted was an 
increase of force with which to win for Spain the rich 
realms that must lie just beyond; and the couleur de 
rose of his epistle, so far as New Mexico was concerned, 
was intended for effect on the viceroy and king, since 
ultimate success began to seem dependent on an in- 
crease of resources.^ Captains Villagrd,, Farfan, and 
Pinero were sent to Mexico to carry this letter and 
make personal explanations; while at the same time, 
with an escort under Alferez Casas, padres Mar- 
tinez, Salazar, and Vergara went south to obtain a 
reenforcement of friars. Both missions were mod- 
erately successful. Salazar died on the journey, 
Martinez was retained in Mexico, but Padre Juan de 
Escalona as comisario was sent to the north with Ver- 
gara and six or eight friars not named. Casas also 
returned with the 71 men who, as will be remem- 
bered, had been provided for to complete Oiiate's force 
of 200 in 1598.^ The viceroy wrote to the king, who 
by a cedula of May 31, 1600, ordered him to render 
all possible support and encouragement to the New 
Mexican enterprise. It is possible that some addi- 
tional reenforcement was sent in consequence of this 
order, but there is no positive evidence to that effect.^ 

'■ Onate, Cop. de Carta, 302-15. Five hundred men would not be too many to 
send to such a country, where he is sure to gain for his Majesty ' nuevos mundos 
pacificos, mayores que el buen Marques le did. ' He alludes to his past mis- 
fortunes, and most earnestly entreats that aid be not withheld now when 
success is almost within his grasp. He wishes his daughter Mariquita to come 
to N. Mex. 

^ See p. 123, this volume. 

^ Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., i. 671-3, is the best authority on movements 
of the friars; see also Vetancur, Chron., 95; Apariao, Conventos, 282. On the 
sending of the 71 men under Casas at Juan Guerra's expense — to inspect 
which force Juan Gordejuela was appointed Oct. 1, 1599 — see^V. Mex., Mem., 
197-8; Id., Discurso, 38-9. 

In May 1600, before the date of the cedula of May 31st (which is copied 
in N. Mex. , Doc. Hist. , MS. , 492-4), we have two petitions of Don Alonso de 
Onate in Madrid in behalf of Don .Juan, directed to the king and council, in 
which he demands a ratification of the original contract ■\vith Velasco, on the 


After the lesson taught at Acoma, the natives were 
not likely to attempt further resistance ; and Oiiate in 
his capital at San Juan was left in undisputed posses- 
sion of New Mexico. The colonists were well content 
with the country as a home, and the friars as a field 
of missionary labor. Don Juan was also satisfied in 
a sense with his achievement ; that is, as a basis for 
other and greater ones. True, the pueblo province 
was but a small affair in the conquistador's eyes ; it 
did not once occur to him that it was in itself his final 
possession, the goal of all his efforts, the best the 
north had to offer ; but it would serve as a convenient 
base of supplies for further conquests, and its posses- 
sion would give weight to his demands for aid from 
the king. At present his force of little more than 
100 men was insufficient for the realization of his 
schemes; and for some two years he contented him- 
self with preparations, with the search for mines, and 
with minor explorations of regions near at hand, re- 
specting which no record remains. The reenforce- 
nient of soldiers and friars may be supposed to have 
arrived early in 1600, but possibl)- later. 

Trouble was soon developed between the two oppos- 
ing elements in the Spanish camp. The colonists 
favored the most conciliatory measures toward the 
natives, and the encouragement of agriculture and 
stock-raising with a view to permanent residence; 
they were in favor of letting well enough alone. 
Ohate on the other hand, with such of the soldiers as 
had not brought their families, thought mainly of 
holding the natives in subjection, of reducing new 
pueblos, of collecting the largest possible amount of 
food and clothing, and of prejiaring for new entradas. 
The friars regarded the conversion of gentiles as the 

ground that the mollifications introduced by Monterey were accepted only 
by Don Cristobal, who had no such authority from his brother. He asks 
that the title of adelantado, now fully earned, be given at once; and he wishes 
that other orders as well as the Franciscans be allowed a share in the spiritual 
conquest. Pacheco, Doc, xv. 316-22. The immediate result, as we have seen, 
was merely a royal order of encouragement, the main issues being held in 
abeyanje. More of this in 1602. 


great object of the occupation, and were disposed to 
think the military element desirable or useful only as 
a protection to the missions. Of course the governor 
had his way, and how bitter became the quarrel will 
presently appear. It was unfortunate for the country, 
especially as no golden empire was ever found in the 
north — at least not by Spanish conquerors. 

In June 1601, the general was ready for active 
operations. Accompanied by padres Velasco and Ver- 
gara, and guided by the Mexican survivor of Humaha's 
band, he left San Juan with 80 men and marched 
north-eastward over the plains.* The route in general 
terms, no details being known, was similar to that of 
Coronado in 1541, for 200 leagues in a winding course 
to an estimated latitude of 39° or 40°. Probably the 
northern trend is greatly exaggerated.^ The Span- 
iards had a battle with the Escanjaques, and killed a 
thousand of them on the Matanza plain, scene of 
Humaila's defeat. The battle was caused by Padre 
Velasco's efforts to prevent the Escanjaques from 
destroying the property of the Quiviras who had fled 
from their towns at the approach of the Spaniards 

*OnOfiate'sexped. to Quivira, seeiV. Mex., Mem., 198-8, 209-25; Id., Dls- 
ctirso, 53-8; Salmeron, Bel., 26-30; Niel, Apuni., 91-4; Torquenuula, Monarq. 
Ind., i. 671-3; Purcluts his Pilgrimes, iv. 1535-6; Posadas, Notmas, 216-17; 
Daiis' Span. Conq., 273-5; Prince's Hint. St, 165-6. Salmeron and most 
other authorities give the date erroneously as 1599; and S. speaks of a fight 
on May 8th. Posadas says 0. marched from Sta Fe in 1606; and Salmeron, 
followed by Davis, calls the place Villa de N. Mexico. The viceroy says 
half the 80 men were not ijente de sei-vicio, and were of no use. Don Diego de 
Peiialosa, as we shall see later in this chapter, fitted the narrative of this 
exped. to a fictitious one of his own in 1662 for use in France. 

' Posadas, a good authority, says that 0. went nearly 300 1. east in search 
of the ocean, reaching the country of the Aijados s. of Quivira and w. of the 
Tejas. The natives guided him to Quivira, but knew nothing of the ocean. 
Tribaldo, in Pitrclms — also quoted in a fragment, chap. 22-6, of a MS. history, 
vaguely accredited to Otermin in 1680, in JV. Mex., Doc. Hist, iii. 1145-7, of 
no apparent value — says they went to the River of the North and to the 
great lake of Conibas (which figures in mythic geog. of the northern region), 
on the bank of which was seen ' af arre off a city 7 1. long and above 2 1. broad, ' 
the market-place being so strongly fortified that the Span, dared not attack. 
Salmeron says the way was winding, 200 1. N. E. to a fertile land of fruits; 
the natives saying that a shorter way was N. by Taos and the land of Capt. 
Quivira. Tlie viceroy says it was estimated by able men at over 40° and 
about 300 1. from either ocean. 0. went N. E., while Coronado had gone 
N. w.(!) 39° or40°. N. Mex., Mem. See Hist. North Mex. St., i. 383. DetaUa 
concern the history of Texas more than that of K. Mex. 


and their allies. Large villages were seen, and ad- 
vance parties claimed to have found utensils of gold, 
which was said to be plentiful in the country of the 
Aijados not far away; and a native captive sent south 
is said to have caused a sensation in Mexico and Spain 
by his skill in detecting the presence of gold. It is 
not quite clear that Quivira was actually visited, but 
ambassadors from that people — also called Tindanes — 
were met, who wished to join the Spaniards in a raid 
on the gold country. Oiaate, however, deemed it 
unwise to go on with so small a force, or perhaps was 
forced to turn back by the clamors of his men. He 
returned to San Juan probably in October.* 

Back at the pueblos Oiiate found New Mexico 
almost deserted. Colonists and friars with few excep- 
tions had gone south to Santa Barbara, on the plea 
of absolute destitution, leaving them only a choice 
between death and desertion. Padre Escalona, who 
remained with Alferez Casas to await the governor's 
return, explained the situation in a letter to the 
comisario general, dated October 1st, and carried 
south by the fugitives. In this letter he stated that 
Ohate and his captains had sacked the towns, taking 
the whole reserve store of six years' crops saved by 
the natives, as was their custom for a possible year of 
famine. He had not allowed any community planting 
for the support of the garrison ; the season had been 
one of drought; and the Indians were forced to live 
on wild seeds. Fortunately, several settlers had 
planted and irrigated corn-fields on their own account, 
tlius saving the colony from starvation. Therefore 
they decided to retire to Nueva Vizcaya, report to the 
viceroy, and await orders whether to settle in the 
south or return with a new outfit to New Mexico. 
The friars went with them at their earnest request and 
the order of the padre comisario, who deemed it his 

^ Davis' narrative of 0. 's exped. ends abruptly with the arrival at Quivira, 
the author not finding the rest of Salmeron's relation, which he calls O.'a 


own duty to remain at the risk of his Hfe, but who 
begged for a speedy decision. There were said to be 
good spots for settlement in Nueva Vizcaya, he wrote, 
but it seemed a pity to abandon New Mexico after 
such efforts, expense, and something of success.^ 

Don Juan, returning from an unsuccessful tour, 
with much discontent in his own ranks, was naturally 
furious on learning the state of affairs at San Juan. 
Finding men to testify against their absent comrades, 
he at once began legal proceedings against the so- 
called traitors, condemned some of them to death, pre- 
pared reports to the viceroy and king to offset those 
of the friars, who now and later reiterated their 
charges, and sent Vicente de Zaldivar to carry his 
reports to Mexico and Spain, to arrest and send back 
the recalcitrant colonists, and to urge the importance 
of completing the conquest. A little later Padre 
Escalona wrote to his provincial that he and Padre 
Velasco, Onate's cousin, were resolved to quit the 
country; that they were of no use as missionaries, 
serving merely as chaplains to the raiders; that the 
governor's charges were false; and that no real pro- 
gress could be hoped for until the king should take the 
government from Onate's hands.* 

Zaldivar seems to have forced the colonists to re- 
turn, acting with great cruelty, if the friars may be 
credited. Early in 1602 he appeared before the au- 
diencia in Mexico to urge the importance of continu- 
ing the conquest from New Mexico . as a base. The 
expediente of papers presented by him related wholly 
to past achievements, and has been one of our main 
authorities for the two preceding chapters.* The 

' Escalona, Carta de Reladon 1601, in Torquemada, i. 673-i. Written at S. 
Gabriel. The retiring padres included Sau Miguel and Zamora of the origi- 
nal party; and Lope Izquierdo and Gaston de Peralta, presumably, of the 
new. Velasco and Vergara were with Oflate; the others, Rosas, Lugo, Cor- 
chado, t'laros, and San Buenaventura are not named, but may be supposed to 
have gone to Sta B. and returned later. The last appears again in N. Mex. 

8 Torquemada, i. 675-7. P. San Miguel wrote from Sta B. on Feb. 2, 1602, 
protesting still more bitterly against 0. 's tyranny, falsehood, and general un- 
fitness for his position. 

'In Paclieco, Doc, xvL See p. 118 of this vol. 


quarrel with friars and settlers did not figure at all in 
these proceedings; and the documents bearing on that 
matter are not extant. The fiscal in May threw cold 
water on the scheme by an opinion that the encour- 
agement to spend money was much less, now that the 
country's poverty was known, than formerly when 
New Mexico was reputed rich. 

From Mexico Zaldivar went to Spain to lay the 
matter before the king. The viceroy also wrote the 
king a long letter, giving an outline of Oiiate's enter- 
prise from the beginning. Respecting the merits of 
the recent controversy, he and the audiencia had not 
been able to decide from the various memorials of in- 
terested and prejudiced parties on both sides, all of 
which documents had been forwarded to Spain; but 
it is clear that he was not friendly to Ohate. He 
strongly urged that his amendments to the original 
contract should be enforced, and that Don Juan's ex- 
travagant demands, especially that of independence 
from the audiencia, should not be granted. While 
the new province had been overpraised, yet it had 
many attractions in the way of climate, soil, products, 
and docile inhabitants ; and it should not be abandoned. 
The number of settlers should be increased to at least 
100, to live in one or two small villas so as to protect 
the padres and not annoy the Indians. The natives 
might be 'encommended' as tribute-payers among the 
settlers by the governor and conjisario acting together. 
This report includes a somewhat extended, and in 
comparison with other documents of the time sensible, 
view of the Nortliern Mystery ; and the writer, after 
exploding many of the absurd theories of northern 
wonders, and showing that there was small hope of 
finding great and wealthy kingdoms for conquests, ad- 
mits that further exploration toward Anian and Labra- 
dor is desirable, and thinks that if the king is willing 
to pay the cost it might be well to furnish a force 
of 100 men and six officers for a year and a half. 
Ofiate might properly be put in command and re- 


quired to help support the men; but he would have 
no claim whatever to authority over the regions dis- 
covered. The animus of this report is evident, though 
the wisdom of many of the views expressed cannot be 

Such records as are extant fail to show exactly the 
results of Zaldivar's efforts in his uncle's behalf" 
Calle tells us that Oiiate was made adelantado by 
cedula of February 7, 1602, the title being extended 
to his son. We have also a cedula of July 8th, con- 
firming the hidalguia, or nobility, originally conferred 
on conquistadores to Ouate's associates, and overruling 
some of the modifications introduced by Monterey. ^^ 
Salmeron states that the king authorized the raising 
of 1,000 men if Zaldivar could raise half of them for 
the northern conquest, but on Zaldivar's failure noth- 
ing was accomplished.^^ The truth would seem to be, 
though the evidence is meagre, that while Ofiate was 
confirmed in his office and prerogatives so far as New 
Mexico was concerned, receiving some aid from the 
king, with reenforcements of colonists and mission- 
aries^ he had not the means himself, nor could he in- 

'" JV. Mex., Discurso, .38-66; not dated, but evidently of 1602, correspond- 
ing to Z. 's departure for Spain. 

" Fernandez Duro, Don Diego de Perm losa, 145, cites a MS. Relacion diri- 
gida al Rey Nro Sr. de la expedicion y panjieacion del Nuevo Mijico, por D. 
Vicente de Zaldivar, as cited by Barcia and Beristain; and also the following 
MSS. which I have not seen: Noticias del N. Mijicopor el P. Rodriijo Vivero; 
Diario de las exped. al Jf. Mejico por El Capitan D. Fernando Rivera; Hist, de la 
introd. del Evawjelio desde el Parral hasta el N. Mij. por Fr. Juan Espinosa; 
Relacion de h que hafnan visio y oido de la tierra adentro de Mex. los relifliosos 
nmioneros franciscanos. Por D. Fran. Nieto de Silva, gob. del N. Mej. ; and 
Diario de la entrada en el N. Mij., diriijido d hs prelados de su drden, por Fr. 
Pedro Salmeron. None have dates; and some prob. never existed; but the 
last is mentioned also in Vetancur, Chron., 118, and apparently belongs to 

^■'■Calk, Not, 103; Pino, Expos., 35-6; Id., Not, 2-3; Davis' Span. Conq., 
264-5. The audiencia acquiesced in this order by act of June 20, 1G04, on 
Zaldivar's return to Mex. It appears that O.'s original demand for the gov- 
ernorship, etc., for four lives instead of two was not finally granted; and as 
we shall see, he did not transmit it even to his son. 

" 'Como no cumplid, porque no pudo, tampoco el rey.' Sabtieron, Rel., 2S; 
Ditvis' Span. Cong., 276. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 229, tells ua that O. took the 
country without resistance, asked for more men, who were sent with permis- 
sion for the discontented to retm-n, as they did, abusing a country that had 
yielded no treasure. 


duce the government to furnish men and supplies for 
northern conquests on a scale commensurate with his 
ambitious views. Zaldivar returned from Spain in or 
before 1604, and perhaps to New Mexico. 

Though he had failed in his north-eastern expedi- 
tion, there remained the Mar del Sur, which Onate 
was determined to reach ; and as soon as he had re- 
covered from the troubles just recorded, having most 
of his original 200 men reunited at San Juan, with 
possibly a small reeuforcement brought by Zaldivar, 
the governor started on October 7, 1604, for the west 
with thirty men, accompanied by padres Francisco 
Escobar and San Buenaventura, the former the new 
comisario.'* Visiting the Zuhi province "more thickly 
settled by hares and rabbits than by Indians," where 
the chief town of the six is now called Cibola, or in 
the native tongue Havico, or Ha Huico, the explorers 
went on to the five Moqui towns with their 450 houses 
and people clad in cotton. Ten leagues to the west- 
ward they crossed a river flowing from the south-east 
to the north-west, named Rio Colorado from the color 
of its water, and said to flow into the sea of Califor- 
nia after a turn to the west, and a course of 200 
leagues through a country of pines. This was the 
stream still known as the Colorado Chiquito, and it 
is not unlikely that this was the origin of the name 
Colorado applied later to the main river. The place 
of crossing was named San Jose, and farther west, or 
south-west, they crossed two other rivers flowing south 
and south-east, and named San Antonio and Sacra- 
mento — really branches of the Rio Verde in the 
region north of Prescott, near where Espejo had been 

"According to Torquemada, i. 678, Padre Velasco was comisario after 
Escaloua and before Escobar. Botb the E. 's died in N. Mex. Id., iii. 598. 
Vetaucur, C'hron., 95-6, as well as Torquemada, says that Escobar brought 6 
friars, though his statement about the date is confusing. Among Escobar's 
party were perhaps PP. Pedro Salmeron and Pedro Carrascal, the latter 
being later guardian in Mex. and dying in 1622. Id., Menol, 92. Escalona 
died at Sto Domingo in 1607. P. Cristobal Quinones, skilled in the language 
of the Queres, estab. church, convent, and hospital at S. Felipe, where he 
died in 1609. P. Vergara of the original band died in Mex. 1646. 


twenty -three years before. ^^ It was a fertile, attract- 
ive country, whose people wore little crosses hanging 
from tlie hair on the forehead, and were therefore 
called Cruzados.^^ 

The Cruzados said the sea was 20 days or 100 
leagues distant, and was reached by going in two 
days to a small river flowing into a larger one, which 
itself Howed into the sea. And indeed, fifteen leagues 
brought them to the small stream, named San Andres, 
where the tierra caliente began to produce the pita- 
haya; and twenty-four leagues down its course the 
general came to the large stream, and named it Rio 
Grande de Buena Esperanza; that is, he followed the 
Santa Maria, or Bill Williams fork, down to its junc- 
tion with the Colorado. The explorers seem to have 
had no idea that there was any connection between 
this great river of Good Hope and the one they had 
named Rio Colorado ; but they knew it was the one 
long ago named Rio del Tizon farther down; indeed, 
one of the men had been with Vizcaino in the gulf, 
and said this was the stream for which his commander 
had searched." 

For some distance above and below the junction 
lived the Amacava nation, or Mojaves.'^ Captain 
Marquez went up the river a short distance; then the 

^^One version reads, 'from this stream [the Col. Chiquito] they went w., 
crossing a piny range 8 1. wide, at whose southern base runs the river S. 
Antonio; it is 17 1. from S. Jose, which is the Colorado, runs N. to s. through 
a mountain region, has little water but much good fish. From this river it 
is a tierra templada. 5 1. w. is Rio Sacramento, like the S. Ant. in water 
and fish, rising 11 1. farther w., runs N. w. to s. E. at foot of lofty sierras, 
where the Span, got good metals.' The other speaks of the S. AJitonio as 
being ' 17 1. from the Colorado, here called S. Jose.' 

" It was afterwards learned, so say the chroniclers, that a Franciscan had 
visited this people before, and taught them the efficacy of the cross in mak- 
ing friends, not only of God, but of white and bearded men who might one 
day appear. 

" This is not the place to go into details of Cal. geography as represented 
or thought to be represented by the Indians. The ocean was near, in all 
directions from w. to N. E., the brazo de mar extending round to Florida; 
Aztec was still spoken, and gold bracelets were worn at Lake Copala; and the 
island with giant queen was not wanting. Information here obtained had 
considerable influence indirectly on the Northern Mystery from this time. 

'"The form in the 18th century as occurring in Cal. annals was Amajava, 
which later became Mojave. Possibly in this narrative it should also be 
Amajava, the ' c ' being a misprint. 


whole party followed its banks southward, the natives 
being friendly, and interviews respecting the Northern 
Mystery taking the place of adventures. Below the 
Amacavas were the Bahacechas, and next the Ozaras, 
a somewhat ruder people living on a large river Mowing 
from the south-east, and named the Rio del Nombre 
de Jesus. This was the Gila, and the valley was said 
to be occupied by the same nation in twenty towns. 
Below the junction for twenty leagues to the sea the 
country was thickly inhabited by tribes similar in 
manners and language to the Bahacechas. First were 
the Halchedumas in eight towns or rancherias; then 
nine settlements of the Coahuanas, five of the Tlaglli, 
or Haglli, six of the Tlalliguamayas, and nine of the 
Cocapas at the head of tide-water, five leagues from 
the river's mouth. The population on the eastern 
bank alone was not less than 20,000.^^ 

Onate reached tide-water on January 23, 1605, and 
on the 25th, with the friars and nine men, went down 
to the mouth. Here he found a fine harbor, formed 
b}^ an island in the centre, in which he thought 1,000 
ships niiglit ride at anchor. That the sea extended 
indefinitely north-westward behind a range of hills, the 
Spaniards believed on the authority of the Indians; 
and this belief had much to do later with the opinion 
that California was an island. The port was formally 
christened, from the day, Puerto de la Conversion de 
San Pablo. The rest of the company came down to 
see the port, and then the explorers began their return 
march by the same route to New Mexico. There 
were ten difterent languages spoken on the way, and 
Padre Escobar on the return could speak them all (!), 
thus gathering new items of fable respecting western 
and northern wonders. They had to eat their horses, 
but arrived safe and sound at San Gabriel on the 25th 

"Vetancur, Citron., 95-6, says he has seen the doc. dated Jan. 15, 1605, 
by which Onate in the king's name gave to Escobar, or to the faith in his 
person, possession (assignment as a future missionary field?) of the region from 
the Rio del Norte 200 1. s. to the Puerto (Rio ?) de Bueua Esperauza. 


of April. This important exploration of Arizona has 
been entirely unknown to modern writers.^" There 
seems to have been a preceding expedition in 1604, 
directed to the north, with padres Velasco and Sal- 
meron as chaplains.'^^ The expedition accredited by 
Penalosa to Zaldivar in 1618 — with forty-seven sol- 
diers and Padre Lazaro Jimenez, who went fifteen 
leagues from Moq to the Rio de Buena Esperanza, 
but were driven back by tales of giants — is merely, as 
I suppose, a confused reference to that of Ouate just 
described. ^'^ 

Nothing is definitely known of Onate's acts in New 
Mexico after his return from the west in 1605; nor 
have I seen any record of his later career,^^ except 
that a new expedition out into the eastern plains 
is rather doubtfully attributed to him in 1611."* He 
may indeed have been still in the country at that date 
and later, engaged as captain of explorers in a vain 
search for northern wealth ; but there is evidence that 
he ceased to rule as governor in 1608, and was per- 

^Salmeron, Rel, 30-8; Nkl, Apunf., 81-6. Cardona. Selacion, 32-3, had 
heard from capt. Marquez and Vaca that they struck, the Tizon in 36° 30'; 
that the famous port was in 35°; that the giant queen took powdered pearls 
in her drink; and that south of the Tizon was a large Rio del Coral. Casauate, 
Alem. , 24, gives a similar report with less of detail. P. Garces, Diario, 364, 
in 1776, says that Onate heard of a Rio Turon, probably identical with one of 
which he himself heard while crossing from Cal. to the Colorado, and with 
that mentioned by P. Escalante in 1775. The fact that Davis does not men- 
tion this exped. shows that he had but a fragment of Silmeron. 

^' Vetanciir, Citron., 118. The author has seen P. Pedro Salmeron's report 
of the entrada; and the same doc. is cited in Fernandez Duro, 145, without 

'■'- The story is given in the works of Shea and Fernandez Duro; also from 
Shea, in Prince's Hist. St, 176-8. 

'''^ Lopez de Haro, Nobilario, as cited by Fernandez Duro, 130, implies that 
0. was still serving the king in 1620, but says nothing of his having left N. 

^'Barreiro, OJecda, 7, says 0. went E. in 1611, and discovered the Canibar 
lakes and a Rio Colorado, or Palizade, prob. Los Cadauchos, thus gaining a 
right to the eastern country. Davis, El Gnn'jo, 73-4, Span. C'ottq., 276-7, 
tells the same story, taking it perhaps from Barreiro, changing Caniliares to 
• Cannibal, ' and giving the opinion that the Rio Palizada was prob. the Cana- 
dian. He credits the exped. to 0. in 1611, though by his own reckoning 0. 
must have ceased to rule some years before. Posadas, as we have seen, dates 
O.'s exped. to Quivira in 1606, doubtless by error. Zil li'var's exped. of 1618, 
as we have also seen, is only a confused ref. to that of 1604. 


haps succeeded by Don Pedro de Peralta.^^ About 
the same time, when 8,000 natives had been converted. 
Padre Alonso Peinado came to succeed Escobar as 
comisario, accompanied by eight or nine friars, being 
in turn succeeded by Padre Estevan Perea in 1614."^ 
The names of Governor Peralta's successors for a 
dozen years or more are not known, and the history 
of the whole period is welhiigh a blank. 

Yet within this period, or rather between 1605 and 
1616, was founded the villa of Santa Fe, or San Fran- 
cisco de la Santa Fe. The modern claim that this is 
the oldest town in the United States rests entirely on 
its imaginary annals as an Indian pueblo before the 
Spanish conquest. There are but slight indications, 
if any, that Santa Fe was built on the site of a pueblo ; 
and its identification with Cicuye, Tiguex, or any other 
particular or prominent pueblo, has no foundation what- 
ever." We have seen that San Juan was Onate's 

''^Calle, Not., 103, a good authority, says a new gov. was appointed in 
1608 with a salary of §2,000. Vetancur, Chron., 96, says that in 1608 the 
king assumed the support of both soldiers and padres; that it probably put 
an end to the Onate contract. Davis, Sp^m. Com/., 420, or Miller, found evi- 
dence in the archives at Sta Fe that Peralta ruled 9 years after Onate's com- 
ing, that is, in 1607 or 1608, and not 1600 as D. makes it by dating O.'s entry 
in 1591. Prince suggests that P. ruled in 1600, but 0. was reinstated later ! 

2« Vetanair, Chron., 96; Id., Menol, 65; Torqtcemada, ii. 678. V. says P. 
succeeded Escalona, clearly a slip of the pen. See also Barriero, Ojeada, 7; 
VUlarjrd, Hist, 177; and Salmeron, Eel, 11. The latter says that in 1614 the 
remains of the martyred Padre Lopez of 1581 were found by P. Perea, the 
com., and buried at Sandia. Y'et Vetancur implies that Perea came in '28. 

''■'' In the pamphlet Sta Fi, Centennial Sketch, of 1876, the title bears the 
inscription ' Santa Fe, the oldest city in North America ' ! E.x-gov. Amy in 
his address. Id., pp. 6-8, informs us that Cabeza de Vacaand Coronado found 
the Indians living in cities, and ' especially the pueblo city, with its many 
thousand inhab., where we now stand ' ; that the governor's palace in fuU 
view of the audience was built before 1581, from the material of the old In- 
dian town; that the Indians revolted before 1583, driving out the settlers and 
priests; but that Espejo reconquered the province and forced the natives to 
toil in the mines ! Fortunately, the imaginative orator committed the prepa- 
ration of his historic sketch proper to David J. Miller, who knew more of his 
subject; yet even M. thinks Sta Fe identical with Cicuye. Bandelier, Hist. 
Inirod., 19, to correct the popular impression at Sta Fe, notes that the town 
stood on the site of Tiguex. But in Hitch's Aztlan, 201, the same writer 
seems to think there was at Sta Fe a pueblo whose aboriginal name was 
Po-o-ge. A few years ago, since 1880, a grand celebration was held of the 
300th (or 350th or 400th, it matters not which) anniversary of the founding ! 
Similar errors might be cited in no end of newspaper and pamphlet sketches. 
Prince, Hixt. SL, 168, thinks Sta Fe may have been built at El Teguayo, 
one of the chief pueblos, where the first missionary station after S. Udefonso 
was established. 


capital from 1598, and that preparations were made 
for building a city of San Francisco in that vicinity. 
Naturally, in the troubles that ensued, little if any 
progress was made; and after the controversies were 
past — not during Oiiate's rule, I think^* — it was 
deemed best to build the new villa on another site. 
I have been able to find no record of the date ; but 
the first definite mention is in 1617, on January 3d of 
which year the cabildo of Santa Fe petitioned the 
king to aid the "nueva poblacion." ^^ 

In 1617, as appears from the document just cited, 
though the friars had built eleven churches, converted 
14,000 natives, and prepared as many more for con- 
version, there were only forty-eight soldiers and set- 
tlers in the province. Ainong the inscriptions copied 
by Simpson from El Moro is one to the effect that the 
governor passed that way on July 29, 1620, returning 
from a successful tour of pacification to Zuhi.^" In 
1620, or possibly a little earlier, controversies arose 
between the political and ecclesiastical authorities, the 
custodio assuming the right to issue excomnmnication 
against the governor, the latter claiming authority to 
appoint petty Indian officials at the missions, and both 
being charged with oppressive exactions of labor and 
tribute from the natives. This matter was referred to 
the audiencia, and drew out reprimand and warning 
against both parties. ^^ 

It was about this time that Padre Geronimo de 
Zdrate Salmeron entered this missionary field, where 

28 See p. 132-3 of thisvol. Calle, Not, 103, says that the new gov. in 1608 
was ordered to live at Sta Fe; and one or two authorities say that Onate left 
Sta Fe for his western tour of 1604-5; but I suppose these are careless refer- 
ences to what was the capital at the time of writing. 

•'■'N. Hex., Doc, MS., i. 494-6. In reply, the king, by cedula of May 20, 
1620, ordered the viceroy to render all possible aid to the cabildo and settlers. 

^Simpson's Jmtr., 105, pi. 67. Under the inscription are the names of 
Diego Nunez Bellido, Joseph Ramos (?) Diego, Zapata, and Bartolome Naranjo, 
or Narrso; one of which may be that of the gov. Doraenech, Deserln, i. 416-17, 
makes Naranjo the gov.; and Prince, Hist. Sk., 174, misquotes the inscription 
to add Narrso to his list of governors. It will be noticed that Capt. Diego 
Nuflez, Alf. Leon Zapata, and Naranjo are among the names in the list of 
Onate 's original company of 1598. 

=" N. Mat.. Triislado de una Cidula, Jan. 9, 1621, in Arch. Sta Fi, MS. The 
Zuiiis and Moquia were exempt from tribute. _, 


for eight years he "sacrificed himself to the Lord 
among the pagatis," toiling chiefly among the Jemes, 
of whom he baptized 6,566, and in whose language he 
wrote a doctrina. He also served at Cia and Sandia 
among the Queres, and once pacified Acoma after a 
revolt. ^^ Above all things he was eager to convert 
new tribes ; and it was wdth a view to overcome ob- 
stacles in this direction that in 1626 he came to Mex- 
ico with his Relaciones. In this most valuable work, 
elsewhere fully noticed, he unfortunately for our pres- 
ent purpose dealt chiefly with the past and future, 
saying little of events in his own time, partly perhaps 
because there was not much to say. The padre was 
delighted with the country, its climate, people, and 
products, agricultural and mineral ;^^ but disgusted 
with the apathy of the Spaniards "content if they have 
a good crop of tobacco to smoke, caring for no more 
riches, apparently under a vow of poverty, which is 
saying much for men who in their thirst for gold 
would enter hell itself to get it." 

In 1621 the missions, with over 16,000 converts, 
were formed iii',o a 'custodia de la conversion de San 
Pablo.' ^* Padre Alonso Benavides came as the first 
custodio, and brought with him twenty-seven friars."^ 
Yet in 1626, when according to Salmeron and Bena- 

'^It did not remain pacified, since in '29 Acoma was again reduced to 
peace and Christianity by the miraculous recovery on baptism of a dying 
child. Benavides, Reqveste, 39. Also in Last, Novus Orbis, 361. 

^ He is careful to note the existence of rich mines, many of them dis- 
covered by himself. When Onate had passed through Tula on his way N. 
Padre Diego had prophesied, ' By the life of Fray Diego there are great riches 
in the remote parts of N. Mex. ; but by the life of Fray Diego it is not for the 
present settler that God holds them in reserve.' Gregg, Com. Prairies, i. 121, 
162-3, speaks of many rich mines having been worked traditionally before 
1680, later lost or concealed by the natives to prevent a repetition of brutal 
outrages, the elders still lecturing the young men on the danger of divulging 
the secret. Yet I have no faith in extensive mining operations in N. Mex. 
during this century, or anything more than prospecting. 

'^^ReMla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, p. 441; Calk, Not., 103. Y"et Vetancur 
often speaks of the chief of the friars as custodio as well as comisario in the 
earlier years. Aparicio, Cmiventos, 282, says there were seven monasteries 
in '23. 

^ P. Martin de Arvide seems to have been one of them. He served at 
Picuries and at Zuni, but was killed by the Zipias in '32. Vetancur, MenoL, 


vides over 34,000 Indians had been baptized and forty- 
tliree churches built — so effectually had the soil been 
fructified by the early inai'tyrs' blood — only sixteen 
friars and three laymen were left in tlie field, the cause 
of the decrease not being explained."^ The lack of 
workmen and the promise of the field having been 
reported by the custodio to the comisario general, the 
king in 1627 ordered thirty new friars and a number 
of laymen to be sent immediately, and all needed aid 
to be rendered in future. This reenforcement came 
from the provincia del Santo Evangelic in Mexico in 

In these years we have the names of two governors, 
Felipe Zotylo at some time during Benavides' term as 
custodio, that is, 1621-9, and Manuel de Silva in 
1629.^ In 1630 the Franciscan comisario general 
represented to the king the necessity of erecting a 
bishopric in New Mexico, where 500,000 gentiles had 
been converted and 86,000 baptized, where over 100 
iriars were at work in 150 pueblos, where there were 

'^Salmeron gives the no. ot baptisms as ,34,650; Benavides as 34,320, 
?rom a royal cedula of '26. Ace. to St I^'rancis' Life, 575, the Socorro mission 
estab. 30 years after the 1st was the 37th. Last, Nov. Orh., 315, says three 
churches were built in the Socorro district, at Seneoii, Pilabo, and Sevilleta 
in 1626. 

^' Under P. Estevan de Perea — already mentioned, perhaps erroneously, as 
comisario in '14. V^etanair, Chron., 96. The same writer names P. Tomas 
Manso as custodio in 1629, possession being given by a doc. of March 6th, of 
the region from Rio Sacramento N. toward Quivira. This P. Manso was 
procurador of N. Mex. for 25 years; provincial in Mex. '55; and later bishop 
of Nicaragua, where he died. Id., Menol, 135. Other friars apparently of 
this party were Garcia de San Francisco y Ziiniga, who founded Socorro and 
a pueblo of Mansos in '59, died '73, buried at Senecii; Antonio de Arteaga, 
companion of Garcia and founder of Senecii' 30; Fran. Letrado, who toiled 
among the Jumanas and later at Zuni, killed by gentiles in '32; Fran. Ace- 
bedo, who built churches at S. Greg, de Abo, Tenabo, and Tabira. dying in 
'44; Fran. Porras, who with PP. Andres Gutierrez and Oris, de la Concepcion 
■went to Moqui, where God worked many miracles through him, but he was 
poisoned on June 28, '33; Gerdu. de la Liana, who died at Quarac pueblo in 
59; Tomas de S. Diego, who died in Oajaca '59; Juan Ramirez, who went to 
Acoma, where the arrows failed to touch him, and he worked many years, 
dying in Mex. '64; and Juan de la Torre, who become comisario gea. of New 
Spain, and bishop of Nicaragua, where he died in '63. Vetancur, Meiiol. , 7-8, 
16, 66, 75, 77, 82, 135-6; Medina, Chron., 162-3, 168-70, 175-6. 

'* Incidentally mentioned in Vetancur, Menol., 24; M., Chron., 96. Fer- 
nandez Duro, 146, cites an undated MS. report by Francisco Nieto de Silva, 
gov. of N. Mex. He also cites under date of 1028 an Expedicion del P. Fr. 
Antonio [Alon-so?) Peinado a la provincia de Moijui, a MS. in the Acad, de Hist. 
Hist. Akiz. and N. Hex. 11 


no clergymen and none authorized to administer the 
right of confirmation. A bishop would save much 
expense, and would easily be supported by tithes, es- 
pecially as rich mines had been found and the popula- 
tion was rapidly increasing. The viceroy was ordered 
to investigate and report on the desirability of this 
change; but long delays ensued and nothing was ac- 

Padre Benavides went in person to Spain, and his 
report to the king, dated Madrid, 1630, although 
meagre and superficial in comparison with what it 
might have been, is the most important authority ex-, 
tant on these times.** It shows that there were about 
50 friars, serving over 60,000 christianized natives in 
over 90 pueblos, grouped in 25 missions, or conventos, 
as they were called, each pueblo having its own church. 
The Indians as a rule were easily controlled, and paid 
tribute in corn and cotton to support the garrison ?f 
250 Spaniards at Santa Fe, where a church had re- 
cently been completed. The outlying gentile tribes — 
all known as Apaches and classified as Apaches de 
Xila, Apaches de Navaj6, and Apaches Vaqueros — ■ 
had as yet caused no serious troubles; in fact, in the 
Xila province and among the Navajos peace bad been 

^'Royal order of May 19, '31, citing the demand of Com. Gen. Sosa. iV. 
Mex., CMulas, MS., 1-2; also order of .June 23, '36, on the same subject, and 
adds that the pope has been asked to grant to some friar authority to coniirm 
pending the election of a bishop. Id., 3-6; see also Bonilla, Apiiiites, MS., 1; 
Revilla Gitjedo, Carta de 1793, MS.; Oalle, Not., 103. As early as 1596 the 
bishop of Guadalajara set up a claim to N. Mex. as within his bishopric. N. 
Mex., Mem.., 227. The statistics of the com. gen. as given in my text would 
seem to be greatly exaggerated. 

■" Benavides, Meinorial que Fray Juan de Santander. . .jireseiM a Felipe IV. 
Madrid, 1630, 4°, 109 p. P. Santander was the Franciscan com. gen., and pre- 
sented B. 's memorial with some introd. remarks of his own. I have not seen 
the original, but use Benarides, Reqve-^te remonstrative av Roy d'Espagne svr la 
conver.'don du Nouveau Mexico. Bruxelles, 1631, 16mo, 10 1., 120 p., in the 
library of M. Alphonse Pinart. I regard this as a translation of the Memorial. 
Fernandez Duro, 132-3, says 'P. Benavides published in 1632 another memo- 
rial, proposing the opening of the rivers of the bay of Espiritu Santo, ace. to 
a reference of P. Posadas. Juan Laet made an extract of the Descrip. Novl- 
sima of N. Mex. in his work, the Noinu! Orhis. Fr. Juan Gravenden trans- 
lated it (the oricfinal Mem., I suppose) into Latin; and in French it was 
pub. in 1631.' Extracts in N. Mex. Doc., MS., iii. 1U7-52; Nouv. Ann. 
Voy , cxxxi. 303-9. P. Benavides did not return to N. Hex., but became 
archbishop of Goa in Asia. 


made ; and in the former, where Benavides had been, 
a missionary was now working with much success.*' 
The author recounts the miraculous conversion of the 
Jumanas, living 112 leagues east of Santa Fe, through 
the supernatural visits of Sister Luisa de la Ascen- 
sion, an old nun of Carrion, Spain, who had the power 
of becoming young and beautiful, and of transporting 
herself in a state of trance to any part of the world 
where were souls to be saved.*^ The padre has some- 
thing to say of Quivira and the Aijaos east of the 
Jumanas; and concludes with a brief account of Coro- 
nado's expedition and the countries by him discovered, 
without suspicion that those countries were identical 
with his own custodia of New Mexico. The work is 
mainly descriptive, and has some special value as giving 
more definitely than any other authority the territorial 
locations of the pueblo groups in the I7th century, 
and thus throwing light on earlier explorations. It is 
to be regretted that the writer did not, as he might 
easily have done, give more fully the pueblo names 
and locations, and thus clear up a subject which it is 
to be feared must always remain in confusion and ob- 

*'The Xila prov. -was 30 1. from Senecil, and I suppose this to be the 
1st use of the name later applied to the Rio Gila, which rises iii this region. 
Navajo is said to mean grande semaille or 'great sowing.' The author has 
much to say of the manners and customs of these wild tribes. 

" Details pertain to Texas rather than N. Mex. In Spain B. learned that 
he was wrong about the woman; for he had an interview with Maria de Jesus, 
abbess of the convent of Agreda, who often since 1620 had been carried by 
the heavenly hosts to N". Mex. to preach the faith. Sometimes she made the 
round trip several times in 24 hours. She described events that had oc- 
curred in B. 's presence when she had been invisible to all but Ind. eyes. She 
spoke of the kingdoms of Chillescas, Canibujos, aud Titlas east of Quivira. 
She could easily speak the native dialects when on the ground, but not in 
Spain! She enclosed a letter of encouragement to the padres in 1631. Palou, 
Vida de Junip. Serra, 331^1. The conversion of the Jumanas in 1629 is also 
noted by Vetancur, Chron., 96, who says that P. Juan de Salas and Diego 
Lopez went from S. Antonio Isleta after the miraculous operations of the lady. 

" Benavides' classification and statistics are as follows: See also Vetaucur's 
at end of this chap. 

Piros, or Picos, nation, southernmost of N. Mex., on both sides the Rio 
Grande for 15 1., from Senecti to Sevilleta; 15 pueblos, 6,000 Ind., all bap- 
tized; 3 missions, Nra Sra del Socorro at Pilabo, S. Ant. Senecd, and S. Luis 
Obispo Sevilleta. 

Teas (doubtless Tiguas), nation 7 1. above Piros, 15 or 16 pueblos, 7,000 


A half-century's history from 1630 is made up of a 
probably incomplete list of governors, a few references 
to explorations on the eastern or Texan frontier, a few 
uncertain records of troubles with the Indians, and an 
occasional item of mission progress or politico-ecclesi- 
astical controversy. While making considerable ad- 
ditions in every phase of the subject to the results of 
previous investigations, I can present nothing like a 
continuous and complete narrative; and I do not pro- 
pose to waste space by a pretence of so doing. 

Fernando de Argiiello is named as governor in 
1640." Luis de Rosas next held the office, being 
murdered in 1641 or 1642, and succeeded by Valdes, 
and he by Alonzo Pacheco de Heredia.^* Argiiello 

Ind., all baptized; 2 missions, S. Antonio Sandia and S. Antonio Isleta. (It 
will be remembered that Puruai had also been called S. Antonio.) 

Queres nation, 4 1. above Tiguas, extending 10 1. from S. Felipe and includ- 
ing Sta Ana on the w. ; 7 pueblos, 4,000 Ind., aU bapt. ; 3 missions. 

Tompiros nation, 10 1. E. of Queres (prob. should be Tiguas and Piros), 
extending 15 1. from ChUili; 14 or 15 pueblos, over 10,000 Ind., all converted 
and most baptized; 6 missions, one called S. Isidoro Numanas (Jumanas?); 
Ind. also called Salmeros (Salinegos) living near the Salinaa. 

Tanos nation, 10 1. M. of Tompiros, extending 10 L ; 5 pueblos; one mission; 
4,000 Ind., all baptized. 

Pecos, pueblo of Jemes nation and lang., 4 1. N. of Tanos; 2,000 Ind.; 

Sta Fe, villa; 7 1. w. of Pecos; capital; 250 Span, and 700 Ind.; mission 
church nearly completed. 

Toas or Tevas (Tehuas) nation, w. of Sta Fe toward the ri%'er, extending 
10 or 12 1.; 8 pueblos, including Sta Clara; 6,000 Ind.; 3 missions, including 
S. Ildefonso. These were the first natives baptized. 

Picuries pueblo of Toas (Tehuas) nation, 10 1. up the river from S. Ildefonso; 
2,000 Ind. baptized, the most savage in the province, and often miraculously 
restrained from killing the padres. 

Taos pueblo of same nation as Picuries, but differing a little in language ; 
7 1. N. of P.; 1,500 Ind. converted to Christian ideas of marriage by lightning 
sent to kill a woman who opposed it; mission and 2 padres. 

Acoma pueblo, 12 1. w. of Sta Ana (same discrepancy as so often noted be- 
fore); 2,000 Inil., reduced in 1629; one friar. 

Zuni nation, 30 1. w. of Acoma, extending 9 or 10 1.; 11 or 12 pueblos- 
10,000 converted Ind. ; 2 missions. 

Moqui nation, 30 1. w. of Zuni; 10,000 Ind., who are being rapidly con- 

"Davis* list, originally prepared by Miller for the snrv. -gen. (U. S. hand 
Off. Kept, '62, p. 102), completed by D. and revised by M. The orig. had but 
one gov. before '80. The names and dates are taken from ref. ia later doc. 
of the Arch. Sta Fi. I shall make important additions of names and dates 
from various sources. I think ArgUello's rule of '40 may hi doubtful. 
Davis' list to '80 is Peralta 1603 (1608 et seq.), Argiiello "40, Concha '50, 
Avila y Pacheco '56, Villanueva, Frecinio '75, Ocermin 80-3. 

i» Valdes is named in a royal order. In '81 Capt. Joan. Dooiiuguez de Men- 

EARLY G0\T:RX0ES. 105 

is named again in 1045.'*^ Luis de Guzman held the 
office before 1650,*' and Hernando de Ugarte y la 
Concha in 1650. Juan de Samaniego was the newly 
appointed ruler in 1653.*^ In 1656 Enrique de Avila 
y Pacheco had succeeded to the place.*" Bernardo 
Lopez de Mendizdbal is named as having become in- 
volved in troubles with the inquisition, and surrendered 
his office in 1660 or the next year; while the more or 
less famous Don Diego de Peualosa Briceiio ruled 
in 1661-4.'^" Next came Fernando de Villanueva," 
Juan de Medrano, and Juan de Miranda, the dates 
of whose rule are not known. Juan Francisco Trevino 
seems to have ruled in 1675;^^ and Antonio Otermin 
was governor in 1679-83. Captain Dominguez testi- 
fied in 1681 that he had known fourteen governors, 
from Pacheco to Otermin, in the past thirty-eight 
years, and my list with thirteen names may therefore 
be regarded as nearly complete for that period.''^ 

The eastern cntradas, as far as their meagre results 
are concerned, belong to the annals of Texas rather 
than of New Mexico, and have been noticed elsewhere.'^* 
They include missionary tours of padres Salas, Perea, 
Lopez, and Diego Ortega to the country of the Ju- 
manas, in the far east or south-east, on a river named 
the Nueces, in 1629-32; an expedition of Captain 

doza testified that, being now 50 years old, he had come at the age of 12 with 
Oov. Pacheco (that is, in '43); and Gov. Otermin in '82 stated that Gov. P. 
punished the murderers of Gov. Rosas; this is soon after '41-2. Otermin, Ex- 
imcto.^, MS., 1395-6, 1600. 

*'' Escalante's list: ArgueUo '45, Concha '50, Villanueva, Medrano, Mi- 
randa, Trevino, and Otermin. The 3 names preceding 0. rest on a statement 
of P. Farfan that they ruled successively before O. Carta, 115-16. 

*' At least such a man, called ex -gov. of N. Mex., was killed in a duel at 
Mex. in Nov. '50. Guijo, Diario, 154^. 

« Viceroy's letter to king, March 20, '53, in A'. Mex., Cidulas, MS., 8-9. 
Posadas, Not., 211-16, calls him Samiego, in ruling '54. 

" Miller's list; name found in a doc. of '83. 

^* More of his rule later in this chapter. Mendizabal is barely mentioned 
in the Penalosa papers. Sliea's Exped., 10-11. 

*^ Perhaps earlier. He was between Concha and Trevino. Davis' list. 

"2 Called Frecenio by Davis and Frenio by Miller. Sta Fe Ceni., 14. 

^^ Most authors begin Otermin's rule in '80; but Escalante says the great 
revolt was in the 2d year of his rule. Dominguez' testimony is found in 
Otermin, Extraetos, MS., 1395-6. Davis and MQler found the allusion to 14 
rulers, but make the date '40 instead of '43. 

=*See Bkt. North Mex. St., i. 382-7. 


Alonso Vaca in 1634, eastward 300 leagues to the 
great river across which was Quivira; another of 
captains Hernan, Martin, and Diego del Castillo in 
1650 to the Nueces, and far beyond to the country of 
the Tejas, where they found pearls; another similar 
one of Diego de Guadalajara in 1654, resulting in a 
fight with the Cuitoas ; a backsHding about the mid- 
dle of the century of certain families of Taos, who 
went out into the eastern plains, fortified a place 
called Cuartalejo, and remained there until the gov- 
ernor sent Juan de Archuleta to bring them back;"* 
and finally the fictitious entrada of Governor Peualosa 
to Quivira in 1662, of which I shall have more to say 
a little later. A royal order of 1678 alluded to pro- 
jects of exploring Quivira and Teguayo, and to con- 
flicting reports on the geography and wealth of these 
and other distant provinces, calling for an investiga- 
tion ; and it was in reply that Padre Posadas made 
his later report, which is the best authority on the 
outside regions, but contains very little on the history 
proper of New Mexico, of which the author was cus- 
tocho in 1660-4, and a missionary from 1650. 

In February 1632, padres Arvide and Letrado 
were killed by the gentile Zipias somewhere beyond 
the Zuni region; and the next year Padre Porras 
was poisoned by the Moquis.^® In 1640-2 there were 
serious diflficulties between the governor and the 
friars, the latter being accused of assuming, as jueces 
eclesiasticos and officials of the inquisition, extraordi- 
nary and absolute powers, and of having even gone so 
far as to encourage a revolt, in connection with which 
Governor Rosas lost his life. We know but little of 
the controversy, which was deemed in Mexico very 

^'Posadas, Not., 214-18; Escalantc, Carta, 125. Simpson, Jour., pi. 65-70, 
reproduces inscriptions on El More, including the names of Capt. Juan Archu- 
leta in 1636, Agustin Hinojos and Bartolome Rouielo in '41, and Ant. Gonza- 
lez in '67. This was, however, in the west. 

•"•^ Vetnncur, Menol, 16, 24, 66. Fernandez Ihiro, 133, cites the Venladera 
relacion dc la grandiosa conversion que ha hahido en el Jf. Mex., enmatla yor el 

P. Fr. EstAvan de Perei, cust<xlio de lis proi'incias davdole cueiita del e.itiido de 

aquellas coiiversiones, etc. Sevilla, 1632, fol., 4 1. This report I have not seen. 


serious, and which seems to have been the beginning 
of a series of troubles that terminated in the great 
revolt of 1680. The padres were blamed, and special 
efforts were ordered to avoid a costly war, which it 
was thought could not be afforded in a province that 
yielded no return for an annual expenditure of 60,000 

Several writers mention a revolt of 1644, in which 
the governor and many friars were killed; ^^ but I sup- 
pose this is but a confused reference to the troubles of 
1642 and 1680. In the time of Governor Argiiello, 
probably about 1645 or later, there was a rising in 
consequence of the flogging, imprisonment, and hang- 
ing of 40 natives who refused to give up their faith; 
but the rebels were easily overpowered. In another 
revolt of the Jemes, aided by Apaches, a Spaniard 
named Naranjo fell, and in return the governor 
hanged 29, imprisoning many more for idolatry. '^^ In 
1650 or thereabouts it is evident that, partly as a re- 
sult of the preceding quarrels, troubles with both con- 
verts and gentiles began to assume a serious aspect. 
At the same time complaints of oppression on the 
governor's part were sent to Mexico and Spain.*" 

During Concha's rule, or in 1650, there was a plot 

'''' Pala/ox, Informe al Conde de Salvatierra, 1642, MS.; letter of same to 
king, July 25, '42, and royal order of July 14, '43, in N. Mex., Ced. MS. 7-8; 
Bonilla, Apunlcx, MS., 1; Revilki Giij?.do, Carta de 1703, p. 441. The latter 
says the matter was reported to the king in 1640, including an lud. revolt, 
as well as scandalous quarrels between the friars and secular authorities. It 
appears that Rosas was stabbed — perhaps while under arrest awaiting his 
residencia — by a man who accused him of intimacy with his wife; but the 
woman had been put in his way that an excuse for killing him might be found. 
Antonio Vaca is named as a leader in this movement. 

'"^Calle, Not., 103; Pino, Expos., 5; Id., Not., 2; Alcedo, Dice, iii. 184; 
Barreiro, Ojeada, 5-6; Akijre, Hkt. Comp. J., i. 327. In the general chapter 
of the Franciscans at Toledo, 1645, the plan of clianging the New Mex. cas- 

P" _ _ 

todia to a provincia independent of the Sto Evangelic in Mex. was discussed, 
but abandoned. Ylmrbe, Informe, in Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., 347. 

"^Otermin, Extractos, MS., 1301, 1395-6. This is the testimony of Domin- 
guez in '81 ; consulted also by Davis, 279 et seq. D. says the 29 were only 

^Bonilla, ApuiUes, MS., 1; N. Mex., Cid., MS., 6, 8-9. The king in his 
cedula of Sept. 22, '50, notes these complaints and the popular discontent and 
strife leading to raids by the gentiles, and orders viceroy to investigate and 
remedy. The viceroy replied March 20, '53, that he had given strict orders to 
the new gov. ; the king approve^ and orders cooxtinued vigilance June 20,. '54, 


of the Teliuas and Apaches to kill the soldiers and 
friars on Thursday night of passion week, when all 
would be in church; but by chance the plot was dis- 
covered by Captain Vaca, nine leaders were hanged,- 
and many more were sold into slavery for ten years. 
A like result followed an uprising of the Piros, who 
ran away during Governor Villanueva's time and 
joined the Apaches, killing five Spaniards before they 
could be overpowered. Several of the same nation 
now or a little later were put to death for sorcery. 
Estdvan Clemente, governor of the Salineros towns, 
was at the head of the next conspiracy for killing the 
tyrants, after stealing their horses to prevent escape; 
but Don Estevan was hanged. The Taos drew up 
on two deer-skins a plan for a general movement, but 
it was abandoned because the Moquis refused their 
aid. No dates are given for these happcnings.^^ 

Diego Dionisio de Pehalosa y Briceiio ruled New 
Mexico in 1661-4, having been appointed in 1660. 
He was a native of Peru, an adventurer and embustero, 
bent on achieving fame and fortune with the aid of 
his unlimited assurance and his attractive person and 
manners, by which alone presumably he obtained his 
appointment from the viceroy. Of Don Diego's rule 
and acts, as in the case of other rulers of the period, 
almost nothing is known. It appears, however, that 
he visited Zufii and the Moqui towns, heard of the 
great kingdom of Teguay through a Jemes Indian 
who had been captive there, and also of Quivira and 
Tejas, and the Cerro Azul, rich in gold and silver ores; 
and that he planned an expedition to some of these 
wonderful regions.®'^ I have seen an order dated at 
Santa Fe in 1664 which bears his autograph.*^ Like 

^^OterTnin, Extracios, MS., followed by Davis. Zamacois, Nitl. Mej., v. 376, 
says that Alburquerque was founded ia 1058, which is au error. The 1st duke 
of A. was viceroy in 1053-60; but the 2d duke of A., for whom the town was 
named, ruled in 1701-10. In the Arch. Sla Fe, MS., it is stated that t'.ie 
Pueblo del Paso del Rio del Norte was founded in 1659. Tlie allusion ii to 
the mission of Guadalupe ilol Paso, not to town or presidio. 

"^ Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, inaestre de campo i:i Peiialosa's time, re- 
port of later years as cited by Fernandez Duro, 49, 75. 

'^ Jan. 20, '64, order that the Indians be not employed in spinning and 


his predecessor, Mendizabal, he became involved in 
troubles with the padre custodio representing the 
inquisition; or more probably, as I think, he went to 
Mexico in 1664 or later to urge his scheme of north- 
ern conquest, and there came in conflict with the holy- 
tribunal, by which he was perhaps kept long in prison; 
and at any rate, in February 1668 he was forced to 
march bareheaded through the streets carrying a 
green candle, for having talked against the santo oficio 
and said things bordering on blasphemy.®* Unable to 
interest the viceroy and king in his project, he went 
to London and Paris in 1671-3, and there attempted 
to organize a grand filibustering enterprise of con- 
quest against his former sovereign, freely resorting to 
falsehood, and claiming for himself the title of Conde 
de Santa Fe, with half a dozen others to which he had 
no claim. He died in 1687, and his efforts are closely 
connected with the expedition of La Salle of 1682-7 ; 
but these matters pertain to the annals of Texas, and 
not of New Mexico.*^ 

In France Penalosa presented to the government 
what purported to be a narrative of an expedition to 
Quivira made by himself in 1662, written by Padre 
Freitas, one of the friars of his company, and sent to 
the Spanish king. He never made any such entrada 
or rendered any such report. The narrative was that 
of Ohate's expedition of 1601, slightly changed to suit 
his purposes in Paris. I made known this fraud in 
an earlier volume of this series, but have since received 
the work of Fernandez Duro, published two years 
before my volume, in which that investigator, by 

■weaving without the gov.'s license; that friendly Indians be well treated, 
but that wild tribes coming to trade be not admitted to the towns, but obliged 
to lodge outside. Signed Diego de Penalosa Briceno. Arch. Sin Fi, MS. 
This is the only orig. doc. I have seen at Sta Fe that dates back of the revolt 
of '80. 

^* Holies, Diario, 56-7; Alaman, Disert., iii. appen. 35-6; Zamaeois, Hlsl 
Mej., V. 412-13. Z. tells us, p. 387, that 24 missions or pueblos were estab- 
lished in 1660^. 

^ See Hid. NoHh Mex. St. , i. In J^. Mex. , Cid. , MS. , 56 -60, are two royal 
orders, of 1675 and 1678, on the conq. of Quivira, growing out of P.'s efforts. 
Padre Posadas' report of about 1383 was abo drawn out in the same connec- 


similar arguments, reached the same conclusions.*" 
I suppose that it is to Don Diego's statements in 
Europe that we must look for the origin of the famous 
hoax of Admiral Fonte's voyage on the north-west 
coast in 1640, the story having first appeared in 1708, 
and Penalosa being represented as vice-admiral of the 
fleet. «' 

From about 1672 the various Apache tribes became 
troublesome, destroying in their raids one of the Zuhi 
towns and six of the pueblos farther east.^ Several 
friars lost their lives. In 1675 we are told that four 
natives were hanged, 43 or 47 whipped and enslaved, 
and many more imprisoned for having killed several 
missionaries and other Spaniards, besides bewitching 
the padre visitador, Andres Duran; whereupon a 
force of warriors marched to Governor Trevino's house 
to demand the release of the prisoners for a ransom, 
retiring on a favorable promise, but declaring they 
Would kill all the Spaniards or flee to the sierra and 
risk annihilation at the hands of Apaches rather than 
Bee their sorcerers punished. Pope, prominent in a 

^See Hist. North Mex. St., i. 3S6, pub. in 1884. The fictitious narrative, 
Freytas, Relacion del Descttb. del Pais xj Ciadad de Quivira, given to t^e French 
minister in 1675, and claimed to have been sent to the king of Spain in 1063, 
was printed in Shea's Exped. of Don Dieijo de Penalosa, N. Y., 1882, with 
Span, and Engl, text, and valuable notes and extracts from Margry and other 
authors respecting Penalosa. Later in 1882 appeared Fernandez Duro, Don. 
Diego de Penalosa y su descuh. del reino de Quivira, a report to the Royal Acad, 
of Hist. This author reproduces all of Shea's matter and adds much more on 
the same and kindred subjects. For his conclusion that the story was a 
fraud he relies largely, as I did, on the report of Padre Posadas (erroneously 
called Paredes by me from the printed ed., apparently not known to F. D. ), 
who was custodio during Penalosa'a term of office and who mentions no such 
expedition. I did not see the Madrid work of '82 or know of its existence till 
after the publication of my volume. Prince devotes a chapter to this exped., 
not recognizing its fictitious character. 

«'See Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 115 et seq. 

^ Escalante, Cartel, 115-16. The Zuui to-«Ti was Jahuicu (or Ajuico, where, 
ace. to N. Mex., Doc., MS., i. 502, P. Pedro de Ayala was killed by the 
gentiles on Oct. 7, 1672); those of the Tehuas were Chilili (which Benavides 
represents as a Tompiro town), Tafique, and Quarac; and those of the Tom- 
piros, Abo, Jumaucas, and Tabira. One of these was very likely the famous 
Gran Quivira. Escalante says that before '80 there were 46 pueblos of 
Christian Ind., o:ie Span, villi, and several small Span, settlements. Calle, 
Not., 103-4, says that in '45 there were 25 doctrinas, with 60 friars, receiving 
from the king 42,000 pesos per year. Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 42, 46, tells us 
that 24 Ind. towns were formed by the Span, in (before?) 1660; and that 
Alburquerque was founded earlier with 100 Span, families. See note 61. 


later trouble, was now a leader either of the imprisoned 
offenders or of the band of rescuers. ^^ All the tribes 
were known as Apaches, except the Yutas, occupying 
a part of the northern plains, and witli whom Governor 
Otermin was the first to open communication. The 
Comanches did not make their appearance in the rec- 
ords of this century; but the Apaches del Navajo are 
mentioned. In 1676 the condition of affairs was re- 
ported to be serious. Towns and churches had been 
destroyed and many Christians killed by the Apache 
raiders; while the defensive force was only five men 
for each frontier station, and tliese were sadly in lack 
of arms and horses. A reenforcement of 40 or 50 men 
was needed at once if the province was to be saved. 
Padre Francisco Ayeta, the custodio, having come 
from New Mexico for succor, was preparing to start 
with a wagon train of supplies for the missionaries; 
and he made an earnest appeal for the 50 men and 
1,000 horses to accompany the train, at an expense of 
14,700 pesos to the royal treasury. The junta ap- 
proved the measure on September 9th, perhaps of 
1677; the viceroy reported to the king his resolution 
to send succor on January 13, 1678; the king approved 
on June 18th ; and finally, after an unaccountable delay, 
the train started from the city of Mexico on the 29th 
or 30tli of September, 1679. The relief arrived too 
late, as we shall see, to prevent the abandonment of 
the province; but it prevented still more serious dis- 
aster among the fugitive settlers and missionaries.™ 

^^ Otermin, Extractos, MS., 1441-3, 1459-66, 14S0-1, being the testimony 
in 'SI of Dominguez, Lopez, Quintana, and P. Ayeta. Eacalante, Carta, 116, 
says nothing of this affair, but states that Pope and 46 others were arrested 
for various crimes. On March 28, 74, there died at Sta ¥& Dona Juaua Arias, 
■wife of the visitador Gonzalo Suarez. Bobks, Diario, 159. On Jan £3, '75, P. 
Alonso GU. de .^vila, minister of Renecuey (Senecii ?), was killed by the Ind. 
N. Mcx., Dor., MS., i. 502. Other friars named in different records as serving 
in '80 or earlier are Antonio Acebedo, Lorenzo Analiza, Francisco de Ayeta, 
Antonio de Aranda (apparently custodio in '50), Juan Bernal (cust. iu '80), 
Fran Gomez de la Cadena, Sebastian Calzada, Andres Duran, Juan de Jesus 
Espiuosa, Fran. Farfan, Cris. Figneroa, Alonso Gil, Ant. Guerra, Juan de 
Jesus, Simon de Jesus, Jesus de Lombarde, Albino Maldonado, Juan Mora, 
Jesus Morador, Juan de Vallada, Fernando de Velasco, and Juan Zavaluta. 

''•'Ayeta, Memorial al Virey, 1676, including various docs. o;i the subject, 
in N. Jlex., Doc, MS., i. 4G1-513. Viceroy's rept to king and royal order 


I close this chapter with a note from Vetancur's 
standard chronicle of the Franciscans, written about 
1691, but showing the missions as they existed just 
before the great revolt of 1680. A padron of 1660 is 
said by this author to have shown a population of 
24,000 Spaniards and Christian Indians, of whom it 
would seem the former must have numbered about 
2,400 in 1680. Padre Francisco de Ayeta came as 
custodio, with a reenforcement of friars, in 1674, but, 
as we have seen, went back to Mexico for succor two 
years later. "^ 

ia reply, 167S, in iV. Mux., CiduJas, MS., 9-10. SUrting of the train and 
troops, the viceroy going to Guadalupe to see them oflf, Sept. 29 or 30, '79. 
Roblcs, Diario, 290; Bivem, Diario, 14. 

'' Vctancur, Chron., 98 et seq. Missions of N. Mex. in 1680. See similar 
statement for 1630, p. 164 of this chapter. 

Senecil (S. Antonio), 70 1. above Guadalupe del Paso, founded in 1630 by 
P. Ant. Arteaga, sue. by P. Garcia de Zufliga, or San Francisco, who is buried 
there; Piroa nation; convento of S. Antonio; vineyard; fish-stream. 

Socorro (Nra Sra), 7 1. above Senecu, of Piros nation; 600 inhab. ; founded 
by P. Garcia. 

Alamillo (Sta Ana), 3 1. above Socorro; 300 Piros. 

Sevilleta, 5 1. from Alamillo across river; Pirns. 

I3leta {S. Antonio), no distance given; where a small stream with the Bio 
del Norte encloses a fertile tract with 7 Span, ranches; convent built by P. 
Juan de Salas; 2,000 inhab. of Tiguas nation. Here is tlie paso for Acoma, 
Zuiii, etc. 

AJameda (Sta Ana), 8 1. above Isleta; 300 inhab. of Tiguas nation; named 
for the alamos which shade the road for 4 1. 

Puray, orPuruay (S. Bartolome), 1 1. from Sandia (Alameda?); 200 Tiguas; 
tlie name means ' gusanos, ' or worms. 

Sandia (S. Francisco), 1 1. (from Puaray); 3,000 Tiguas; convent, where 
P. Estevan de Perea, t'.ie founder, is buried; also the skull of P. Rodriguez, 
the 1st martyr, ia venerated. 

S. Felipe, on the river on a height (apparently on E. bank) ; 600 iidiab. 
with the little pueblo of Sta Ana; of Zures (Queres) nation; convent founded 
by P. Cris. Quinones, who, with P. Gerdn. Pedraza, is buried here. 

Sto Domingo, 2 1. above S. Felipe; 150 inhab.; one of the best convents, 
where the archives are kept, and where, in '61, was celebrated an auto-de-fe, 
by order of the inquisition; P. Juan de Escalona buried here; padres in '80, 
Talaban (once custodio), Lorenzana, and Montesdeoca. 

Sta Fe, villa, 8 1. from Sto Domingo; residence of tlie gov. and soldiers, 
with 4 padres. 

Tesuque (S. Lorenzo), 2 1. from Sta Fe, in a forest; £00 Tiguas (Tehuas); 
P. Juan Bautista Pio. 

Nambe (S. Francisco), 3 1. E. of Tesuque, 5 1. from Rio del Norte; 2 little 
settlements of Jacona and Cuya Mangue; 600 inhab.; P. Tomas de Torres. 

S. Udefonao, near the river, and 2 1. from Jacona, iu a fertile tract, with 
20 farms; 800 inhab. ; PP. Morales, Sanchez de Pro, and Fr. Luis. 

Sta Clara, convento, on a height by the river; 300 inhab.; a visita of S. 

S. Juan de los Caballeros, 300 inhab. ; visita of S. Ildefonso. In sight are 
the buildings of the villa de S. Gabriel, the Ist Span, capital. 


Picurfes (S. Lorenzo), 6 1. (from S. Juan), on a height; 3,000 inhab. ; Fr. 
Aacensio tie Zarate served and is buried here; P. Matias Rendon in '80. 

Tahos (S. Gerdnimo de Taos), 3 1. (?) from Picuriea and 5 1. from the river, 
in a fine valley; 2,000 inhab. and some Spaniards; in 1631, P. Pedro Mi- 
randa de .£vila was killed here; PP. Juan de Pedrosa and Antonio de Mora 
in '80. 

Acoma (S. Estevan), east (?) of Cia on a penol 1 1. in circum. and 30 e.storfos 
high; 1,500 inhab., converted by P. Juan Ramirez; in '80, P. Liicaa Maldo- 

Hemes (S. Diego de Jemes), a large pueblo formed of 5 smaller ones, with 
6,000 inhab. ; in charge of P. Juan de Jesus. 

Aloua (Purisima), 24 1. from Acoma, with 2 visitas, called Mazquia and 
Caquima; 1,500 inhab.; P. Juan de B.d. (Zufii prov.) 

Aguico (Coucepoion), 3 1. w. of Alona, with other small pueblos; 1,000 
inhab; they revolted in '32, and killed P. Fran. Letrado; in '80 the padre 

Aguatobi (S. Bernardino), in Moqui prov., 26 1. from Zuui; 800 inhab. 
converted by P. Fran, de Porras; much pumice stone; P. Jose de Figueroa, 
or Concepcion, in '80. 

Xongo pabi (S. Bartolome), 7 1. from A., with a visita called Moxainabi; 
500 inhab. ; P. Jose Trajillo in 'SO. 

Oraybi (S. Fran. ; others say S. Miguel), farthest w. of the Moqui towns, 
over 70 1. from Sta Fe; had 14,000 gentiles, but a pestilence consumed them; 
1,200 in a visita called Gualpi; PP. Jose de Espeleta and Agustiu de Sta 

Cochiti, 3 1. from Sto Domingo; 300 inhab. of Queres nation; the padre 
escaped in '80. 

Galisteo (Sta Cruz), 6 1. (from Cochiti ?), with S. Cristobal as a visita; 830 
inhab. of Tanos nation; here once served P. Antonio de Aranda; in '80 PP. 
Juan Bernal, custodio, and Domingo de Vera. 

Pecos (Porciiincula), on the eastern or Quivira frontier, in a finely wooded 
country; has a magnificent church with six towers; pop. not given; P. Fern, 
de Velasco. 

S. Marcos, 'on the right toward the N., 5 1. from Sto Domingo;" 609 
inhab. of Queres nation; 2 visitas, S. Lazaro and Cienega; P. Manuel Tinoco. 

Childi (Natividad), 3 1. from S. Lazaro; 500 Piros. converted by P. Alonso 
Peinado, who is buried here; this is the 1st jjueblo of the Salinas valley. 

Quarac (Concepcion), 3 1. from Chilili; 600 Tiguas speaking Piros lang. ; 
converted by P. Perea; here is buried P. Gerdnimo de la Liana. 

Taxique (S. Miguel), 2 1. from Quarac; 300 inhab. ; the padre escaped in 

Abbo (S. Gregorio), in the Salinas valley, which is 10 1. in circum., and 
produces much excellent salt; 800 inhab. ; 2 visitas, Tenabo and Tabira (Gran 
Quivira ? ); 15 1. farther east are some Christian Jumanas served by the padre 
of Quarac; P. Fran, de Acebedo is buried at Abbo. 

All the padres named above as serving in '80 were killed in the revolt of 
that year; the survivors are named in note 5 of the next chapter. See aljo 
map in next chapter. 



Causes of the Revolt— Religious Tyranny — The Patriot Leaders — 
Pope, Cattti, Tupatu, and Jaca — The Knotted Cord — The Plot 
Revealed — Massacre of 400 Spaniards — Twenty-one Martyr 
Friars — Names — Siege of Santa Fe — The Governor's Victory and 
Retreat — Down the Rio del Norte to El Paso — Presidio del 
Paso del Norte — Pope's Rule in New Mexico — Liberty and An- 
archy — Fruitless Entrada of 1681 — Destruction of the Pue- 
blos — The Faithful Tiguas of Isleta — Otermin Censured — 
Events at El Paso — Mission Items — Rule of Ckuzat and Reneros 
— Huerta's Project — Battle at Cia — A New Governor. 

The pueblo communities were now to rid themselves 
for a time of their Spanish masters, whom they re- 
garded as tyrants. Past efforts to shake off their 
fetters had only shown how tightly they were riveted. 
They were required to render implicit obedience, and 
to pay heavy tribute of pueblo products and personal 
service. Their complaints, however, in this direction 
are not definitely known. The Spaniards in their 
later gathering of testimony ignored this element of 
secular oppression, if, as can hardly be doubted, it ex- 
isted, and represented the revolt to be founded exclu- 
sivel}', as it was indeed largely, on religious grounds. 
The New Mexicans seem to have been more strongly 
attached than most American tribes to their aborigi- 
nal faith, and they had secretly continued so far as 
possible the practice of the old forms of worship. The 
friars had worked zealously to stamp out every vestige 
of the native rites; and the authorities had enforced 
the strictest compliance with Christian regulations, not 


hesitating to punish the sHghtest neglect, unbelief, 
relapse into paganism, so-called witchcraft, or chafing 
under missionary rule, with flogging, imprisonment, 
slavery, or even death. During the past thirty years 
large numbers of natives had been hanged for alleged 
sorcery, or communion with the devil, though gen- 
erally accused also of projected rebellion or plotting 
with the Apaches. The influence of the native old 
men, or jti'iests — sorcerers, the Spaniards called them 
— was still potent; the very superiority of the pueblo 
organization gave the patriotic conspirators an advan- 
tage ; past failures had taught caution; and so skil- 
fully was the movement managed that the premature 
outbreak a few days before the time agreed upon was 
hardly less successful and deadly than would have 
been the revolt as planned.^ 

Pope, connected with a former disturbance and ac- 
cused of many crimes, was the moving spirit now. He 
was a San Juan Indian, but made Taos the centre of 
his eflbrts. Appealing to the popular superstition as 
well as patriotism, he claimed to have formed an alli- 
ance with the Great Spirit, or El Demonio of the 
Spaniards; and personally or through his agents and 
associates — chief among whom were Catiti of Santo 
Domingo, Tupatu of Picurf, and Jaca of Taos — Pope 
brought into his scheme all the pueblos except those 
of the Piros in the south, who for home unexplained 
reason were not invited. The Tanos and the Queres 
of Cienega are doubtfully said to have shown some re- 
luctance. A knotted cord was the mysterious calen- 

' Testimony on the causes and methods of the plot was taken from many 
natives in the next 1 5 years, and is somewhat voluminously recorded ; but I 
shall make no attempt to present details. There is a general agreement in 
the evidence, whether it comes from secular or ecclesiastical sources. Notwith- 
standing past quarrels, the friars seem to have had no charges to make against 
the gov. and his officers in this matter, all attributing "fehe revolt to demoniac 
influences on a superstitious and idolatrous people. Siguenza, Mercurio Vo- 
Innte, 589, tells us that the plot had been brewing for fourteen years. Vetan- 
cur, Chron., 103-4, Id., Menol., 119, says it was foretold 6 years in advance 
by a girl miraculously raised from the dead, who said it was to be due to 
prevalent lack of respect for the padres. All suits against the friars were 
thereupon dropped in terror, but it was too late. A friar abroad also fore- 
told the event. 


dar sent by swift runners to all the pueblos to make 
known the date of rising, which seems to have been 
fixed for the 13th of August, 1680.' 

Despite the utmost precautions, however — no 
woman being intrusted with the secret, and Pope 
killing his own son-in-law on suspicion of treachery — 

New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century. 

' Escalante in print makes the date the 18th, but my MS. copy has it 13th, 
as does Gregg. Davis and Miller, and some of the orig. corresp., make it 
Aug. 10th, the plot being revealed on the 8th. Otermiii's narrative begins 
abruptly with the 10th, and says nothing of preceding revelations. The 
knotted cord is mentioned by the original authorities. Davis' explanation, 
that the knots represented days before the rising, and that each pueblo con- 
senting untied one knot, is not very clear. 


the influence of the friars over certain converts was 
so strong that the plot was revealed, perhaps as early 
as the 9th, from several different sources.^ 

The Tanos of San Ldzaro and San Cristobal revealed 
Pope's plot to Padre Bernal, the custodio. Padre 
Vclasno of Pecos received a like confession from one 
of his neophytes. The alcalde of Taos sent a warning 
which caused the governor to arrest two Tesuque 
Indians who had been sent by the Tehuas to consult 
with the Tanos and Queres. Otermin sent messen- 
gers in all haste to warn padres and settlers south of 
San Felipe to flee to Isleta, while those of the north 

^ The original authority on the revolt of 1680 is Otermin, Extractos de Doc. 
Hid. N. Mcx., sacado-i de los autos exisientes en el qficio del Supremo gobiei-no de 
eita corte, que soltreel Levantamicnto del ailo de IGSOformii Don Antonio de Oter- 
min, (joherimdor y capitan general del mismo reino, copy from, the Mexican ar- 
chives, in iV. 3Iex., Doc. Hist., MS., 1153-1728. This record, equivalent to a 
journal of the governor's movements, expanded by various corresp. and autos, 
extends from Aug. 10, ICSO, to the spring of 1682. It is very voluminous, and 
tediously verbose, most of the record being repeated several times in various 
forms, and a report by the fiscal in Hex. being a resume that is more satisfac- 
tory to the reader than the bulky original. In the same col. of iV. Mex., Doc, 
MS., 514-81, are several important letters written at El Paso in Aug. -Dec. 
1680 by the friars. In Vetancur, Chronica, 94-104, and Id., Menoloijio, passim, 
the standard chronicle of the Franciscan provincia del Santo Evangelic, pub. 
in 1697, but written about 1691, before the reeonquest of N. Mex., we find 
much valuable information about the missions just before the revolt, and tlie 
friars who lost their lives. Escalante, Carta, 116 et seq., is also one of tlie 
best authorities on the subject, the author having searched the archives by 
order of his superior in 1778, and thus consulted doubtless much missionary 
corresp. in addition to Otermin's record. Davis, Span. Conq., 287-335, gives 
a very satisfactory narrative from the archives — that is, following Otermin, a 
copy of whose Extractos was found at Sta Fii. The same authority was con- 
sulted by Gregg, Com. Prairies, i. 121-7, and Miller, in Sta F6 Centennial. 
Otermin, Vetancur, and Escalante may be regarded as the standard authori- 
ties on this subject. Other works, to some of which I shall have occasion to 
refer on special points, are as follows: JViel, Apunt., 103 et seq.; VillagiUierre, 
nut. Conq. Ilza, 204-9; Ddvila, Mem. Hist., pt ii. 1-2; Cam, Tres Sighs, iL 
57-60; Villaseuor, Tealro, u. 419; Mange, Hist. Pimerla, 227-8; Arch. N. 
Mex., 129; Lezaun, Noticias, MS., 129 et seq.; Arricivita, Cron. Sera/., 199; Ar- 
lerjul, Cron. Zac., 249-50; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., i. 252-3; Id., Hisst. Jalapa, i. 
98, i02; Sigilenza y Gdngora, Mercuric Volante, MS., 589 et seq.; Zamacois, 
Hist. Mej., V. 429-37; Bustamante, OaJnnete Mex.., i. 35-6; Alvarez, Estudios, 
iii. 224-6, 264-5; Lacuraa, Discursos, no. xxxv. 503; Escudero, Not. Cliilt., 
231; Espinosa, Cron., 35; Prince's Hist. SL, 190-205; Carleton, in. Smith. Inst. 
Rept, 1854; Brevoort'sN. Mex., 83; Dampier's Very., i. 272; Mayers Mex. Aztec, 
i. 213-14; St Frauds, Life, 557; Davis' El Gnngo, 75-80, 134-7; Mellnes SOOO 
Mile.% 136; BeUrami, Mex., i. 280-1; Nouv. Ann. Voy., cxxxi. 255; DomenecVs 
Des., 180-3; Modern Trav., Mex., ii. 72; Hinton's Handbook, 388. The matter 
thus referred to varies from accurate narrative to worthless mention, but con- 
tains no original information of value. The pages cited or the following ones 
in most cases include the reeonquest in 1692. 
HIST. Abiz. and N. Mes. 12 


were to start for the capital or Santa Cruz de la 
Canada. Pope saw that his only hope of success 
was in immediate action, and by his orders the Taos, 
Picuries, and Tehuas attacked the missions and farms 
of the northern pueblos before dawn on the 10th, 
"Uevandolo todo d, sangre y fuego." Apparently, 
hostilities had been committed at Santa Clara a day 
or two earlier, and some of the more distant pueblos 
rose a day or two later, as soon as they heard of the 
premature outbreak. I follow Escalante's version for 
what is not found in Otermin's journal; but little reli- 
ance can be put in the accuracy of details. All agree 
that the outbreak was on the 10th, day of San Lo- 
renzo, and that it was premature. On that day Al- 
ferez Lucero and a soldier arrived at Santa Fe with 
news of the rising of the Tehuas, reporting that the 
alcalde mayor had collected the people at La Canada, 
and that the rebels were in force at Santa Clara. 
Captain Francisco Gomez was sent out to recon- 
noitre, and returned on the 12th with confirmation 
and a few details of the disaster. The governor on 
the 13th ordered the alcalde and sargento mayor, Luis 
Quintana, to bring in the people from La Cafiada to 
Santa Fe, which was probably accomplished.* He 
sent out native scouts, despatched an order to Lieuten- 
ant-general Alonso Garcia to send aid from Isleta, 
and prepared to defend the capital. 

It was the plan of the New Mexicans to utterly ex- 
terminate the Spaniards; and in the massacre none 
was spared — neither soldier, priest, or settler, personal 
friend or foe, young or old, man or woman — except that 
a few beautiful women and girls were kept as captives. 
From San Felipe south all were warned in time 
to make their escape. Many settlers of the valley 
farther north took refuge at La Canada and were 
saved ; but in all the missions of the north and east 

* Otermin is not clear about this, bnt I find no foundation for Davis' inter- 
pretation to the effect that all at La Canada jjerished. Escalante says they 
reached Sta Fe safely; and it is certain that Quintana himself did so. 


and west only the friar at Cochiti, those at Santa Fe, 
and one in the Zuili province — who was perhaps ab- 
sent — escaped death. The number of victiros was 
slightly over 400, including 21 missionaries and 73 
men capable of bearing arms; those who escaped 
were about 1,950, including 11 missionaries and 155 
capable of bearing arms.^ It will be noticed that the 
friars with few exceptions were new-comers, and that 
the whole number in the province was less than might 
have been expected from preceding annals. 

On August 14th the scouts returned and reported 
that 500 Indians from Pecos and the eastern pueblos 
were approaching ; and next morning the foe appeared 
at San Miguel in the suburbs of the villa.*' One of 
the number was induced to enter the town and hold 
a conference; but he said that nothing could change 
the determination of his countrymen, who had brought 
two crosses, one red, as a token of war, the other white, 
indicating peace ; but if the Spaniards should choose 
the white flag they must immediately quit the coun- 
try. They said they had killed God and Santa 
Maria, and the king must yield. The governor sent 
out a force to attack the enemy before reenforcements 
could arrive, and soon went out in person. The battle 
lasted nearly all day, but when the Spaniards seemed 

* The friars who perished are named, with some biog. information, by P. 
Ayeta in a letter of Sept. 11th, and also by Vetaneur as follows: P. Juan de 
Bal, Spaniard, came to N. Hex. in '7 1 ; Juan Bernal, custodio, Mexican, came 
in '74; Jose Espeleta, Span., before '50; Josi5 Figueroa, Me.x., '74; Juan Bau- 
tista. Span., '77; Juan de Jesus, Span., '67; Fran. Aut. Loreuzana, Span., '74; 
Liicas Maldonado, Span., '67; Juan Montesdeoca, Mex., '67; Ant. Mora, Mex., 
'71; Luis Morales, Mex., '64; Juan Pedrosa, Mex., '64; Matias Rendon, Mex., 
'74; Antonio Sanchez, Mex., '77; Agust. Sta Maria, Mex., '74; Juan Talaban, 

Span., '62; Manuel Tinoco, , '74; Tomas Torres, Mex., '77; Jose Trujillo, 

Span., '67; Fern. Velasco, Span., before '50; Juan Dom. Vera, Mex., '74. 
For distribution, see end of the preceding chapter. The surviving friars 
named in a letter of P. Sierra of Sept. 4th were PP. Jose (or Ant. ) Bonilla, 
Fran. Gomez de la Cadena, Andres Duran, Fran. Farfan, Nicolas Hurtado, 
Diego Mendoza, Fran. Munoz, Diego Parraga, Ant. Sierra, Tomas Tobalina, 
and Juan Zavaleta. Five captains are named as having been killed: Fran. 
Jimenez, Agustin Carbajal, Cris. de Anaya, Jose Nieto, and Andres Gomez. 

^ Davis, Miller, and Gregg imply that it was on the 12th or 13th; but 
Otermin's record is clear. Escalante speaks of the Tlascaltec suburb or ward 
of Analco, which is not unlikely, though I have found no earlier mention of 
such a Tlascaltec colony in N. Mex. 


on the point of victory, the northern army of Taos, 
Picuries, and Tehuas appeared on the field, and Oter- 
min was obliged to retire with his men to protect the 
palacio, where women and children had taken refuge. 
The siege of Santa Fe lasted five days/ The natives 
were about 3,000 strong. They soon took and de- 
stroyed the suburbs, and indeed all but the plaza and 
casas reales. The church and convent were burned, 
and the water supply was cut off". Out of a popula- 
tion of 1,000, Otermin had less than 150 men, many 
of them servants utterly unfit for military service; 
but the situation was critical, and finally on the 20th 
with 100 men he made a desperate sortie. Invoking 
"the sweet name of Maria," this forlorn hope threw 
itself against the besiegers and drove them back, 
killing 300 and bringing 47 captives into the villa, 
who, after their testimony had been taken, were shot 
in the plaza.* During the whole siege and battles 
only five Spaniards were killed, though the governor 
and many others were wounded. 

It was decided on the 21st to abandon Santa Fe, 
or, as the original record puts it, to march to the relief 
of Isleta; clothing to the value of $8,000 was dis- 
tributed ; and the governor, garrison, women and 
and children, and three friars — Cadena, Duran, and 
Farfan — about 1,000 persons in all, began their march 
on foot, each carrying his own luggage, as the horses 
were barely sufficient for the sick and wounded. The 
natives, though watching the fugitives from the liills 
and sometimes being seen at a distance, made no 
attack. Perhaps they had not yet the courage to 
face the desperate valor of Otermin's little band, or 

'From the 16th to 19th, or 7 days, 15th to 20th. Most writers make it 
9 days, that is, from the 1st alarm on the 10th to the 19th. 

* Miller says nothing of this affair, representing the Spaniards as having 
cut their way out. Cavo-says they escaped by stealth when hunger and the 
stench of dead bodies became intolerable. Villagutierre tells us that Gov. 
O. cut off the water to drive the Indians out of the fort they had seized. 
The captives said the plot had been made long ago at Tesuque; but that the 
real loader was a man in the north whom Montezuma had left behind as 
lieutenant on his departure for Mexico. 


they waited for the hardships of the march to render 
their deadly task less difficult; but it is more likely 
that they were content to avoid further bloodshed, now 
that their chief object had been effected in the invad- 
ers' retreat. 

The route was by Santo Domingo, where were 
found the bodies of three padres and five other SjDan- 
iards who had been murdered, and thence to San 
Felipe and Sandia, whose Spanish inhabitants had 
escaped, though all these pueblos had been sacked and 
partially ruined, all vestiges of Christianity having 
been destroyed. Several haciendas on the way were 
found in ruins, with evidence that the occupants had 
been killed. Isleta was reached on the 27th; but the 
refugees under Captain Garcia had left this pueblo 
thirteen days before and gone south to Fra Cristobal.^ 
At Alamillo, in the region of Socorro, the governor 
met Garcia, who had been overtaken by his messen- 
gers and returned. Legal proceedings were begun 
against him for having left Isleta without orders; 
but he claimed to have acted from necessity, having 
neither force nor supplies, and believing that all in 
the north were dead. Here also, on September 6th, 
was met Pedro de Leiva with thirty men, part of the 
escort of Padre Ayeta's supply train, sent up from 
El Paso by the procurador to aid the fugitives. All 
went south to Fra Crist6bal, where on the 16th a 
council determined that under the circumstances it 

' Sept. 4th Garcia writes from Fra Crist61)al to P. Ayeta at El Paso, having 
just received news from the gov. N. Mex., Doc, MS., 514—20; also P. Sierra 
to same on same date, giving names of surviving padres. Id., 570-5. It 
appears that capt. Seb. Herrera and Fern. Chavez, returning from the Yuta 
country, were at Taos when the revolt occurred, but escaped, reached Sta Fe 
while the siege was in progress, and passed on to join Garcia at Isleta. Aug. 
31st, letter of Ayeta to viceroy when he had heard of the revolt, but sup- 
posed Otermin and all in the N. to have perished. Id., 559-81. He says 
Leiva has started N. on the 30th with 27 men and supplies; thinks a stand 
must be made at El Paso or all the north will be lost to Spain; urges that 
Leiva be made gov. if Otermin is dead; thinks 27 padres have perished. It 
is a long, rambling letter, showing the writer's natural anxiety at such a time, 
and referring to the avios for more details. On Sept. 11th he writes again, 
when he has heard of succor having reached both parties of fugitives. He 
gives names and brief biog. of the murdered friars. Id., 525-41. 


was impracticable to return to Santa Fe; and before 
the end of September the whole force was encamped 
in the region of El Paso del Norte, where for twenty 
years or more the Franciscans had had a mission of 

" Sept. 1 Sth, Otennin writes from Salineta, 4 1. from Guadalupe, and speaks 
of a great flood which makes it difficult to cross the river; but he apparently 
the 22d to inspect Ayeta's supplies. Otermm, Extraftos, 1183-4. 

Dec. 20th, P. Ay eta writes to the com. gen., chiefly on details of supplies. He 
says the army is now encamped in three divisions on the river, 2 1. apart; 1st 
the gov. , cahiUlo, and 5 friars at S. Lorenzo, so named for tlie day of the 
great revolt; 2d, the camp of S. Pedro de Alcantara with 4 padres; and 3d, 
the camp of Sacramento, under P. Alvaro Zavaleta as prelate. The rest of 
the padres are at the convent of Guadalupe, P. Nicolas Hurtado having been 
a;)pointed custodio. N. Mex., Doc, MS., 541-58. Vetaucur, Cliron., 98, tells 
us that Guadalupe was founded by P. Garcia de Ziiuiga among the Mansos 
ia 1059, and the church was dedicated in '68 by P. Juan Talaban. In about 
1691 it has 1,000 neophytes, or 2,000 with the fugitives from N. Mex. Twelve 
1. away is a mission station of S. Francisco, with one padre; and li 1. from 
here (S. Fran, or Guadalupe ?) is the Real de S. Lorenzo. 

The following items about the revolt, collected by Davis and otliers, but 
not noted by Escalante, may in a few instances have some slight foundation 
in fact. P. Jesus Morador, of Jemes, was taken from bed, bound naked on a 
hog's back, and thus with blows and yells paraded through the town, being 
afterwards himself ridden and spurred till he fell dead. (Gregg tells the 
same story, but of a pailre at Cia, on the authority of a captive named Ojeda. 
Vetaucur says there was a dispute at Jemes, some of the people wishing to 
save Padre Juan de Jesus, who was finally killed kneeling iu the plaza and 
embracing the Christ.) At Acoma PP. Maldonado, Figueroa, and Mora 
(only Maldonado was really at Acoma) were tied together and marched naked 
through the streets with abuse and insult of every kind, till Figueroa, by 
open defiance and predicting the tormentors' downfall in 3 years, provoked 
t::em to kill all three with clubs and stones. At Zufli PP. Analiza, Espinosa, 
and Calzada (no such padres were in the country at this date) were shot by 
A.'s servant, who was forced to do the deed. Here the victims were buried 
in the church, but elsewhere thrown outside the pueblo limits. (There may 
be some vague ref. to an earlier event. D., in El Griwjo, 75-9, mentions a 
trad, that the Zuui padre was not killed — which was true — but abjured his 
faith.) The Moqui padres Vallada and Lombarde (names incorrect) were 
stoned to deatli after the usual insults; and the P. procurador on his way 
from Acoma to Zuni was killed while kneeling in prayer. Gregg preserves 
the tradition that S. Felipe remained faithful and saved also the padre of 
another pueblo, who when water failed and all were about to perish, prayer- 
fully opened a vein in each arm, from which flowed water in copious streams. 
Arlegui, Cron. Zar., 249-50, mentions a P. Alonzo Gil who, in this revolt of 
some other, appeared at the window of the church where the Christians had 
taken refuge, and was shot while trjdng to appease the rebels. At S. Juan, 
ace. to Arch. N. Mex., 129, three Span, women were kept alive and kore 
children during their captivity. ViUaseuor and others state that S. Juan de 
los Caballeros was so named for the gentlemanly conduct of its people in this 
revolt, but the name had really been given 81 years before. Pino, Expos., 5, 
and Frejes say that S. Juan and Pecos remained faithful to the Span. ; and 
Bandelier thinks this may be true of Pecos, but it does not agree with the 
original records. Carleton, Smitlt-i. Inst., '54, p. 313, preserves the story that 
the 70 padres of Quivira, only 2 of whom escaped, buried immense treasure, 
the existence of which was revealed later by one of the last survivors of the 


Father Ayeta's wagon-train of supplies, the depar- 
ture of which from Mexico has been noted in the 
preceding chapter, was a veritable godsend to the 
refugees, without which many must have perished, 
and no stand could have been made at El Paso. As it 
was, with all the padre procurador's energy and liber- 
ality, distributing from his store — most of which had 
been sent for the friars — ten head of cattle and ten 
fanegas of corn daily, and with some aid from the 
Nueva Vizcayan authorities at Parral and Casas 
Grandes, there was much suffering among tlie exiles. 
Many abandoned the company and were scattered 
in the Chihuahua settlements. At the end of the 
year Ayeta went to Mexico with a full report of mis- 
fortunes and a petition for relief, and bis mission was 
successful;" for the viceroy not only took steps to re- 
lieve present necessities, but ordered preparations to 
be made for the reconquest of the lost province. Ayeta 
came back early in 1681, still in charge of the royal 
interests, bringing cheering news, suppUes, and reen- 
forceraents. Then — or possibly not till 1682 — El 
Paso was founded, at or near the temporary camp of 
San Lorenzo, as a kind of presidio and supply station 
for the reconquest and protection of New Mexico. ^^ 

extinct race; hence the holes made by treasure-seekers among the ruins. Dam- 
pier, Voy. , i. 272, who heard of the revolt when cruising off the Jalisco coast 
in 1686, learned that some of the Span, from N. Mex. had fled to the gulf of 
Cal. and escaped in canoes. 

"In Otermin, Extractos, MS., 1185-1205,13 a documentary record of 
Ayeta's proceedings, largely fiUed with unimportant details. He had spent 
§29,250, of which |9,625 was from the royal coffers. He had an appointment 
as procurador gen. of New Spain, and was ordered to Spain; but theaudieacia 
in Feb. '81 authorized him to suspend his departure in order to go on with 
his N. Mex. enterprise. On March 20th there was a religious service at the 
convent of S. Francisco in memory of the 21 martyrs. Dr Sarinana preached. 
Rohles, Diario, 319. 

12 Davis and others seem to labor under the impression that El Paso was 
already an old and flourishing town, which idea leads them into some con- 
fusion. As to exact localities I make no attempt to clear up the matter. As 
we have seen, there was an old mission of Guadalupe in the vicinity. El Paso 
was ' the ford ' of Onate's men in 1598, and not, as Gregg suggests, ' the pas- 
sage from the north ' of the fugitive Spaniards, or as others have thought, 
' the passage ' of the river from the mts into the broad valley. Niel, Apuiit., 
103, tells us that Otermin hawng crossed the river a flood occurred that pre- 
vented the pursuing Ind. from crossing, and as for two years the river did not 
cuajar (that is, I suppose, return to its normal condition) the gov. had time to 
fortify El Paso! 


The New Mexicans were again masters in their 
own country, free to use or abuse the Hberty they had 
won. Unfortunately, they had a leader who, like the 
governor he had deposed, claimed supreme authority. 
Willing to restore the old faith, or estufa-sorcery, 
Pope had no idea of surrendering his newly acquired 
power or of granting independent government to the 
pueblos. Therefore, or because of other remnants of 
Spanish influence, perhaps from the wrath of native 
dieties or retribution sent by the Christian god, abo- 
riginal prosperity was at an end. Civil war, drought, 
famine, and pestilence devastated the province for a 
decade. Naturally, we know but little of what hap- 
pened during this period save the final result; and to 
the reconquest itself must be attributed a large share 
of the devastation. Moreover, the Spaniards, who 
tell the story, are disposed to exaggerate the ruin 
that followed apostasy from the faitla. 

Pope's first task was to obliterate Christianity with 
all its tokens. He ordered the destruction of all 
crosses and church implements; forbade the naming 
of Jesus or Maria ; decreed that men should put away 
their wives and take others to their liking; that all be 
cleansed of baptism by water and soap- weed, baptis- 
mal names being dropped; that churches be destroyed 
and estufas reopened ; that the Spanish language be 
abandoned for native dialects; and that none but native 
crops be raised. The new sovereign travelled from pue- 
blo to pueblo to superintend the execution of his de- 
crees. Assuming supernatural powers, he proclaimed 
that the Christian god was dead, having been made of 
rotten wood, and powerless, while the native gods 
were still potent to make the New Mexicans a pros- 
perous people. The Castillos were not to be feared, 
for he had built walls up to the skies to keep them 
away. On his tour Pope dressed in full Indian cos- 
tume, and wore a bull's horn on his forehead. Every- 
where he was received with honors similar to those 
formerly exacted by the governor and custodio, scat- 


tering corn-meal upon the people as a token of his 
blessing. The destruction of Christian relics was at- 
tended by noisy demonstrations, processions, dances, 
offerings to heathen deities, and every conceivable 
profanation of all that the missionaries had held most 

All this was good fun during the insane excitement 
of victory and freedom from restraint; but Pope's rule 
became oppressive. He not only threatened ven- 
geance of the gods on all who refused to obey his 
orders, but proceeded to execute that vengeance, often 
inflicting the death penalty. The most beautiful 
women were taken for himself and his captains. Ex- 
cessive tribute was imposed for the support of the 
central government. Civil discords and wars followed, 
supplemented by drought, which was less adequately 
provided against than of old. The pagan deities seem 
to have abandoned their worshippers, and caused some 
very strange phenomena. The Apaches and Yutas 
took advantage of the situation to renew their raids 
for plunder. Many pueblos were abandoned, sites of 
others were changed, and tribes were scattered. Bar- 
barism darker than that of aboriginal times settled 
down upon this northern land.^^ 

"Says Escalante, Carta, 122-3: 'The rebel pueblos began to quarrel and 
wage bitter war. The Queres, Taos, and Pecos fought against the Tehuas 
and Tanos; and the latter deposed Pope — on account of his despotism, etc. — 
electing Luis Tupatii in his place. He ruled the Tehuas and Tanos till 
16SS, when Pope was again elected; but died soon, and Tupatll was again 
chosen. Alonso Catiti died earlier; entering an estufa to sacrifice, he sud- 
denly burst, all his intestines coming out in sight of many Ind. Later 
each pueblo of the Queres governed itself. The Apaches were at peace 
with some of the pueblos, but in others did all the damage they could. The 
Yutas, as soon as they learned the misfortune of the Span., waged ceaseless 
war on the Jemes, Taos, and Picuries, and especially on the Tehuas, on whom 
they committed great ravages. Not only thus and with civil wars were the 
apostates afflicted, but also with hunger and pestilence. The Queres and Jemes 
destroyed the Tiguas and Piros remaining after Otermin's entrada (of '81, to 
be described presently), because they deemed them inclined to favor the Span. 
Of the Tiguas only a few families escaped and retired to the province of Aloqui 
(Moqui?); of the Piros none escaped.' Davis and Prince give a good account 
of the developments of this period. Niel, Apiini., 103-6, says that for seven 
years it ' rained ashes, ' while for nine years no water fell, and the streams all 
dried up. The Tompiros were exterminated; very few Tiguas and Jemes 
survived; somewhat more of the Tehuas, Taos, and Pecos were left; and the 
Queres, protected by the walls of Sta Fe, sufifered least of all. Finally, by 


It was not until the autumn of 1681 that Governor 
Otermin was ready ; or, if not ready, was required by 
the viceroy's orders to attempt the recovery of the 
lost province. While the record is meagre, it is clear 
enough that there was much opposition to this at- 
tempt, there being two parties among the soldiers, 
officers, colonists, and even the friars. Many be- 
lieved that the opportunities for missionary work and 
colonization were better in the south than in the north ; 
they had lost their property and their families or 
friends, and had not yet recovered from the terror of 
the massacre; they were in favor of utilizing the 
funds and forces lately received to strengthen their 
position at El Paso, and of putting off the conquest 
to a more convenient season. Otermin himself may 
have been lukewarm in the cause, but if so the vice- 
roy's instructions left him no choice. Captain Juan 
Dominguez de Mendoza, who had served in New 
Mexico from his boyliood, had retreated from Isleta 
with Garcia, and had succeeded the latter as lieu- 
tenant-general, was leader of the opposition, and legal 
proceedings had on that account been begun against 
him and others." Most if not all the friars favored an 
experimental entrada at least, hoping that the natives, 

the sacrifice of a virgin, water was restored to the bed of the Kio Grande, and 
thus life was saved, and their ' stubborn, insolent apostasy ' was confirmed. 
Kiel also tells a curious story to the effect that of the Tanos after the revolt 
only half remained to quarrel with other nations for supremacy, while the 
rest — 4,000 men, women, and children — went away with their Spanish plun- 
der to preserve themselves and let their cattle increase. They went via Zuni 
to Moqvii, and having induced that people to give them a home, gradually 
gained possession of the country and towns, reducing the original Moquis to 
complete subjection, extending their conquests far to the s. w., and seating 
their young king, Trasquillo, on the throne at Oraibe. They brought with 
them many who had served the Span., and learue<l from them all they could, 
instead of avoiding everything Spanish like the other nations. Certain lin- 
guistic and other peculiarities of the different pueblos are sufficient, if not to 
give plausibility to this story, at least to make it worth preserving here. 
Arricivita, Cron. Sercif., 199, tells ua that the Tanos of Galisteo intrenched 
themselves at Sta Fe. Aec. to Arch. N. Mex., 129, a good authority, the 
Tanos of S. Cristobal and S. Lazaro, south of Sta Fe, were forced by hostili- 
ties of Apaches, Queres, and Pecos to transfer their pueblos to the region of 
S. Juan, where the towns were rebuilt under the same names. 

"This is shown in the fiscal's report of '82. N. Mex., Doc., MS., 1623- 
1704. Most writers say nothing of these troubles. Escalante says 'hubo 
algunas dificnltades que causaron una dilaoion muy nociva. ' 


prompted to revolt and apostasy by the devil and a few 
sorcerers, had now seen the error of their ways, and 
would be eager for peace and pardon. 

Otermin's army consisted of 146 soldiers, with 112 
Indian allies, 975 horses, and a supply train of ox- 
carts and pack-mules.^'' Juan Dominguez de Mendoza 
was lieutenant-general and niaestre de campo; Fran- 
cisco Javier was civil and militarj' secretary; and 
Padre Ayeta, the procurador general, accompanied 
the expedition with Padre Antonio Guerra, and per- 
haps one or two other friars. "* 

The start from Paso del Norte was on the 5th of 
November, and the march up the river past Estero 
Largo, Robledo, Perrillo, Cruz de Anaya, Fra Cris- 
tobal, and Contadero, presents nothing of interest ex- 
cept these names.^' From November 26th to the 4th 
of December, Otermin visited the southern group of 
pueblos, Senecu, San Pascual, Socorro, Alamillo, and 
Sevilleta. All these towns had been abandoned by 
the native Piros, and all ranchos along the route 
had been pillaged. Everywhere there were clear 
traces of revolt against Christianity in burned churches 
and broken images, of a revival of pagan rites in re- 
built estufas, and of later devastation, perhaps by 

'* Davis, 308, notes a petition of the old residents of Sta Fe that during 
their absence on the campaign their families be supported with the garrison 
at S. Lorenzo. This was dated Sept. 18th and was granted. An original MS. 
of the Pinart collection shows that on March 9, 1081, at 'Paso del Rio del 
Norte, conversion de Nra Sra de Guadalupe, ' Gov. O. took testimony of 4 
Ind. lately arrived from N. Mex., who said the Tiguas, Piros, and Apaches 
had formed a plot to attack El Paso. In an orig. doc. of the ^ rch. Sta Fi, 
the ayuntamiento of Paso del Rio del Norte is named, consisting of Fran, de 
Anaya Almazan, Cris. B. de Villanueva, J. Javier de Noriega, Fran. Romero 
de Pedraza, and Ant. de Monroy; escribano mayor, Ant. Lucero de Ciodoy. 

'^The sargentos may ores amd captains named in N. Mex., Doc, MS., 
1500, are Juan Dominguez, Pedro Leiva, Nicolas Rodriguez, Juan and Diego 
Lucero de Godoy, Luis de Granillo, Alonso del Rio, Sebastian de Herrera, 
Diego Lopez Zambrano, Luis de Quintana, Pedro de Marquez, Roque de 
Madrid, Diego Dominguez, Ignacio and Cristobal Vaca, Felipe Romero, Jose 
Narvaez, Fran. Anaya, Fran. Madrid, Antonio Marquez, Gonzalo Paredes, 
Salvador Olguin, Antonio Dominguez, Ant. de jivalos, Don Jose Chavez, and 
Jose Padilla. Escalante is the only authority for the exact force. 

" Diary in Otermin, Exlractos, 1207 etseq., followed by Davis, Span. Conq., 
308 et seq., with some slight errors. Escalante, 120, gives but a brief out- 
line. The stretch of 32 1. without water, from Robledo to Fra Cristobal, is 
noted; since known as La Jornada del Muerto. 


northern rebels but probably by Apache raiders. The 
Spaniards completely destroyed all that was left. 

Isleta, in the Tiguas province, was the first pueblo 
whose inhabitants had remained, and it was taken by 
assault on the 6th of December, after a slight resist- 
ance. Next day, the 1,511 inhabitants formally re- 
newed their allegiance, received pardon with much 
advice, and offered many children for baptism. Here 
the walls of the burned church served as a corral for 
cattle ; but the people had plenty of excuses to offer, 
attributing all that was unchristian to the northern 
apostates, who had come to attack their town and force 
these faithful subjects of the Spanish king to feign a 
relapse to idolatry. Indeed, they regarded Otermin's 
arrival as a most fortunate event, for they had plenty 
of corn, and were expecting an attack from the famine- 
stricken rebels of the north. A few Indians had es- 
caped before the town was taken, and had gone north 
with news of the Spaniards' arrival; and now others 
were sent out by the governor to notify the rebels of 
his friendly intentions if they would return to their 

From Isleta on the 8th, Dominguez was despatched 
with seventy men to make a reconnoissance of the 
northern pueblos; and a few days later the governor 
and his army followed up the river, in a snow-storm, 
encamping from the 16th to the 23d at a point in sight 
of Alameda, Puaray, and Sandfa.^* These pueblos, 
whose inhabitants had fled, were found in the same 
condition as those below Isleta, except that they con- 
tained large stores of maize, all of which, with the 
towns themselves, was burned by the governor's 
orders. Dominguez rejoined Otermin on the 18th, 

'^ Alameda seems to be represented as 6 1. above Isleta, with the Etsancia 
de Dominguez (not far from Alburquerque) half-way between. The 3 pueblos 
in the order named were near together. This is the best possible proof that 
Coronado's Tiguex, Rodriguez' Puara, and Espejo's Tiguas prov. have been 
correctly located in the region of the still standing Saudia, and Alameda above 
Alburquerque, though of course it is not certain that either Isleta, Alameda, 
or Sandia stands exactly on its original site. Everything indicates, however, 
that they all stood in the same district as now. 


having visited San Felipe, Santo Domingo, and Co- 
chiti, which he had found abandoned, like the rest 
with stores of maize, but which he had not burned. 
At Cochiti he met a large force of Indians, who ap- 
proached in hostile array, but finally consented to 
parley. Catiti, their chief, professed deep penitence 
for his sins, shedding tears, and promising in a day 
and a half to bring in all the rebels of the three 
towns to accept pardon and renew their allegiance. 
He failed to keep his agreement; the hostages held 
were strangely allowed to depart ; and much evidence 
was obtained to show that Catiti's penitence was but 
a ruse, to gain time for the Moquis and other distant 
tribes to join the rebel force at Cieneguilla for a com- 
bined attack on the Spaniards. Accordingly, Domin- 
guez returned south to rejoin the governor, who 
severely criticised his management of the expedition, 
blaming him for not having burned the pueblos, for 
not having sent reports, and for various other short- 

Otermin spent the week of his stay near Sandia, 
chiefly in examining witnesses on the details of Do- 
minguez' expedition, and on the causes of the original 
revolt, the acts of the Indians during the past year, 
and their present disposition. Among the witnesses 
were two half-breeds, who claimed to have been forced 
into the rebellion, and who gave themselves up volun- 
tarily. The record is very voluminous," and many 
pages might be filled with details that would have 
more interest than real importance. On the 23d a 
junta de guerra was held, and radical differences of 
opinion were expressed; but the decision was that in 
view of the natives' bitter hostility, the inadequacy of 
the force for a military conquest, the bad condition of 
the men, and especially of the horses, the snow and 
intense cold of midwinter, and finally the news that 
the hostile natives under Tupatii were threatening 

^^ Otermin, Extracts, MS., 1227-1580. Davis, Span. Conq., 318-35, re- 
produces many particulars. 


the faithful Tiguas — it was best to retire to a point 
opposite Isleta, which was done on the 24th or 25th. 
Here other witnesses were examined, and evidence 
accumulated to the effect that the rebels were 
preparing to run oif the horses and massacre the en- 
feebled Spaniards. Matters were still further com- 
plicated by the defection of a large part of the Isletas, 
who fled to join the rebel army. Though some were 
nominally in favor of remaining, it is clear that none, 
not even Otermin or Ayeta, was zealous in the cause ; 
and that the chief anxiety was to fill the autos with 
evidence that should justify a retreat. Yet it must 
be admitted that this evidence, if somewhat highly 
colored, had much real force. 

The final junta began on the last day of the year, 
and on January 1, 1682, it was decided to march 
southward. There were 385 Indians at Isleta who 
still remained faithful, and who could not fairly be left 
to the vengeance of the apostates; therefore they 
accompanied the army. The pueblo having been 
burned, with all the grain and other property that 
could not be carried, the retreat down the valley began 
on the 2d; and on the 11th of February Otermin 
reached Estero Largo, only a few leagues from El 
Paso.^" From this point the governor sent a general 
report to the viceroy, accompanied by the autos, to 
which he referred for details. In this document he 
made known his plans for settlement and missionary 
work in the El Paso region, asked for more stringent 
regulations to keep the colony together and bring back 
fugitives of the past few years, and also for leave of 
absence to visit Parral for medical treatment."^ On 
the 25th of June the fiscal of the audiencia in Mexico 

"On Jan. 15th they were opposite Socorro; on the 18th at Qualacu 
(one of Onate's names, as will be remembered) and S. Pascual; 19th, Senecti; 
21st, Fra Cristobal; Feb. 1st, Robledo; 4th, Dona Ana; 11th, Estero Largo. 
Otermin, Extractos, MS., 159G-1612. 

''^Otermin, ConsuUaat Virey, 11 deFeb., 1682, in Id., Extractos, MS., 1612- 


made a report, in which, after a careful resume of the 
entrada from the autos, he commented in severe terms 
on the acts of Dominguez de Mendoza, reconunending 
criminal prosecution of that officer; and he also blamed 
Otermin for not having made a stand at Sandia or 
some other convenient point, since the large stores of 
maize destroyed in the southern pueblos and left un- 
destroyed in the north would have sufficed to restore 
the horses and support the army until help or new 
orders could be received. The fiscal favored, however, 
the proposed settlement and presidio at El Paso, 
though the New Mexican soldiers should not be 
permitted to enlist in the southern presidial company ; 
and he also approved strict measures to collect and 
keep together all fugitives of the colony, whether 
Spaniards or Indians. The governor's leave of absence 
was not granted."^'" 

With the termination of Otermin's journal in the 
spring of 1682, the record again becomes fragmentary 
and meagre. We have, however, some items of mis- 
sion work in the El Paso region, the succession of 
governors, and a few attempts to regain lost ground 
in the north.^ With the 385 natives that had come 
with Otermin from Isleta, a few who had accompanied 
the original refugees of 1680, and some who came 
later, the padres proceeded to found three new mis- 
sion pueblos in the south. These were Senecii, So- 
corro, and Isleta.^* Not much is known of what was 

'Fiscal's report of June 25, 1682, in Otermin, Extractos, MS., 162.3-1704. 
copy consulted by Davis did not apparently include the two final docu- 
ments. On Jan. 1, 1682, news had reached Mex. that a civil war had broken 

out among the troops in N. Mex., the commander being killed, but P. Ayeta 
escaping. Robles, Diario, 334. 

''^ Brevoort, N. Mex. , 83, adds a discovery by the Franciscans of the Mina 
de los Padres, all traces of which they obliterated later when forced to give 
way to the Jesuits! 

'" S. Ant. de Senecu, of Piros and Tompiros, 2 1. below El Paso (or Guada- 
lupe); Corpus Christi de Isleta (Bonilla, Apuntes, MS., 2, calls it S. Lorenzo 
del Realito), of Tiguas H 1. E. of Senecu; and Nra del Socorro, of Piros, Tanos, 
and Jemes, on the Rio del Norte 7 1. from Isleta and 12 1. from El Paso. In 
'83 the Ind. of Socorro attempted to kill P. Antonio Guerra and a few Span, 
families. The plot was discovered, and those involved fled to N. Mex., the 


accomplished in the following years, and that little 
belongs mainly to the annals of Chihuahua and Texas; 
but there were many troubles with converts and gen- 
tiles, and most of those who came from New Mexico 
gradually disappeared from their new homes. During 
most of the decade Padre Nicolds Lopez, perhaps the 
same as Hurtado, held the office of custodio and pro- 
curador general.^^ In 1687 there was a royal order 
tliat twenty new missionaries should be sent to the 
Rio del Norte.^« 

The rule of Governor Otermin ended in 1683, and 
he was succeeded the same year by Domingo Jironza 
Petriz Cruzat, though Bartolome cle Estrada Ramirez 
is named as an intermediate ruler.^' Cruzat, or Cru- 
zate as the name is also written, held the office four 
years, though involved in controversies with the gov- 
ernor of Nueva Vizcaya, and perhaps temporarily 
suspended in 1684-5.'** Captain Mange, the explorer 

others being moved to a site nearer Isleta, where the pueblo still stood in 
1778. In '83 also a mission of the Sumas was estab. at Ojito de Samalayuca, 
8 1. below El Pnso, but next year the converts apostatized and fled, the re- 
volt including Sumas, Janos, and the Mansos of Guadalupe, who killed P. 
Manuel Beltran and were not reduced till '86. It was also in '83-4 that the 
padres made a visit to the Tejas, and also founded the ill-fated mission at the 
junction of the Conchos. Escalante, Carta, 120-2. See also Hls[. North Mex. 
St., i. 364^6. 

^^N. Mex., Ced., MS., 14; Fernandez Duro, 48, 67-74. In '85 the vice- 
custudio and juez ecles. was P. Juan Munoz de Castro, and the guardian of 
the convent of Guadalupe del Paso was P. Fran, de Vargas. A rcli. Sta Fe, 
MS. Papers of indulgence for N. Mex. friars in '85. Robertson's Hist. Amer., 
ii. 1017. The Jumanas ask for padres in '84. Vetancur, Chrdn., 96-7. By 
Fernandez Duro, 134, is cited from Barcia a MS. Helacion que envid el gobr. de 
N. Mex. al virey de N. Espaha de fox Ind. Xumanas que pedian reliffiosos, iu 
'84. The same year, ace. to Espinosa, Chrdn. , 92, the friars of the college of 
Sta Cruz de Queretaro wished to enter the N. Me.x. field but did not succeed. 

26Cedula of Sept. 26, '87, in N. Mex., CM., MS., 14-16. It was in reply 
to a request from P. Lopez. 

*' Davis' list. ' Knight of the order of Santiago, gov. and capt. gen. of N. 
Mex.' 1683. Estrada may have ruled for a short time ad int., or may have 
been appointed and never have come. I am not certain tliat Otermin ruled 
after '82. 

^'Escalante, Carta, 115, 121, says that Cruzat succeeded in Aug. '83. In 
the col. of M. Pinart is an original order signed by Gov. C. on Nov. 29th, 
giving instriictions for an entrada about to be undertaken among the Juma- 
nas and adjoining nations. Davis' earliest date is '84. Vigil, in Simpson's 
Jour., 108, tells us that Garbaceo de Cruzat y Gongora succeeded Otermin iu 
'81, retook Sta Fe the next year, extended his conquest till '83, and then re- 
turned to Sta Fe ! The troubles with the gov. of N. Vizcaya are indicated 
by an original order of the viceroy on Nov. 28, '85, that Cruzat be restored 


and writer, nephew and eulogist of Don Domingo, 
tells us that he ruled co)% aplauso, chastised the apos- 
tates, routed a conibinatiou of ten nations, reduced 
some of them to pueblo life, made fifteen campaigns, 
ruled more as a father than as a governor, and in his 
final residencia was pronounced a " bueno, recto, y limpio 
juez," and thanked in the king's name;^" and indeed, 
much of this praise seems to have been well deserved. 
In September 1683 the king approved all that had 
been done by the viceroy, including the establishment 
of a presidio of 50 men at El Paso; and he ordered 
that every eft'ort should be made, with the slightest 
possible expense, to regain the lost province.^" In 
August 1G84 a force of 50 Spaniards and 100 Indians 
was sent against a rancheria of apostate and gentile 
Apaches to kill the men and capture the women and 
children.^^ In September 1685 the governor issued 
strict orders for the arrest and return of all fugitives. 
It was perhaps in connection with tliis order that the 
troubles with Governor Jose de Neiva of Nueva Viz- 
caya occurred; and it is to be noted that in the same 
montii the maestre de campo, Juan Dominguez de 
Mendoza — before involved, as will be remembered, in 
serious charges — ran away from El Paso with the in- 
tention of going to Mexico, accompanied by several 
other officers.^" Alonso Garcia succeeded Dominguez 
as maestre de campo and lieutenant-governor. 

and maintained in his ofEce, with all its titles as held by his predecessor; 
while the gov. of N. Vizcaya must keep within the bounds of his own govt 
and not interfere with the gov. of N. Mex. Doc, in Pitiart Col. 

"' Mamie, Hist. Pimeria, 228. Jironza had been sent by Carlos II. from 
Cidiz in '80 as visitador of the Leaward Isles, with a force of 50 men, rank of 
infantry capt., and instruc. to the viceroy to give him an ofEce in reward for 
his services in the wars against Portugal. He was made alcalde mayor of 
Mestitlau, and soon promoted to be gov. of N. Mex. 

'^]^. J\Iex.,Cedulas,US.,n-U. Orders of Sept. 4th. There had been a 
junta in Mex. on July 28, '82, and the viceroy had reported to king on Dec. 22d. 

»' Aug. loth. Arclu Sla Fe, MS. Sargt. Mayor Roque de Madrid was in 
com. Other officers named are Luis Granillo, Diego Copoz, Ign. Vaca, Felipe 
Romero, Sebastian Gonzalez, H. Dominguez, Alonso Garcia, and Fran, de 
Anaya. Pedro Ladron de Guevara is named as sec. in '84-7, at dif. times. 

^'' Arch. Sta Fi, MS. The ■prr)<-eso shows many charges against Dominguez, 
but no result. The others were Sargt. Mayor Juxn Lucero de Godoy, Regidor 
Laza.o dj Mirquia, Baltasar Dominguez, Juan de Anaya, and the govt sec, 
Hist. Akiz. and N. Mex. 13 


In 1686, under circumstances that are not explained, 
but on which the despatches carried by Dominguez and 
his companions to Mexico would probably throw much 
light, Cruzat was succeeded by Don Pedro Reneros 
de Posada, who ruled till 1689.'^ Of his rule noth- 
ing appears except that he seems to have made an en- 
trada to the towns of the Queres, and that according 
to Mange there were complaints of his inefficiency, 
resulting in the reappointment of Jironza de Cruzat.'* 
The latter in 1688 or 1689 renewed the entrada and 
fought the Queres, with other tribes fortified at Cia, 
killing 600 of the apostates and capturing over 70, 
who, except a few old men who were shot in the 
plaza, were with the king's license sold into slavery 
for 10 years, many of the natives having been burned 
to death in their dwellings rather than submit to cap- 
ture.^ Next year, or in 1690, the governor had his 

Alfonso Rael de Aguilar. As the latter was again sec. in '94, it seems that 
the consequences of the desertion were not very serious. The deserters are 
said to have carried despatches from the padres, which may indicate a con- 
troversy between them and the gov. Davis, 337, found a doc. showing the 
presence of iiov. C. at S. Ant. Sinolu (Senecii) on Nov. 26, '85. 

^^In Arch. Sta Fe, MS., is an order signed by Reneros on Sept. 17, '86; 
also in the Pinart Col. a doe. showing Cruzat to be gov. in '86. Escalante, 
Carta, 115, says that R. succeeded iu '88. Davis does not include R. in his 
li3t of gov. , though he names him as having come to N. Mex. with Cruzat. 
There is another order signed by him on Feb. 11, '87, in the Arch. Sta Fe. 

^Manije, Hist. Pirn., 228. On Oct. 8, '87, a town of the Queres (perhaps 
Cia) was attacked and fire set to the huts, many perishing in the flames; 10 
were captured and sentenced to 10 years in the mines of N. Viz. Arclu Sta 
Fi, MS. Escalante, Carta, 123, says R.'s entrada was to Cia iu '88, nothing 
being accomplished except the taking of a few horses and cattle. R. 's exped. 
to Sta Ana and Cia is also noted in Sijiieim, Mercurio Volatile, MS., 595. In 
1695 Reneros was alguaeil mayor of the inquisition in Mex. Arclu Sta Fe, 

*^ Davis and others give the date as '88, as do apparently certain doc. in 
the A rch. Sta Fe. Mange, who says that 90 captives were formed into a new 
pueblo, gives no date. Escalante says it was in S^pt. '89. Sigiienza, Mer- 
curio, MS., 595-6, says the battle w;is on Aug. 29, '89. Tlie viceroy reported 
the entrada to the king Feb. 9, '90, and the king's cedulas of July 16 and 
21, '91, expressed thanks, etc., also permitting the enslavement of the 70 
captives, but not their children or any Ind. under 14 years of age; also other 
matters, as in my text. N. ilex., Cedulas, MS., 23-8. 

In the (/. S. Land Off. Rept, '58, p. 307-26, is printed a series of doc. from 
the arch. , with translations, which are regarded as the original titles to the 
pueblo lands of several pueblos, the others having lost their papers. The 
pipers are dated Sept. 20-5, '89. Each one consists of the formal state'nent 
under oath of Bartolome Ojeda, one of the Ind. captured at Cia, and who had 
taken a prominent part in the fight, to the eflfect that the natives of Jemes — 
also S. Juan, Picuries, S. Felipe, Pecos, CochitI, aadSto Domingo — were so ter- 


preparations made for another effort in the north ; but 
a revolt of the Sumas demanded his attention. 

In 1689 Toribio de Huerta, claiming to have been 
one of the original conquerors of New Mexico, applied 
to the king for authority to undertake the reconquest, 
with the title of marques, and other emoluments as 
usually demanded for such service. Of course, his 
chief aim was the saving of apostate souls; but he 
also reminded the monarch that between Zufii and 
Moqui was the Sierra Azul, a region immensely rich 
m silver, and made all the more desirable by the well- 
known existence of a quicksilver mine near at hand. 
This picture seems to have struck the fancy of the 
king and his counsellors, for he instructed the viceroy 
to give the subject particular attention, investigating 
the feasibility of the scheme, and Don Toribio's means 
for accomplishing it. As we hear no more of the mat- 
ter, we may suspect that the empresario could not 
support all his allegations about northern wealth.^^ 

rifled by the event of ' last year,' that is, the defeat at Cia, that they would not 
revolt again or refuse to render allegiance; whereupon the gov. proceeds to 
assign the pueblo boundaries, generally 4 sq. 1., with the church in the centre, 
but sometimes by fixed landmarks. In the case of Acoma and Laguua, 
Ojeda's testimony is as to the bounds of the pueblos, and the reasons why 
Acoma has moved to the penol (from which it had been removed in 1599), 
and why Laguna had moved near to Acoma. It also is implied that the gov. 
had in his entrada visited other pueblos besides Cia. I confess that these doc. 
axe very mysterious to me; and I cannot imagine why the gov. on such an occa- 
sion at El Paso, on the testimony of a captive that the rebels were disposed 
to submit, should have troubled himself to fix the town limits. 

Davis, 336, found in the archives the foundation for a very unintelligible 
story, to the effect that Cruzat was accompanied by Reneros and Juan de 
Onate- 'O. took with him 70 Franciscan friars, among whom was one Mar- 
cos de Niza {',), a native of the province. The latter said he had made a visit 
to Zuni, called the buffalo prov., during the reign of Philip II. At the first 
arrival of himself and people in N. Mex. the inhab. were much surprised, 
being astonished at seeing white men, and at first believed them to be gods, 
and reported them as such. After the surprise had worn off, a cruel war 
broke out, the gov. and most of the priests being killed, a few only escaping 
to the pueblo of El Paso. Among those who escaped was a Fran, friar, who 
went to Mex. and carried with him an image of our lady of Macana, which 
was preserved for a long time in the convent of that city. ' On this image of 
Nra Sra de la Macana we have a MS. in Papeles de Jet^itas, no. 10, written 
in 1754, which tells us that in the great N. Mex. revolt of 'S3 ('80) a chief 
raised his macana and cut ofi' the head of an image of Our Lady. Blood 
flowed from the wound; the devil (?) hanged the impious wretch to a tree; 
but the image was venerated in Mex. for many years. 

"A". Mex., fed., MS., 16-23. Order of Sept. 13, '89. 


Before the king heard of Cruzat's zeal and success, 
he had appointed as his successor Diego de Vargas 
Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon. In later orders of 
July 1691, he instructed the viceroy that if Vargas 
had not taken possession of the office, or if he was not 
ruling successfully, he was to be given another good 
place and Cruzat retained as governor; but Vargas 
had begun to rule early in 1691, and Cruzat was a few 
years later made governor of Sonora.^^ In the orders 
to which I have alluded, the king consented to raise 
the pay of the presidio soldiers from 315 to 450 pesos 
per year, declined to sanction the abandonment of the 
El Paso garrison, and suggested that Cia might be a 
better site than Santa Fe for the proposed restoration 
of the Spanish villa. 

"N. Mex., Cidxilm, MS., 23-8; Mange, Hist. Pirn., 228-9. 




Authorities — Entrada of 1692 — Occupation of Santa Fe — A Bloodless 
Campaign — Tupatu's Efforts — Submission of the Pueblos— To 
Acoma, Zuni, and Moqui — Quicksilver — Return to El Paso — 
Entrada of 1693 — Cool Reception — Battle with the Tanos at 
Santa Fe — Seventy Captives Shot — Four Hundred Slaves — Events 
OF 1694 — The Mesa of San Ildefonso — Founding of La Canada — 
Rumors of Trouble— A Famine — Revolt of 1696— Massacre of 
Friars and Settlers — A New Reconquest — Governor Vargas 
Succeeded bt Cubero in 1697 — A Bitter Quarrel — Charges of 
the Cabildo — Vargas in Prison — Events of 1698-1700 — The Moquis 
— The French — The Pecos. 

Records of the reconquest, with its various entradas 
and complications down to the end of the century, are 
comparatively complete and satisfactory, containing 
naturally a large mass of petty though not uninter- 
esting detail that cannot be compressed within the 
limits of a chapter.' The new governor and captain- 

^The printed Archivo de iV. Jfcx. (see bibliog. note on p. 20 of this vol.) 
is the most complete authority; but of the MS. Ardiivode Sta Fi, from which 
the former was drawn in the last century, large fragments stiU exist and 
have been consulted by me. They were also consulted, when probably less 
imperfect than now, but with too little care in some matters, by Davis, Span. 
Coiiq., 336 et seq., whose record ends practically with '96, and who has been 
followed more or less closely by Prince and other late writers. Another 
excellent and contemporary version, founded of course on the same doc, 
or Vargas' reports to Mexico, is Siyiienza y Gdngora, Mercurio Volante, con la 
dc la recuperacion de to provincias del Nuevo Mexico, coiiseguida por Don Diego 
de Viirijas, etc., written by order of the viceroy Conde de Galve, and printed 
at Mexico 1693. It contains a brief summary, of no special value, of the 
discovery, conquest, and revolt of N. Mex. I have not seen the original 
print, but have a MS. copy in N. Hex., Doc. Hint., 581-661. Escalante, in 
his Carta, 12.3-4, brings the record, with few details, down to the end of Sept. 
li)92. Siguenza, Carta al Almiraiite, MS., 6-7, mentions the subject. As to 
miscellaneous references on the reconquest, except such as I may have occa- 



general had been selected with special reference to the 
regaining of New Mexico ; but on account of troubles 
with the Sumas and other tribes nearer El Paso, over 
a year passed away before Vargas could give his 
attention to the far north. Then so great was his 
impatience that he did not await tlie arrival of a 
reenforcement of fifty men from Parral assigned to 
this campaign by the viceroy, but leaving a note, in 
which he informed tlie conde de Galve that he pre- 
ferred "antes incurrir en la nota de osado que en la 
de receloso," he set out from El Paso on August 21, 
1692, with a force of 60 soldiers and 100 Indiaa 
auxiliaries, accompanied also by padres Francisco Cor- 
vera, Miguel Muniz, and Cristobal Alonso Barroso.* 
The march up the valley of the Rio Grande was 
uneventful; all the pueblos up to Sandfa, as we have 
seen, had been destroyed years before ; and no Indians 
were seen. On the 9th of September the baggage 
was left at the Hacienda de Mejia ,with a small guard 
under Captain Rafael Tellez; Santo Domingo and 
Cocliiti were found entirely abandoned; and at dawn 
on the 13th Don Diego's little army appeared before 
Santa Fe, surrounding the town and cutting off both 
the water supply and all communication with the out- 
side. Here the Tanos of Galisteo were strongly 
fortified, but were apparently taken by surprise. At 
first they were defiant, and declared they would per- 
ish rather than yield to the invaders, or rather, that 
they would kill all the Spaniards, with any cow- 
ardly natives who might join their country's foes. 
But Vargas and the friars, while preparing "like 
brave men and zealous Christians for battle," also re- 
newed their offers of pardon for past offences and their 
entreaties for peaceful submission; and before night 

sion to cite on special topics in the following pages, there is no occasion to 
say more than that many of the works cited in the preceding chapter on the 
revolt contain also brief mention of succeeding events to 1700. 

^Vargas in a letter says he started Aug. 21st, his force at Sta Fe being 
40 Span, and 50 Ind.; whUe Siguenza notes that U Span, and 50 Ind. were 
left with the baggage at Mejia. Davis says the force was 200 Span, and 
less than 100 Ind. 


the natives yielded without a blow. Next day they 
were properly lectured and formally absolved from 
their apostasy; children were presented for baptism; 
and thus Santa Fe became once more a loyal Spanish 

Don Luis Tupatu, the most powerful of the rebel 
chieftains since the death of Pope and Catiti, pres- 
ently made his appearance on horseback, clad in Span- 
ish costume, to tender his allegiance and that of tlie 
Tehuas. He said the Pecos, Queres, Jemes, and 
Taos had refused to recognize his authority and might 
resist the Spaniards; but he offered to accompany the 
governor on his tour, and aid him to the best of his 
ability. The fifty soldiers from Parral arrived on 
the 21st, and joined Vargas at Galisteo. Pecos was 
abandoned by the inhabitants, who in five days could 
not be induced to return, though a few were captured, 
and released bearing offers of peace and pardon. 
Returning to Santa Fe, Vargas started for the north 
on the 29th, visiting all the pueblos in that direction.* 
The people took their dose of absolution with a good 
grace. Those of Taos ran away at first, but were 
soon induced by Tupatu to return; and they soon 
revealed a plot of the hostile nations to attack the 
Spaniards from an ambush ; but also joined the gov- 
ernor's force in considerable numbers, as did those of 
other pueblos, to act as warriors or messengers of 
peace, as occasion might demand. Returning to Santa 
Fe on October 15th, Vargas wrote next day a report 
to the viceroy, announcing that he had " conquered 
for the human and divine majesties " all the pueblos 
for 36 leagues, baptizing nearly 1,000 children born 

' There is no foundation -whatever for the bloody battle lasting all day, 
or the allied rebels gathering for the defence of Sta Fe, as narrated by Davis 
and Prince. There was no blood shed during all this campaign of 1692. 

*S. Cristobal, S. La2aro, Tesuque, Nambe, Cuyammique (?), Jacona, 
Pujuaque, S. Ildefonso, Sta Clara, S. Juan, Picuries, and Taos are named. 
A fragment of the original MS., Varyas, Reconquisla de N. Mex., 11S~34, in 
the Arch. Sta Se, records this northern tour, and on foUowiug pages later 
developments are recorded. As a rule I shall not refer to these original frag- 
ments unless they contain something not in the printed version. 


in rebellion. To hold the province for the king he 
must have 100 soldiers and 50 families; and he recom- 
mended the sending of convict mechanics from Mexi- 
can jails to serve as teachers and search for metals ^ 

Next Pecos submitted on the 17th; but Galisteo 
and San Mdrcos were found deserted The people of 
Cochiti, San Felipe, and San Mdrcos* were found 
together, and persuaded on the 20th to reoccupy their 
pueblos. Those of Cia and Santa Ana had built a 
new pueblo on the Cerro Colorado four leagues from 
the old Cia; and those of Jemes and Santo Domingo, 
Avith a few Apaches, were in another three leagues 
from the old Jemes. All submitted after some slight 
hostile demonstrations on the part of the Jemes. 
Cold weather and snow had now become troublesome; 
and on the 27th, from the Hacienda de Mejia, Vargas 
despatched for El Paso his artillery, disabled horses, 
Indian auxiliaries, ten settlers, and a party of rescued 
captives,' wuth an escort of soldiers. A junta voted 
to postpone the completion of the campaign to another 
year, but the leader refused his assent. 

Marching on the 30th the army of 89 men reached 
Acoma on November 3d.* The people were ready 
for defence, slow to believe they would be pardoned, 

= Vargas' letter of Oct. 16, 1892, in Arch. N'. Mex., 129; also in Arch. Sta 
Fi. The gov. is about to start to conquer the re.naiuiiig pueblos and to 
look after the quicksilver mine. The mess>enger bearing the letter reached 
Mex. Nov. 21st, and next day there was a great celeljration of the victory, 
the cathedral being illuminated by the viceroy's order. Rabies, Diario, 117; 
Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 468; Sigiienza, Merc. Vol., MS., 631. Davis says 
that 500 families were demsinded. 

* S. Marcos was 3 1. from Galisteo. 

'Aco. to Arch. N. Mex., 132, there were 43 of these captives. In the 
Arch. Sta Fi it is stated that they numbered 17 males and 40 females. Si- 
guenza gives the number as 66 at this time, but in all 77. They were per- 
sons — mostly half-breed or Ind. servants, and including no Span, e.xcept a 
few women, with the children they had borne in captivity — that had been 
held by the rebels since 1680. Davis gives a list of some of the women and 
children, 28 in all, whom he calls prisoners, but cannot understand for what 

* Route from Hac. de Mejia: Isleta 5 1.; Rio Puerco (perhaps the earliest 
mention of this name iu Arch Sta Fi, M.S.); the Laguna and Arroyo de S. 
Felipe are named between the Puerco and El Pozo) 7 1. ; El Pozo 111.; Acoma 
11.; R. Naeimiento or Cubero 5 1. ; Ojo del Nacimiento 3 1. ; El Morro 14 1.; 
Ojito de Zuni 6 1.; Mesa de Galisteo 4 1. (Zuni). Siguenza calls the cliff 


and fearful of being killed for past offences; they 
wished Vargas to pass on to Zuhi, and give them time 
for deliberation ; but finally they yielded to persuasion, 
and the governor, padres, and fifteen men were ad- 
mitted to the penol summit, where the ceremonies 
of submission were performed, and 87 children bap- 
tized on the 4th. At Zuiii the inhabitants were 
found to have left their old pueblo and built a new 
one on a lofty mesa.^ Here the Apaches made a 
dash, and drove off a band of the Spaniards' cattle; 
but Zuni was restored to loyalty and faith on the 
11th, about 300 children being baptized. Here the 
sacred vessels and all the property of the martyr mis- 
sionaries had been carefully preserved, and in one 
room were found candles burning on a kind of altar, 
this being the only pueblo that for the past twelve 
years had shown the slightest respect for Christianity. 
Finally, having left a guard at Zuni, Vargas went 
on to the Moqui towns, arriving at Aguatuvi on the 
19th." The Moquis, having been advised by the 
Navajos not to trust the Spaniards, came out in hos- 
tile attitude 700 or 800 strong, but the chief Miguel 
was well disposed, his people required but little per- 
suasion, and the invaders were ceremoniousl}'^ wel- 
comed on the 20th. Miguel said the other pueblos 
were hostile, yet they all submitted without resistance 
except Oraibe, which was not visited. These people 
had a kind of metallic substance, which was said to 
come from a Cerro Colorado across the great river. 
The indications seemed to point to a quicksilver mine, 
and specimens were brought away for the viceroy. 

^ This may throw some doubt on the antiquity of the ruins known as Old 
Zuni. On the Morro, or Inscription Rock, is inscribed: 'Here was Gen. D. 
Dief<o de Vargas, who conquered for our Holy Faith and for the royal crown 
all New Mexico at his own cost in the year 1G92.' Copied in Simpson's Jour., 
pi. 71; but S. 's translation is inaccurate, and that of Domenech, Deserts, i. 
416, is still more so. 

''' Route: Zuni, Flia Hinin, to a waterless monte, 6 1., loth; Aguage del Eu- 
tretenimiento, 6 1., Kith; C'hupaderos, 9 1., 17th; Magdalena (only in M.S.), 
18th; S. Bernardo de Aguatuvi, 10 1., 19th; S. Bernardino Gualpi, 22d; S. 
Buen. de Mossaquavi (or Moxionavi), 22d; S. Bernabe Jougopavi (or Xom- 
mapavi), 23d. 


The horses were in bad condition, some alarming re- 
ports of Apache raids came from Captain Tellez, and 
Vargas returned to Zuiii, whence the whole army 
soon started for the east and south." On the way 
there occurred two attacks by Apaches, who wounded 
a soldier and secured some horses; but one of tlie gen- 
tiles was caught, exhorted, baptized, and shot; Var- 
gas reached El Paso on December '20th; and Captain 
Roque de Madrid two days later with the rear-guard 
of the army. Thus ended Vargas' first entrada, in 
which, without shedding a drop of blood except in 
conflicts with Apaches, he had received the nominal 
submission of all the rebel pueblos, while the friars 
had baptized 2,214 children. ^^ 

New Mexican submission was as yet but a formality, 
as no Spaniards had remained in the north. On 
receipt of Vargas' letter of October 1692, the viceroy 
and his advisers decided to supply the soldiers and 
families asked for;'^ but a little time was required to 
fit out the colony, and the governor, as before, started 
before the reenforcement came. With about 100 
soldiers, having collected all the volunteer settlers and 
families he could at El Paso and in Nueva Vizcaya — 
70 families with over 800 persons in all — he set out on 
the 13th of October, 1693," accompanied by seventeen 

" The deserted pueblo of Alona was left on Nov. 29th. The route from 
the Morro to Socorro seems to liave been a new and direct one to the .s. 
of Acoina. The itinerary is given. Oil the Sierra de Magdalena the ruins of 
an ancient pueblo were found. The sierras of Sandia, Salinas, and Lailrones 
are named as seen. I he whole distance was l^G 1. This ends the 2d cua- 
derno of Vargas in the Arch. JV. Mi-x., 137. Of the original in the Arck. Six 
Fe there is fol. 118-238 of the Reconquhta de Vanjiu, with some gajjs. 

'^Simpson, Jour., 22, gives a tradition of the Jemes about a fight with the 
Span. , an apparition of Our Lady of Guadalupe and a dispersion of the tribe. 
Frejes, Hist. Breve, 146, and Pino, Expos., 5, Notician, 2, 6, relate that S. 
Juan and Pecos remained faithful and greatly aided Vargas. This idea re- 
appears in various forms and places, but has apparently no foundation in fact. 
On Dec. 27th Gov. V. formally delivered to the president of the missionaries 
the Christian relics found at Zuni. Arch. Sta Fe, MS. P. Joaquin de Hino- 
josa was now vice-custodio. 

"Letter of viceroy to Gov. V. Sept. 4, 1693, stating that he had obtained 
6Gi families, aggregating 235 persons, whom well supplied for the journey, he 
had sent to El Paso. Orig. MS. of the Pimrt Col. 

" Sept. 20th V. issues a bando, making known the viceroy's order that 


friars under Padre Salvador de San Antonio as cus- 
todio. Preparations being inadequate, progress was 
slow, and 30 persons died on ti:ie way from hunger 
and exposure. The start was in three divisions. 
Lieutenant-general Luis Granillo was second in com- 
mand, and Captain Juan Paez Hurtado had special 
charge of the colonists." From the deserted hacienda 
of Lopez, near Socorro, Vargas had to press on in ad- 
vance with his soldiers, leaving the colonists to strug- 
gle forward as best they could. Details of tlie march 
present little of interest. ^^ At the pueblos the Span- 
iards were received without opposition, but with more 
or less coolness. Some leading men said the people 
were afraid of being killed, founding their fears on a 
pretended statement of an interpreter during the pre- 
ceding visit. There were signs of trouble," but the 
army was joined by the lagging immigrants, and on 
December 16th, under Ohate's original banner, made 
a triumphal entry into Santa Fe. 

The Tanos inhabitants of the villa were polite but 
not enthusiastic; and the army encamped outside to 
avoid a rupture. San Felipe, Santa Ana, and Cia 
were reported friendly, but the rest only awaited an 
opportunity for hostility — except Pecos, which kept 
its promise of the year before, revealed the plans of 
the malecontents, and even offered aid. Vargas sent 

the 100 soldiers recruited by V. for the Sta Fe presidio, and all the original 
vecinos of Sta Fe now at El Paso, should go to the north. Airh. Sta Fe, MS. 
In the later proceedings against V. iu 1698 in the same Arch., it appears that he 
enlisted the men without expense to the treasury, by advancing $1 50 to each, 
to be deducted from his later pay. It is also stated that hp obtained at Zaca- 
teoas, Sombrerete, and Fresnillo about 27 families of • viudas viejas, negras, 
coyotas, y lobas.' Ace. to the Airh. N. Mex., 13, Davis, 37.3-85, makes the 
start on Oct. 11th, and the force 1,300. 

'■■ Other prominent officers were captains Roque de Madrid, Jose Arias, 
Antonio Jorge, Lazaro de Misquia, Rafael Tellez Jiron, .Juan de Dios Lueero 
de (iodoy, Fernando Duran y Chavez, Adj.-geu. Diego Varela, Ailj. Fran, de 
Aua3'a Almazan, sergt. and sec. Juan Ruiz. Alfonso Rael de Aguilar and 
Antonio Valverde figure as civil and mil. sec. in 1693. 

'° The authority is the 3d and following cuadernos of Vargas in the A rrh. 
N. Mex. : also fragments of each cuaderno and a few detached doc. in the 
Arc/i. Sta Fe, MS., the latter followed as before, sometimes closely and ac- 
curately, sometimes carelesslj', by Davis. 

" There was also some discontent in the ranks. A corporal and several 
soUliers deserted and started for El Paso on Dec. 3d. Arch. Sta Fe, MS. 


out many parties to reconnoitre, but the Indians, 
though not very hberal with their corn, professed 
friendship, and in turn sent their chiefs to Santa Fe. 
During their visit. Captain Arias of the rear-guard 
arriving, the governor announced the receipt of news 
that 200 soldiers were on the way to New Mexico. 
This made a good impression, and a quantity of food 
was obtained. But the Tanos soon began to show 
their independence by dechning to furnish corn or to 
bring timber with which to repair the San Miguel 
chapel. They offered, however, an estufa — quite 
good enough they said for divine service until warm 
weather should come. 

Then the Picurfes and others bethought them of a 
device to scatter the Spanish force, becoming much 
concerned for their own spiritual welfare, and asking 
for an immediate distribution of the padres. On 
December 18th, Padre San Antonio and his compan- 
ions presented a formal protest against the distribu- 
tion. While ready to sacrifice their lives for the faith, 
they were not willing to go rashly and needlessly to 
sure death. ^'^ The governor acceded to their views. 
Another petition of the colonists, through their cabildo, 
represented that they were suffering from cold by 
reason of insufficient shelter, twenty-two children 
having died within a few days, and asked that the 
Tanos be persuaded or forced to vacate the casas reales 
and dwellings of the villa in favor of the rightful own- 
ers. Though dreading a conflict, the governor was 

18 Dec. 18th, petition of the friars in Arch. N'. Mex., 142-3. It is fol. 87 
of the original MS. ; but only fol. 37-79 of this cuaderno still exist in the 
Arch. Sta Fe, MS. The friars who signed were as follows: Sal v. de S. Antonio, 
Juan Zavaleta, Francisco Corvera (the name seems to be Cervera in MS. rec- 
ords of the entrada of '92), Juau Alpuente, Juan Ant. del Corral, Juan Muiioz 
de Castro, Antonio Obregon, Juan Daza, Buenaventura Coutreras, Antonio 
Carbonel, Jose Narvaez Valverde, Diego Zeinos (sec. ), Fran, de Jesus Maria 
Casanes, Gerdnimo Prieto, Antonio Bahamonde, Domingo de Jesus Maria, 
and Jose Diez. The last 5 — with 3 others, Miguel Tricio (or Tirso), Jose 
Garcia, and Bias Navarro, who perhaps arrived a little later — were from tlie 
college of Sta Cruz de Queretaro (the rest being of the Prov. del Sto Evan- 
g-4io, Mex.), who came to N. Mex. in '93 and departed about '96, all but one, 
who ' rubricd con su sangre la fe que predicaba. Espinosa, Chr 
Arrkivita, Cron. Sera/., 176, 


obliged to call a junta de guerra, which decided that 
the Tanos must be transferred to their old pueblo of 
Galisteo. The natives had attributed Spanish for- 
bearance to fear; speakers in their juntas had urged 
war, claiming that the invaders were few and weak, 
theii' governor an embnstero, and the story of approach- 
ing reeaforcements a lie. The order to quit the villa 
brought matters to a crisis. On December 28th the 
Tanos closed the entrance to the plaza and prepared 
for defence. Summoned to surrendei", they demanded 
a day for deliberation, and then, with shouts of insult, 
proclaimed their purpose to resist. El Demonio they 
said could do more for them than God or Marfa; the 
Christians would be defeated, reduced to servitude, 
and finally killed. - 

Don Diego caused prayers to be read for his kneel- 
ing soldiers, raised the virgin's picture on the battle 
flag, and then the army, shouting praises to the Santo 
Sacramento, rushed in two divisions upon the capital. 
This was on the 29th, and the conflict lasted all day. 
Arrows, stones, and boiling water rained upon the 
assailants from defensive works erected by the Span- 
iards years ago. At last the plaza gate was burned 
and the new estufa captured ; but Tehua reeaforce- 
ments appeared. Twice did the cavalry charge and 
scatter this new foe, but night had come and Vargas 
could do no more than prevent the interference of the 
enemy from abroad. Next morning the besieged sur- 
rendered, their losses being severe and their wounded 
governor having hanged himself Seventy surviving 
warriors — ^only nine having been killed in the fight — ■ 
including Antonio Bolsas, their leading spirit, were 
immediately shot, after an exhortation to penitence 
by Father Alpuente. The women and children, 400 
in number, were distributed as 'hostages,' to serve 
until the viceroy should decide their fate — that is, 
they were made slaves." This ended the year 1693 
in New Mexico. 

'' The Pecos aided the Spaniards, having 5 killed, and this is the founda- 
tion of the current rumor that they were faithful from '80. Davis says noth- 


The Spaniards had now better protection from the 
cold and from the foe in the dwellings and fortifica- 
tions of the villa ; moreover, they had acquired slaves 
and a large quantity of corn; yet their prospects as 
colonists were gloomy, as their occupation was limited 
to Santa Fe; all beyond was hostile, raids on the 
cattle were frequent, arms were broken, and ammuni- 
tion was scarce. The season was not favorable for 
offensive operations with so small a force. Pecos, 
Cia, Santa Ana, and San Felipe remained friendly, 
but had all they could do to defend themselves against 
their angry neighbors. Early in January Juan Ye, 
chief of the Pecos, applied for aid against the rebels 
and Apaches, and Captain Madrid was sent out with 
thirty men; but it proved to be a false alarm invented 
to test the sincerity of Spanish promises. On the 9th 
Vargas marched with ninety men to the abandoned 
pueblos of Tesuque and Nambe, and thence to the 
mesa of San Ildefonso, where the Tehuas of these 
three towns and of Pujuaque, Cuyamanque, Santa 
Clara, and Jacona, with the Tanos of San Cristobal 
and San Lazaro, were encamped. They promised to 
come to the villa and make peace, but this was only 
a device to gain time for a junction with the Jemes, 
Picuries, Taos, and others. 

On the 23d there came the viceroy's letter, already 
mentioned, sent from Cerro Gordo by Padre Farfan, 
the procurador, who asked for an escort under which 
to send up his colony of seventy families from El Paso. 
Vargas in reply explained the impossibility of sparing 
an escort, and urged Farfan to come on to Santa Fe 
with the party, at the same time sending for ammuni- 
tion.^" On the 28th he marched again to the mesa 
with offers of peace and pardon. The natives professed 

ing of the friars' petition, gives the date of assault as Dec. 26th, says the native 
gov. was hanged by the Ind., and puts the loss at 160. Arricivita, Cron., 
199-200, gives 60 as the no. executed, and says that 60 of the women and 
children died a little later from an epidemic. 

^'' In an orig. MS. of the Pinart Col, V. seems to say that he did send a 
guard, and that they had a fight with the Apaches, killing two and captur- 
ing three, who were shot. 


repentance, but wished the governor and padre to come 
alone and receive tlieir submission, believing that if 
they could kill the leader the rest of the Spaniards 
would leave the country. Failing in this, they paid 
no heed to entreaties or threats, and Vargas returned 
to Santa Y6. Captain Madrid attempted to get mate- 
rial for balls from a lead mine that had been worked 
by his father near San Marcos ; but the Indians had 
filled it up. Hostilities now became frequent, and 
through messengers sent from the friendly pueblos, as 
from occasional captives, always questioned and shot, 
news was often received of what the rebels were doing. 
It seems there was a small element among the enemy 
favoring surrender, but their arguments were always 
answered by a reference to the seventy Tanos shot 
after the taking of Santa Fe. Meanwhile, efforts were 
made by the hostiles to get aid from Acoma, Zuni, 
and Moqui, and to form alliances with Apache bands. 
Raids on tlie Spaniards' live-stock were frequent, and 
sometimes slightly successful in February ; while Var- 
gas, on the other hand, had sent out various raiding 
parties, taking a few captives and obtaining large quan- 
tities of maize before the 24th, when the natives be- 
gan to destroy all the supplies they could not remove.^^ 
Late in February the governor, resolving on a vig- 
orous offensive policy, marched with about 100 sol- 
diers and many settlers and Indians for the mesa of 
San Ildefonso.^'^ Encamping at the pueblo of that 
name, he sent Captain Madrid across to the west bank 
of the Rio Grande to reconnoitre and recover stolen 
animals, and finally began the attack on the 4th of 
March, his two pieces of artillery bursting at the first 
discharge. Charging up the hill in two divisions, the 

^^Arch. N. Mex., 149-52; Varoas, Campafms de '94, MS.; Arch. Sta Fe, 
MS. Davis has nothing of events in Jan. -Feb. 

22 Ace. to Arch. N. Mex., 152, and Arch. Sta Fe (a fragment of 64 p. of a 
kind of diary of events), the start was on the 27th, and the force 110 Span., 
besides Ind. In his CampailcM de '94 — an orig. MS. report to the viceroy of 
events from Feb. 15th, dated June 2d in the Pinart Col. — the date is Feb. 
25th and the force 90. Davis, 386 et seq. , makes the start in March, and is 
inaccurate in what follows. Most details are omitted by me. 


Spaniards were met and repulsed in a fight of five 
hours, fifteen Indians being killed and twenty Span- 
iards wounded, eight of them seriously. Obtaining 
reenforcements and sending his disabled back to the 
villa, Vargas repeated the assault on the 11th, fight- 
ing six hours, without gaining any advantage. Next 
night the Indians came down and made an attack, but 
were repulsed. The siege was continued till the 19th, 
and then abandoned on account of bad weather, dis- 
abled horses, and lack of ammunition. The army re- 
turned to Santa Fe, having killed about thirty Indians, 
recovered 100 horses and mules, and taken a large 
store of maize, of which 100 fanegas were sent south 
for the approaching families.^ 

The friendly Queres now asked for help against the 
rebels of Cochiti, who were said to be intrenched with 
others on the mesa of Cieneguilla, and to be plotting 
an attack on the Spaniards and their allies. Accord- 
ingly, Vargas marched on April 12th, joined the 
Queres under Ojeda of Santa Ana — the man already 
named as one of Governor Cruzat's captives of 1689, 
now a firm friend of the invaders ^^ — and on the 17th 
defeated the foe at their new pueblo, capturing and 
shooting thirteen warriors, besides the seven killed in 
battle, taking 342 women and children, with 70 horses 
and 900 sheep, and next day sending a pi'ovision train 
with a guard of twenty soldiers to the villa, where on 
the 17th a band of raiding Tehuas had been repulsed 
by Lieutenant-general Granillo. The governor re- 
mained at Cieneguilla with 36 men; and the natives 
were now very penitent, desiring the release of their 
women and children ; but Vargas insisted on their burn- 
ing the new pueblo, and returning to their old home 

"March 30th, V. rec'd a letter from Farfan, and the supplies started April 
3d. Oa Ai)ril 3d F. -wrote again from Los Patos, not apparently having 
reached El Paso. P. Buen. Contreras was with F. Arch. Stu Fe. 

"A Zuui chief also joined V. at S. Felipe on the 15th, and served in the 
exped. He was friendl}-, and desired aid for his people against their foes. 
V. wished the Zuuis to move to some of the abandoned pueblos on the Rio 
Grande, and the chief promised to consult his people on this change. Arch. 
Sla Fe, MS. 


at Cochiti. On the 20th or 21st the Spanish camp was 
suddenly attacked, and 150 of the captives were lost, 
two soldiers being killed, one of them accidentally, 
and Adjutant Francisco de Anaya Almazan being 
drowned a few days later in crossing the river. The 
mesa pueblo was burned, and the army returned to 
Santa Fe in two divisions on the 25th and 27th. ^^ 

Back at the capital, Don Diego gave his attention 
to the distribution of slaves and live-stock, to the ap- 
portionment of lands, and to the posting of guards, and 
other measures to protect the settlers and friendly 
natives while putting in their crops."^ 

On the 21st of May the hostiles of fourteen towns, 
or six nations, made a raid on the real de caballada, 
or grazing camp, but were repulsed by the guard;" 
whereupon Vargas marched to the mesa of San II- 
defonso, where he had several skirmishes, taking 48 
animals and a few captives, and returning to Santa Fe. 
The Queres had also sent in five Jemes prisoners, two 
of whom were not shot — one because he promised to 
show the grave of a martyred friar, and the other at 
the intercession of the Pecos chief Juan Ye.^ The 
families from Mexico under Padre Farfan arrived on 
June 23d, and were lodged in the villa until on the 
close of the war lands could be assigned elsewhere. 
With the colonists or a little later came new stores of 
ammunition and other needed articles. 

The Queres had again applied for aid, but the river 
was so high it could not be crossed. On June 30th 

^* The three original authorities are clear enough on this campaign, but 
Davis, 389 et seq. , confuses it most inextricably. 

^^ April 28th, Gov. V. gives 200 sheep to the vice-custodio for the two mis- 
sions (proposed) at Pecos and Cia; also 100 to the padres for their support. 
Same date, V. sends a letter to the Zufiis and Moquis, urging the people to 
submit and resume friendly relations. The letters were sent by the Zuiii 
chief already mentioned. Arch. Sta Ft:, MS. Davis mentions the coming of 
a party of Apaches from the eastern plains, with tales of silver to be found in 
their country. 

'''• It is not quite clear whether this was at Sta Fe, or during an exped. of 
the gov. to Tesuque and beyond. 

''* One of our authorities, Vargas, Campafias de '94, ends with June 2d, 
when V. was confident of breaking up the alliance of rebel pueblos, which, 
with the coming of reenforeements, would end the war. 
Hist. Ariz, a.nd N. Mex. 14 


Vargas marched northward, killing eleven Tehuas of 
Cuyamanque the first day, finding Picuri abandoned, 
and reaching Taos on the 3d of July. This pueblo 
was also deserted, but the people had left their prop- 
erty protected by crosses, which they supposed the 
Spaniards would respect, as they did for a time. The 
Taos were in a canon not far off, but after a compli- 
cated series of negotiations, carried on chiefly through 
Juan Ye and a band of friendly Apaches, nothing 
could be effected, and the pueblo was sacked, a large 
amount of maize being taken. To reach Santa Fe the 
governor took a roundabout way northward into the 
Yuta country, across the river, and thence southward 
to Ojo Caliente, Rio Chama, and San Juan. On the 
way he had several skirmishes, and spent some days 
hunting buffalo for meat. In the night of the 12th 
he was attacked by the Yutas on a stream called San 
Antonio, losing eight soldiers killed. The savages 
were repulsed, pardoned on the plea that they mistook 
the Spaniards for hostile Indians who had often in- 
vaded their country in Spanish dress, and became 
very friendly. Finally, having reconnoitred the mesa 
of San Ildefonso, where the rebels were still strongly 
posted, he returned by way of Pujuaque and Tesuque 
to Santa Fe, arriving on July 16th."^ 

Governor Vargas marched on July 21st with 120 
men to join the Queres under Ojeda in an attack on 
the Jeraes, who after his start assaulted Cia and killed 
five men, but whose new pueblo on the mesa Don 
Diego carried by assault on the 24th, after a hard fight, 
in which the allies of Santa Ana and Cia fought 
bravely, Don Eusebio de Vargas — perhaps a brother 
of the governor — greatly distinguished himself, and 
the enemy lost 84 killed and 361 or 371 prisoners. 
The pueblo was sacked and burned, after 300 fanegas 

^' There is much confusion in details, both in the printed arcldvo, which is 
most complete, and in the M.S., which contains two separate but similar re- 
ports, as also of the following campaign. V. visited what were supposed to 
be the ruins of Oiiate s S. Gabriel, near the stream of Ojo Caliente and G 1. N. 
of the mouth of the Rio Chama, which is not very intelligible. 


of maize had been sent to the villa, the rest of the 
plunder being distributed among the native allies, ex- 
cept 106 animals given to Padre Alpuente for his pro- 
posed mission at Cia. Before returning, Vargas went 
to the old pueblo of Jemes, where he recovered the 
remains of Padre Juan de Jesus, killed in the revolt of 
1680, deposited with appropriate ceremonies in the 
chapel at Santa Fe on the 11th of August.^" Six 
daj^s later messengers came in to ask pai'don for the 
Jemes, attributing all their bad actions to the influ- 
ence of the chief Diego, whom they were willing to 
give up; also promising to return to their old pueblo 
and to render aid against the common foe. Their 
offer was accepted, and Diego was brought in on the 
26th to be sentenced to death — a sentence which at 
the last moment, on the intercession of his people, was 
commuted to ten years' labor in the mines of Nueva 
Vizcaya. The Jemes were given some implements, 
promised their chiisma when they should have proven 
their good faith, ordered to be ready for a march 
against the mesa, and sent home to rebuild their old 

Vargas now felt the importance of striking a deci- 
sive blow against the Tehuas and Tanos before the 
winter should set in. With all his available force, in- 
cluding 150 Queres and Jemes, he marched on the 4th 
of September, assaulted the mesa of San Ildefonso, 
and was driven back with a loss of 11 men wounded, 
including Captain Antonio Jorge of the Santa Fe 
presidio. On the 5th the native allies with three 
soldiers and an arriero marched up the slope, chal- 
lenged the foe and were put to flight, the muleteer and 

^ArcL N. Mex., 158-62, includ. V.'s letter describing the finding of the 
padre's remains; also two records in Arch. Sta F6, MS. Many details of the 
battle are given. With this campaign Davis' record practically ends, though, 
as the Sta Fe documents show many later details, it is not easy to understand 
why. The Jemes campaign is also mentioned in a brief report in the Pinart 
Col. In the Arch. Sta Fi, MS., Fr. Francisco Fartan is named as procurador 
general, Diego Varela as adjutant-gen., Fr. Juan Munoz de Castro as vice- 
custodio; and Vargas signs as New Mexico's ' nuevo restaurador, conquistador 
a su costa, y reconquistador y poblador en el, y eastellauo de sus fuerzas y 
presidios por su majestad,' besides being gov. and capt.-gen. 


one soldier being killed. For several days Vargas 
now gave his attention to the cutting-ofF of supplies. 
At sight, however, of their fields of corn in the milk 
trampled by the Spaniards, and of their native foes 
dancing round the scalp of a fallen warrior, the Tehuas 
several times came down and engaged in desperate 
conflict; but they were repulsed, soon became dis- 
couraged, and on the 8th began to treat for peace, 
sending trifling gifts to appease the governor's wrath. 
Peace and pardon were granted on condition of return 
to their pueblos. Thus New Mexico at last, except 
the towns of the extreme north and west — those of 
the south being annihilated — became once more a 
Spanish province.^^ 

The Jemes, having proved faithful allies in the last 
campaign, were now given their women and children 
at the politic intercession of their destined missionary. 
On the 13th of September the chiefs of San Juan, 
San Cristobal, San Ldzaro, and Santa Clara came in 
with some mules which they had taken from the 
Apaches, reporting that all the Tehuas and Tanos 
were hard at work rebuilding their pueblos. Vargas 
now appointed the regular pueblo officials, and on the 
17th he started on a tour of inspection, which satisfied 
him that the natives had submitted in good faith. 
Other tours followed, during which occurred the formal 
submission and pardon of other pueblos. The vice- 
custodio was notified that the missions were ready for 
their respective padres, and by the end of 1694 the 
friars were distributed and at work, though obliged to 
content themselves with very humble quarters while 
the Indians were rebuilding churches and houses. ^^ 

^'The Arch. N. Mex., 162 et seq., is the only authority for this final cam- 
paign, and for what followed to the end of 1694. Davis has nothing on this 
period; nor for the rest of 1694 is there anything left in the .^;-c/(. Sla Fi, 

^'^The distribution was as follows: P. Fran. Corvera at S. Ildefonso and 
Jacona; P. Gerdn. Prieto at S. Juan and (temporarily) Sta Clara; P. Ant. 
Obregon at S. Cristobal and S. Lorenzo (Lazaro?); P. Diego Zeinos at Pecos; 
P. Juan Alpuente at Cia; P. Fran. J. M. Casanes at Jemes; P. Juau Munoz 
de Castro, vice-custodio and com. de la inquisicion, at Sta Fe; P. Jose Diez 
at Tesuque; P. Jose Garcia Marin at Sta Clara; P. Ant. Carbouel at S. Felipe, 


The several tours of the governor and custodian to 
inspect the pueblos and settle the missionaries need 
not be described, though some particulars are preserved 
in the records. The natives had made up their minds 
to submit to the inevitable, and not to revolt again 
until a favorable opportunity should present itself. 
The women and children taken from the different towns 
and distributed as servants among the colonists and 
soldiers were now gradually given up, not without 
much regret and opposition on the part of their masters. 
Of the Tanos chusma taken at Santa Fe 45 ran away, 
whereat the vecinos complained bitterly; but the 
chieftains were ordered to bring back the fugitives, 
and did so, which so pleased Vargas that he released 
the 45 and promised to free the rest soon, proposing 
to settle with them the village of Cieneguilla, five 
leagues west of the capital. This policy naturally 
pleased the natives, but it made for the governor 
many bitter foes among the colonists. Padre San 
Antonio, who had gone to El Paso, resigned his office, 
and Padre Francisco Vargas arrived as custodio on 
the 1st of November with four new friars. Mean- 
while the governor sent south an order to a friend to 
purchase and forward 3,000 fanegas of maize, wishing 
to relieve the Indians of excessive taxation for a time 
until the old prosperity should return.^^ 

In 1695 the seventy Mexican families who had 
come up with Padre Farfan were settled in the new 
villa of Santa Cruz de la Canada, founded on the 12th 
of April,^* under an alcalde mayor and capitan a 

Coohiti, and later Taos: P. Miguel Tirso at Sto Domingo; P. Jose Arbizu at 
S. Cristobal; P. Ant. Moreno at Sta Fe (temporarily), La Canada, and later 
Nambe; P. Ant. Acebedoat Nambe; P. Fran. Vargas, custodio. This leaves 
some of the original friars unaccounted for, and also one of the 4 who came 
in Nov. 

^Arch. N. Hex., 162-7. On Jan. 10, '95, V. wrote to the viceroy, thank- 
ing him for the provision made of 3, 000 fan. of corn; andagain. May 9th, on the 
trouble he had had in transporting that corn. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. This, how- 
ever, may not indicate that it was not purchased on V. 's account. It was 
charged later that only about 580 fan. ever reached N. Mex. , and much of that 
WHS wasted in the distribution. 

^* Yet we have seen indications that already in 1680 there was a settle- 


guerra, sergeant, four corporals, and alguacil, with 
Padre Moreno as the first minister. The new villa 
and the lands assigned to the vecinos included the 
sites of San Cristobal and San Ldzaro, the Tanos of 
those pueblos being deprived of their homes and 
lands, very injudiciously as the friars claimed later 
and perhaps now. Some of the exiles were attached 
to San Juan, and others, after being scattered in dif- 
ferent Tehua pueblos, were later united and sent to 
repeople Galisteo. This year the Picuries and Taos 
were peaceably reduced to submission and put in 
charge of missionaries; but hardly had the friars 
begun work when rumors of new troubles began to 
circulate. The Indians had lost little of their hatred 
for the invaders, and now that the padres were again 
at their stations and the military force somewhat scat- 
tered, there were chiefs, especially among the implac- 
able Tehuas, who began to dream of a new revolt and 
massacre like those of 1680, by which once more to rid 
their country of the tyrant foreigners. The threat- 
ened dangers, however, took no definite shape this year; 
although the natives of San Crist6bal and San Ldzaro, 
cjiafing under the loss of their lands, ran awa}^ to the 
sierra in December. As the other pueblos did not 
join the movement, the Tanos were persuaded without 
much diificulty to come back and be pardoned.''^ 

It appears that in 1695-6 there was a failure of 
crops, resulting in serious privations,^® or even in a 

ment at La CaiSada under an alcalde mayor, Luis Quintana. At this found- 
ing of 109.0 this villa was given the ' preeminencia de antigiiedad ' over all the 
settlemeuts of N. Mex. except Sta Fe. The poblaciones of Cerrillo and Ber- 
nalillo are also mentioned in records of this year. 

'^^Ardi. N. ilex., 168-9. May 31st, the settlers had been selling arms to 
the Ind., which Vargas forbids by a bando of this date. Padre Zainos shot and 
killed an Ind. at Pecos; but it was accidental and he was not blamed. Tlie 
padre's full name was Diego de la Cassa Zeinos, and he was sec. of the cus- 
todia, definidor, com. del sauto oficio, and guardian. Luis Granillo was still 
lieut. -general. Arch. Sta F^, MS. 

^''In Nov. 1G95, Gov. V. sent to the viceroy a petition of the cabildo and 
vecinos for relief, as all that they had sown had been consumed by the worms. 
The viceroy and junta in Feb. 1698 decided to send them 200 cattle from 
Parral, with some arms and ammunition, at the same time warning them that 
they must learn to rely on themselves and not on the govt for succor. Arch. 
Sta Fe, MS. 

FAMINE OF 1695-6. 215 

terrible famine, if we credit the highly colored and 
partisan statement made in later legal proceedings 
against Vargas. According to this authority, the 
people were forced to live on dogs, cats, horses, mules, 
bull-hides, 'foul herbs,' and old bones; finally roaming- 
over the fields like wild animals, and many of them 
hiring themselves to the Indians to carry wood and 
water, and grind corn, over 200 dying from the effects 
of insufficient and noxious food. Of course, the gov- 
ernor's failure to distribute properly the stores of 
maize was noted as one cause of the famine; and it is 
also stated that four settlers, driven by their sufferings 
to desert, were brought back and hanged without the 
last consolations of religion. To what extent these 
statements were founded in fact it is difficult to deter- 
mine, but though doubtless exaggerated, they were 
supported by the sworn testimony of many a few 
years later, as we shall see.^^ 

In the spring of 1696 the missionaries, who had 
the best opportunities for knowing the real sentiments 
of the natives, found the indications so alarming in 
various quarters that the custodio on March 7th made 
known to Vargas in writing the imminent danger of 
a revolt, the defenceless condition of the missions, the 
risks taken by the padres, and the incalculable damage 
that must result from a new disaster like that of 1680. 
He concluded by begging for a guard of soldiers for 
each mission. Two other petitions of like tenor were 
written on the 13th and 2 2d, and from different 
directions came reports that the Indians had already 
committed outrages in the new temples; but the gov- 
ernor, believing that the natives had submitted in 
good faith, and that the complaints and fears had no 
better foundation than idle rumor, either would not 
or could not furnish the desired escoltas. He per- 
mitted the friars, if they were afraid, to retire to Santa 

" Varf/a.% Acusadon del Cahildo de Sta Fe contra el ex-gobernador, in Arch. 
Sta Fe, MS. ; followed by Davis, Span. Conq., 412-13. The padre cronista who 
prepared the printed Arch. If. Mex. rather strangely says nothing of this 


F^, as some of them did. In his report of March 
28th to the viceroy he not only stated that all was 
quiet, and the danger imaginary, but used language 
which the padres regarded as an imputation of cow- 
ardice. Their pride was touched, and they returned 
to their stations quietly to await the crisis. It came 
on the 4th of June, when the Taos, Picuries, Tehuas, 
Queres of Santo Domingo and Cochiti, and the Jemes 
rose, killed five missionaries and 21 other Spaniards, 
in most cases immediately abandoning their pueblos 
and fleeing to the mountains.^ 

The governor started on the 7th for a tour among 
the deserted towns, and "saw to regret what he ought 
to have believed to remedy." Pecos, Tesuque, San 
Felipe, Santa Ana, and Cia had remained faithful, 
but the Acomas, Zunis, and Moquis had aided the 
rebels, or at least were sheltering the fugitives, and 
were said to be planning new attacks. The chief of 
Santo Domingo, a leading spirit in the revolt, was 
captured and shot on the 14th; and several revolu- 
tionary agents were also put to death at Pecos, with 
the governor's consent. On the 23d of July, a body 
of rebels was attacked and 10 of the number killed.^" 

^^Arck. N'. Mex., 168-71, and several records in the Arch. Sta Fi, MS., 
including the gov.'s report of July 27th. In the Acumcion already referred 
to, followed by Davis, the no. of killed is given as 34 instead of 21, and the 
famine is given as one of the chief causes of the revolt; that is, the Ind. took 
advantage of the enfeebled and scattered condition of the Span. 

The padres killed were Arbizu of S. Cristobal, Carbonel of Taos, Corvera 
of S. Udefonso, Moreno of Nambe, and Casanes of Jemes. Corvera and 
Moreno were shut up in a cell at S. Ildefonso, and burned with the convent. 
P. Cisneros of Cochiti had a narrow escape. P. Navarro i>f S. Juan succeeded 
in escaping to La Canada with the sacred vessels, etc. Aec. to Espinosa, 
Cron. Sera/., 260-86, P. Casanes at Jemes had foreseen his fate, and asked 
the Ind. to let him die at the foot of a certain cross. Summoned to attend a 
sick person, he was led into an ambush of Apaches, who killed him with clubs 
and stones at the chosen spot. He was the first martyr of the Queretaro col- 
lege, and Espinosa gives an account of his life, including his miraculous 
transportation by an angel on mule-back to visit unknown Texan tribes. 
Capt Lazaro Mizquia, with Alf. Jose Dominguez and 12 soldiers, escaped from 
Taos and reached Sta Fe in 9 days after in a sorry condition. Gregg, Com. 
Prairies, i. 128, dates this revolt in '98. 

'' July 27th the cabildo asked for an escort for a bearer of despatches to 
El Paso and Mex., to ask the viceroy for aid. V. replied that he was expect- 
ing 200 cattle to arrive shortly. On Sept. 24th the viceroy replied to V. 's 
letter of July 27th, promising aid and his influence in obtaining rewards from 
the king. Arch. Sla Fe, MS. 

REVOLT OF 1696. 217 

At the beginning of August an expedition was made 
to Cia, with a view to operate either against the 
Acomas or Jemes; but Don Diego was recalled to the 
capital to distribute 200 cattle, which now arrived 
from the south.*" On the 8th he marched for Acoma, 
and attacked that pueblo on the 15th, capturing five 
natives, one of them the chief, but failing to reach the 
pehol summit. Then he released the chief and re- 
sorted to persuasion, without success, finally shooting 
the captives, ravaging the corn-fields, and retiring." 
Subsequently, Adjutant Juan Ruiz was sent against 
the Jemes. In September Don Diego attacked the 
Taos in a canon not far from their town, and after 
several skirmishes they surrendered on the 8th of 
October, returning to live in the pueblo. The Picuries 
and the Tehuas of San Juan feigned a desire for peace 
in order to save their crops; but Vargas discovered 
their plans, and attacked them on October 26th, captur- 
ing 84 of their women and children, to be distributed as 
servants among the soldiers on his return to the capi- 
tal, early in November. There were other campaigns, 
productive of but slight results, as it was difficult to 
find any considerable number of the rebels together. 
On the 24th of November, the date of the governor's 
report to the viceroy, all had been reduced to nominal 
submission except those of Acoma and the west, 
Pujuaque, Cuyamanque, and Santa Clara, with per- 
haps Santo Domingo and Cochiti. Yet many of the 
pueblos contained but a few families each. The rest of 
the population was scattered in the mountains, among 
the gentile tribes, or in the western pueblos.*^ The 
surviving Queretaro Franciscans left the country in 
1696. A few officials of the year are named in a note.*^ 

*' Arch Sta FS, MS. 

*i Padres Juan de Mata and Diego Chavarrla, new names, are mentioned 
as chaplains o£ this expedition. 

"Arch. N. Mex., 171^; gov.'s report of Nov. 24th, in Arch. Sta Fi, MS. 
The alcalde of La Canada in an inspection found at S. Ildefonso 17 men and 
36 women and chiUlren; at Jacoua 10 and 19; at Nambe 4 and 10. Davis 
says that 'during the rebellion more than 2,000 Ind. perished in the moun- 
tains, while as many more deserted their villages and joined the wild tribes. ' 

*^ Espimsa, Crdii. Apostdi, 92, 284-6; Escudero, Not. Son., 43-7. Capt. 


The governor's term of five years expired in 1696, 
and Pedro Rodriguez Cubero had been appointed by 
the king to succeed him. Vargas had asked for re- 
appointment, but though the king was favorably dis- 
posed, the application came too late. Overruling Don 
Diego's objections, the viceroy sustained Cubero, who 
came to New Mexico and took possession of the ofiice 
on the 2d of July, 1697." The king approved when 
after long delay the matter reached him in 1699, but 
at the same time he thanked Vargas for his services, 
gave him the choice of titles between marques and 
conde, and granted a reappointment, to take effect 
on the expiration of Cubero's term in 1702, or sooner 
if the office should become vacant.*^ In the same 
cedula was approved all that the viceroy had done in 
connection with the reconquest; and it was ordered 
that the presidial force of Santa Fe should be raised 
to 100 men, the Parral force retiring; that the force 
at El Paso should not be reduced, as had been pro- 
posed;'"' and that additional families should be sent, 
not from Nueva Vizcaya, but from Mexico. 

Meanwhile Vargas was involved in serious troubles ; 
and indeed, at the date of being thus highly honored 
by the king he had been two years in the Santa Fe 
prison. There had been more or less misunderstand- 
ing between him and the cabildo from the first. En- 

Fern. Duran de Chavez was alcalde mayor of S. Felipe and the ' puesto de Es- 
panoles de Bernalillo;' Capt. Roque Madrid, lieu t. -gen. of cavalry and alcalde 
mayor of 'la villa uueva de los JVIexicanos de Sta Cruz (de la Canada);' Do- 
mingo de la Barreda, sec. de gobieruo y guerra; Capt. Alonso Rael de Agui- 
lar, lieut. -gov. and capt. -gen. in place of Granillo. The cabildo of Sta Fe was 
Alcalde Lorenzo de Madrid, Fran. Romero de Pedraja, Lazaro de Mizquia, 
Diego Montoya, Jose Garcia Jurado; clerk, Capt. Lucero de Godoy. Arch. 
Sta Fe, MS. 

*^ This date from a royal cedula of Jan. 26th, approving the viceroy's act, 
as it preceded the reappointment which it had been intended to grant to V., 
and V. therefore had no right to object. N. Mex. Cedillas, MS., 28-9. Ace. 
to Arch. A^. Mex., 174, the date was July 4th. Cubero's accession had been 
made known in the viceroy's letter of April IS, 1698. 

**June 15, 1699, in Jff. Mex. Cedulas, MS., 29-33. I find no foundation for 
Davis' statement that Vargas was removed from office in consequence of 
complaint from the cabildo. These complaints and charges were of later date. 

'"In March 1699, Don Antonio de Valverde y Cosio, later gov., was ap- 
pointed capt. of the El Paso presidio. Id., 34. 


joying the confidence of the viceroy, he had been given 
entire control of tJie expedition, and attending in per- 
son or through his agents to all details financial as 
well as military, he had ignored and oflfended the 
colony officials. Moreover, there had been n)uch dis- 
satisfaction, as we have seen, at his policy in depriving 
the settlers of their Indian slaves by restoring these 
captives to their pueblos as a means of gaining the 
good-will of the natives. Cubero had a commission 
as juez de residencia, and though Vargas is under- 
stood to have passed the ordeal successfully, he gave 
up his office unwillingly and made of his successor a 
bitter foe; and the cabildo, with the additional incen- 
tive of gaining favor with the new ruler, renewed the 
quarrel in earnest. 

Formal charges were presented before the governor, 
whose authority to consider them was very doubtful. 
The ex-governor was accused of having embezzled 
large sums of money furnished him for the recruiting 
and support of the colonists; of having provoked, by 
shooting the Tanos captives at Santa Fe, and by other 
oppressive acts, all the hostilities of 1694-6 ; of having 
caused, by his mismanagement and failure to properly 
distribute the small remaining portion of the food 
supply, which had been paid for by the king but sold 
by Vargas in the south for his own profit, the deadly 
famine of 1695-6; and of having driven away by his 
oppression the families likely to testify against him in 
his residencia. Juan Paez Hurtado was also involved 
in the accusations, as Vargas' accomplice, and as prin- 
cipal in other serious charges. ^'^ Cubero gratified his 

" The charges in detail are recited in the original documents, still pre- 
served, though not complete, in the Arch. Sta Fe. The accusation of the 
cabildo is not dated, but was apparently written in Oct. 1G97. Oct. 20, 1697, 
Gov. C. orders Capt. Granillo at El Paso to arrest Paez Hurtado and send 
him to Sta Fe. At the same time Capt. Ant. Valverde, Alf. Martin Uriosto, 
and Adj. Felix Martinez were exiled from N. Mex., probably in connection 
with the same affair. Hurtado was accused of having defrauded the colonists 
of half the allowance by the crown, of collecting |100 each for 38 settlers who 
did not come; of hiring vicious persons for $4 or $6 each to personate colo- 
nists, for each of whom he collected $100, subsequently filling their places in 
part with negro and mixed-breed tramps; of collecting the §100 several times 


personal enmity and that of the cabildo by treating 
Vargas in a most harsh and unjust manner. He was 
fined 4,000 pesos for costs of the suit, all his property 
was confiscated, and he was kept in prison for nearly 
three years. Few even of his own family were al- 
lowed to see him, and every precaution was taken to 
prevent the sending of any written communication to 
Mexico or Spain. Padre Vargas, the custodian, vis- 
ited Mexico and obtained an order for the prisoner's 
release under bonds to defend himself before the vice- 
roy ; but Don Diego refused to accept liberty on such 
conditions, claiming that to give bonds would be de- 
grading to a man of his rank and services, especially 
in view of the king's recent orders in his favor. At 
last came an order for his release without conditions, 
and he started for Mexico in July 1700. Here the 
charges against him are said to have been fully inves- 
tigated by royal order ; at any rate, he was exonerated 
from all blame, and his reappointment as governor, as 
we shall see, remained valid. As we have no original 
records in the case except the partisan charges, it would 
perhaps be going too far to declare Don Diego en- 
tirely innocent; the cabildo, however, later retracted 
its accusations, attributing all the blame to Cubero; 
and the chronicler, a Franciscan who can hardly be 
suspected of prejudice in Vargas' favor, states — doubt- 
less reflecting the views of his order — that Don Diego, 
while somewhat over-enthusiastic, disposed to promise 
more than he could perform, and to ignore in his re- 
ports many of the difficulties and dangers in New 
Mexico, never gave the Spaniards any just cause of 
enmity, but rather merited their love as a protector.** 

of one person under different names; of stealing a box containing §7,000; of 
aiding Gov. V. in his rascalities, etc. All his property was confiscated, but 
the arresting oiEcers seem not to have found him, at least not at first. H. 
was later gov. ad. int. 

*^Arc/i. X. ilex., 174—7. The cabildo, hearing of V.'s reappointment on 
Dec. 16, 1700, petitioned the king against permitting him to return and 
avenge himself; butthe king, by a ciidula of Oct. 10, 1701, ordered an investi- 
gation; and the cabildo soon began to make excuses, etc. Davis in his list, 
like MeUne, Prince, and others, names several viceroys of Mex. as governors 
of N. Mex. ! Viceroy MenJoza, conde de Galve, figures in 1694-5 aad in 1722, 


Of Cubero's rule, within and beyond the limits of 
this chapter, there is little to be said. Father Vargas 
resigning the office of custodio was succeeded by 
padres Diego de Chavarrla, Juan Muiioz de Castro, 
and Antonio Guerra. A document of May 1697 
indicates that the number of settlers, heads of families, 
in the province, including new-comers, was 313. This 
did not include the soldiers; and the total of so-called 
Spanish population was probably not less than 1,500.*^ 
Early in the same year Santa Cruz de Galisteo was 
resettled with Tanos; and later the rebel Queres of 
Cieneguilla, Santo Domingo, and Cochiti formed a 
new pueblo four leagues north of Acoma, on the stream 
called Cubero.'" In July 1698, it was decided in a 
junta de hacienda at Mexico that the New Mexican 
colonists must in future depend on their own exertions, 
since the aid then furnislaed would be the last; yet 
this regulation was not strictly enforced, as agricultural 
implements at least were afterward supplied. In 
July 1699, the governor Cubero made a tour in the 
west. On the 4th the new pueblo of the Queres sub- 
mitted, being named San Jose de la Laguna; two 
days later Acoma, now called San Pedro instead of 
San Estevan, renewed its allegiance; and on the 12th 
La Purisima de Zuni, formerly Asuncion and later 
Guadalupe, followed the example of its eastern neigh- 

The Moquis, noting the submission of other nations, 
and dreading war more than they feared or loved 
Christians, sent ambassadors in May 1700 to treat 
with the governor, professing their readiness to rebuild 
churches and receive missionaries. At the same time 

*^Arch. Sta Fe, MS. Distrib. on May 1st of a large quantity of cloth and 
live-stock, including 600 cows, 260 bulls, 3,300 sheep and rams, 2,200 goats; 
some of which, however, had been left at El Paso. On Dec. 10th Gov. C. 
orders the auth. of El Paso to permit no maize or other grain to be carried 
out of the province, as there had been a failure of crops. 

*'' Named for the gov., probably; and this may be the origin of the name 
Covero still applied to a pueblo in that vicinity. 

"Niel, Aytint., 108-9, says that iSIoqui was also visited at this time. A 
doc. in the ^rcA. Sta Fe, MS., shows that during the gov.'s absence the friends 
of Vargas made an effort to cause a disturbance and make V. gov. No details. 


Espeleta, chief of Oraibe, sent for Padre Juan Garai- 
coechea to come and baptize children. The friar set 
out at once with Alcalde Josd Lopez Naranjo,^^ and 
went to Aguatuvi, where he baptized 73 young Mo- 
quis. On account of a pretended rumor that the 
messengers to Santa F6 had been killed, he was not 
permitted to visit Oraibe or the other pueblos at this 
time; but Espeleta promised to notify him soon when 
they were ready for another visit, Garaicoechea re- 
turning to Zuhi and reporting to the governor on 
June 9th.^^ In October the Moquis were again heard 
from, when Espeleta came in person to Santa F6 with 
20 companions, and with somewhat modified views. 
He noAV proposed a simple treaty of peace, his nation, 
like Spain, to retain its own religion! Cubero could 
offer peace only on condition of conversion to Chris- 
tianity. Then the Moqui chief proposed as an ulti- 
matum that the padres should visit one pueblo each 
year for six years to baptize, but postponed perma- 
nent residence till the end of that period. This scheme 
was likewise rejected, and Espeleta went home for 
further deliberation.^* 

There were in those days fears of French invasion. 
Padre Niel tells us that among the captives whom 
the Navajos were accustomed to bring to New Mexico 
each year for Christian ransom, he rescued two little 
French girls. In 1698 the French had almost annihi- 
lated a Navajo force of 4,000 men; and in 1700 the 
Apaches reported that a town of the Jumanas had 
been destroyed by the same foe. Toward the Span- 
iards the Navajos were friendly down to 1700, but in 

^'P. Antonio Miranda is also named as his companion iu Fernandez Duro, 
Notkitw, 137. 

"In the Moqui, Notkias, MS., 669, it is stated that the other Moquis, 
angry that Aguatuvi had received the padres, came and attacked the pueblo, 
killed all the men, and carried off all the women and children, leaving the 
place for many years deserted. I think this must be an error. 

'•\Arch. M. Mex., 177-9; Moqui, Notida.% MS., 664^70. P. Garaicoechea 
was in charge of Zuui and P. Miranda of Acoma and Laguna. In June 1700 
one Miguel Gutierrez was sentenced to be shot and his head stuck on a pole, 
to show the Jicarillas and other gentUe nations that they must not harbor 
fugitive Span. Arclt. .Sta F^, MS. 


that year they committed some depredations, and the 
governor started on an expedition against them, mak- 
ing peace, however, with the Navajo chief at Taos. 
Tliere was also a campaign against the Faraon 
Apaches, but of it we know only that nothing was 
accomplished. This same year there was trouble at 
Pecos, resulting from the execution by Don Felipe, 
the chief, of five rebels in the war of 1596. There 
was an attempt to raise a revolt against that chief, 
but the ringleaders were imprisoned at Santa Fe until 
they escaped and joined the Jicarilla Apaches. The 
pueblo became divided into two factions, which often 
came to blows, until at last, Don Felipe's party hav- 
ing the best of it, the other asked permission to live 
at Pujuaque. It is not recorded that the change was 
actually made. 



Permanent Submission — Cubero's Rule — Revolt at Zuni — Rule and 
Death or Governor Vargas — Founding of Alburquerque — MoQuis 
and Apaches — Marques de la Penuela — Navajo War — Refound- 


— The Co.manches — A Controversy — Valverde in Command — En- 


Encroachments — Padres versus Bishop — Cruzat Governor — Ola- 
■^^DE's Rule — Mendoza — Frenchmen — Converts from Moqui — Gov- 

Navajo Missions — A Quarrel — Statistics — List of Governors to 

The submission of New Mexico in the last years of 
the seventeenth century may be regarded as perma- 
nent; the natives were now too few and weak, and 
the Spanish power too firmly established, for any 
general movement of revolt. Petty local troubles or 
rumors of troubles in the different pueblos were of 
not infrequent occurrence, some of which will be 
noted in these pages, as will occasional raids of the 
gentile tribes. These, with the succession of gover- 
nors, now and then a political controversy, periodical 
renewals of efforts to make Christians of the Moquis, 
a few reports of mission progress or decadence, some 
not very important expeditions out into the plains or 
mountains, feeble revivals of the old interest in mys- 
terious regions of the north, rare intercourse with 
the Texan establishments, fears of French and Eng- 
lish encroachment — make up the annals of the eigh- 
teenth century. The archive record is meagre and 
fragmentary, yet in respect of local and personal de- 


tails much too bulky to be fully utilized within the 
scope of my work. From 1700 New Mexico settled 
down into that monotonously uneventful career of 
inert and non-progressive existence, which sooner or 
later is to be noted in the history of every Hispano- 
American province. Tlie necessity of extreme con- 
densation may not, therefore, prove an unmixed evil. 

The Moqui chief did not decide to accept the Span- 
iards' terms ; and it appears that the people of Aguatuvi 
were even punished for past kindness shown to visit- 
ing friars. Governor Cubero therefore marched in 
1701 to the province, killing a few Moquis and cap- 
turing many ; but it was deemed good policy to release 
the captives, and Cubero returned without having 
accomplished anything, unless to make the natives 
more obstinate in their apostasy, as the not impartial 
Vargas declared later.^ In the spring of 1702 there 
were alarming rumors from various quarters, resting 
largely on statements of Apaches, who seem in these 
times to have been willing witnesses against the town 
Indians. Cubero made a tour among the pueblos to 
investigate and administer warnings, but he found 
slight ground for alarm. It appeared, however, that 
the Moquis, or perhaps Tehua fugitives in the Moqui 
towns, were trying to incite the Zunis and others to 
revolt; and it was decided to send Captain Juan de 
Uribarri with a force to make investigations, and to 
leave Captain Medina and nineteen men as a garrison 
at Zuiii.^ This was probably done, but, all being 

'Arch. N. Mex., 179; Moqui, Not., MS., 669. In Arch. Sta Fe, MS., is 
a petition of the cabildo to Gov. C. whea about to start on this exped., ask- 
ing him not to go, referring to the affair of '99, and expressing fears that in 
his absence Vargas' friends would succeed in creating a revolt; or perhaps 
would go to El Paso en masse to represent that by C. 's harsh treatment they 
had been forced to flee. In Hcylinn C'osmog., 1701-2, is a mention of N. 
Mex. and its supposed boundaries in 1701. 

^Full record of investigations, etc., in Feb. -Mar. 1702, an orig. MS. 
of 74 p. in the Pinart collection. P. Ant. Guerra is named as custodio; P. 
Martin Hurtado took part in the councils; also Adj. Jose Dominguez. Uri- 
barri was capt. of the Sta Fe company. Among the measures ordered was 
the transfer of the Sta Clara Ind. to S. Ildefonso, where lands confiscated 
from former rebels were assigned them. 
Hist. Ariz, and N. Mex. 15 


quiet, the escolta was soon reduced. The remaining 
soldiers behaved badly, and three Spanish exiles from 
Santa Fe much worse, treating the Indians harshly, 
and living publicly with native women. The padre 
complained; the governor failed to provide any rem- 
edy; and on March 4, 1703, the Indians killed the 
three Spaniards, Vald(5s, Palomino, and Lucero, flee- 
ing, some to the peuol, others to Moqui. The soldiers 
seem to have run away. Padre Garaicoechea was 
not molested, and wrote that only seven Indians were 
concerned in the aflair; but evidently in his mission- 
ary zeal and sympathy for the natives he underrated 
the danger. The governor, justifying his course by 
the viceroy's orders to use gentle means, sent Captain 
Madrid to bring away the friar, and Zuhi, like the 
Moqui towns, was left to the aborigines.* 

In August 1703, Cubero, learning that Vargas — 
whose exoneration and reappointment have been re- 
corded — was on the way to succeed him, and fearing 
retaliation for past acts, though as a matter of fact 
Vargas brought no authority to investigate his acts, 
left the country without waiting to meet his rival. 
He claimed to have retired by permission of the vice- 
roy; it was said he feigned an Indian campaign as an 
excuse for quitting the capital; and his successor 
charged that he ran away for fear of the natives, 
whose hatred he had excited. Cubero was appointed 
governor of Maracaibo and given other honors, but 
died in Mexico in 1704. Don Diego, now marques 
de la Nava de Brazinas, assumed the office of governor 
and captain-general at Santa Fe, on November 10, 
1703.* He was urged by Padre Garaicoechea to re- 

^Arch. N. Mex., 180-6, with letters of P. Garaicoechea and Miranda. The 
latter wrote from Acoma that all the Zufli property had been stolen, the 
missionary's life in danger, and that the Ind. of Acoma and Cia wished 
to go to the padre's rescue, which he did not permit, fearing that the 
hostiles on hearing of the approach of a force would kill the padre. He 
thought the Zuflis might be easily subdued, having no water on the penol; 
but if they were not conquered the whole western country was lost, as the 
Moquis were at the bottom of the movement. 

* Davis, Prince, and others name the duke of Alburquerque as gov. in 
1703-10, another viceroy of Mexico! 


establish a mission among the Zuiiis, with whom the 
padre had kept in communication; but the governor 
lacked faith in the good-will of that people, or at least 
found no time to attend to the matter during his brief 
rule, and that of Padre Juan Alvarez as custodio. 
At the beginning of 1704 there were more rumors of 
revolt, but nothing could be proved except against the 
ever-hostile Moquis. In March Vargas started on a 
campaign against the Apaches, but was taken sud- 
denly ill in the sierra of Sandia, died at Bernalillo on 
the 4th of April, and was buried at Santa Fe in the 
parish church.® 

Juan Paez Hurtado, lieutenant-general of the prov- 
ince and an old friend of Don Diego, served as acting 
governor till the 10th of March, 1705, when Don 
Francisco Cuervo y Valdes assumed the office of 
governor ad interim, that is, by the viceroy's appoint- 
ment.^ The condition of affairs was not very encour- 
aging. Depredations by Apaches and Navajos were 
frequent, the Moquis were defiant, the Zuni rebels 
still on their penol, and the presidial soldiers in great 
need of clothing, arms, and horses, their pay having 
been cut down about five per cent in support of the 
Chihuahua mission of Junta de los Rios. Cuervo's 
rule was marked by a series of appeals for aid ; but 
except a few arms and implements — and plenty of 
censure for complaining that his predecessors had 
given more attention to their quarrels than to the 
country's needs — nothing was obtained. On his way 
north he had to stop at El Paso to fight Apaches; 
and on arrival at the capital he stationed his garrison 
in seven detachments at exposed points.'^ Early in 

^ Arch. N. Mex., 187. 

" In a letter of Oct. 11, 1704, the viceroy notified the king of Cuervo's ap- 
pointment on account of his distinguished services and merits. On June 25, 
1705, the king acknowledges receipt of the letter, and announces the appoint- 
ment of Chacon as proprietary gov. N. Mex., C'edulas, MS., 35. The mouth 
of Cuervo's arrival is omitted in the printed Arch. N. Mex., 188, but given in 
my MS. copy, p. 345. It is noticeable that he is here called Cubero, and 
that Cubero in the royal cedulas (or at least in my copies) is called Cuervo. 
C. was a knight of Santiago, and had been a treasury official at Guadalajara. 
His rule was fro n March 10, 1705, to July 31, 1707. 

' The vecinos by order of the gov. presented themselves for inspection of 


1705 Padre Garaicoechea went back to Zuiii, and 
brought the rebels down to the plain to submit on 
April 6th to Captain Madrid. In July Don Roque 
marched against the Navajos, who were incited and 
aided by refugee Jemes. During this campaign the 
horses' thirst was miraculously assuaged in answer to 
the chaplain's prayers, whereupon the foe was so ter- 
rified as to surrender, and the army turned back to 
Cia in August. In September the finding of a knotted 
cord at Zuhi recalled the dread days of 1680, but noth- 
ing came of it. 

In 1706 Governo Cuervo informed the viceroy that 
he had founded with 30 families the new villa of Al- 
burquerque, named in honor of the viceroy;* with 18 
Tanos families from Tesuque, he had resettled Santa 
Maria — formerly Santa Cruz — de Galisteo; trans- 
ferred some Tehua families to the old pueblo of Pu- 
juaque, now called Guadalupe; and refounded with 29 
flimilies the old villa of old La Canada, long aban- 
doned, renaming it Santa Maria de Graclo, a name 
that did not last. He asked for church ornaments, 
which were supplied; but he was blamed for founding 
the new villa without authority, and its name was 
changed from San Francisco to San Felipe de Albui^- 
querque, in honor of the king. It was ascertained 
later that in all these reports Cuervo had considerably 
overstated his own achievements. Captain Uribarri 

arms in April — 74 at Sta Fe, 37 at Bernalillo, and 82 at La Canada. Arch. 
6'ta Fe, M.S. Sta Clara, Cochiti, Jemes, and Lagnna were among the points 
wliere guards were stationed^ It waa decided to bring up the cavalry at El 
Paso to Sta F(5. P. Juan Alvarez wag still custodio; P. Juan de Zavaleta 
com. del sto oficio. Capt. Valverde was lieut.-gen. and com. at El Paso; 
Juan Paez Hurtado and Juan de Uribarri are named as generals; Lorenzo 
de Madrid maestro de campo; captains Felix Martinez, Juan Lucero Godoy, 
Diego de Medina, and Alf. Juan Roque Gutierrez; alcalde Capt. Diego Arias 
de Quirds; alguacil mayor Ant. Aguilar; regidores Capt. Antonio Montoya, 
Capt. Ant. Lucero, Fran. Romero de Pedraza, Alf. Martin Hurtado; es- 
cribano Cristobal Gongora, all at Sta FiS. At Bernalillo, captains Fern. 
Chavez, Diego Montoya, Manuel Vaca, Alf. Cris. JaramiUo, sergt Juan Gon- 
zalez. At Villanueva de Sta Cruz (La Caflada), captains Silvestre Pacheco, 
Miguel Tenorio, Jose de Atieuzia, Nic. Ortiz, and sergt Bartolo Melabato. 

" The name is commonly but inaccurately written Albuquerque in N. 
Mex. Davis and others erroneously derive the name from a governor. 
Some authors have dated the founding back to the time of the 1st duke of A- 
who served as viceroy. 


marclied this year out into the Cibolo plains ; and at 
Jicarilla, 37 leagues north-east of Taos, was kindly 
received by the Apaches, who conducted him to Cuar- 
talejo, of which he took possession, naming the province 
San Luis and the Indian raucheria Santo Domingo, 
The Moquis often attacked the Zuuis, who were 
now for the time good Christians, and to protect whom 
Captain Juan Roque Gutierrez was sent in April 1706 
with eiglit men. With this aid the Zuuis went to 
Moqui in May, killed two of the foe, and recovered 
70 animals. Captain Tomds Holguin was sent with 
a new reenforcement, and in September surrounded 
the Tehua pueblo between Gualpi and Oraibe, forcing 
the Indians after a fight to sue for peace and give hos- 
tages; but the Tanos and other reenforcements ar- 
rived, attacked the Spaniards and allies as they 
retired, and drove them back to Zuhi, the hostages 
being shot Presently the Zuhis — now under Padre 
Miranda, who came occasionally from Acoma — asked 
to have their escolta removed, a request which aroused 
fears of a general rising in the west. A junta at Cia 
in April 1707 resolved to withdraw the frontier es- 
coltas to Santa Fd for recuperation of the horses, and 
thus the west was again abandoned.' 

It was on the 1st of August, 1707, that the gov- 
ernor ad interim was succeeded by the admiral Don 
Jose Chacon Medina Salazar y Villaseuor, marques de 
la Peuuela, who had been appointed by the king in 
1705, and who ruled till 1712. The new ruler turned 
his attention like others to the Moquis, toward whom 
his predecessors, according to his tlieory, had acted 
harshly, shooting captives and exasperating the na- 
tives. He sent an embassy of Zunis '" with an exhor- 
tation to peace and submission; but the only reply 

^ Arch. N. Mex., 194-5. There is some confusion of dates. P. Juan Min- 
guezis named as a member of these exped. Mo(jm, Not., 670; Fernandez Duro, 
Not., 137. 

'" Notwithstanding the abandonment before noted, P. Fran, de Irazabal 
seems to have been now in charge of Alona, one of the Zufli pueblos. 


was a raid of refugee Tanos and Tehuas on Zuni, 
Nothing more important is recorded in 1708 than the 
building of a parish church on the site of the one 
destroyed in 1680. It was built by the marques gov- 
ernor at his own cost, though permission was obtained 
to employ Indians on the work, and was completed 
within two years." The year 1709 was marked by a 
war with the Navajos, who had become ver}^ bold in 
their depredations, sacking the pueblos of Jemes in 
June, but who were defeated by the governor in a 
vigorous campaign, and forced to make a treaty of 
peace. This year, also, the custodio. Padre Juan de 
la Peha, collected some scattered families of Tiguas,^"^ 
and with them refounded the old pueblo of San Agus- 
tin Isleta. Padre Pena engaged moreover in a spir- 
itual campaign against estufa-rites and scalp-dances; 
and complaints sent to Mexico of abuses on the part 
of the governor and alcaldes brought from the viceroj'' 
stringent orders against forcing the Indians to work 
without compensation.^^ 

Padre Peha died, and was succeeded as custodio by 
Padre Juan de Tagle, after Padre Lopez de Haro as 
vice-president had been for a time in charge of the 
office. There was a quarrel in progress, of which we 
know little or nothing, between the marques and his 
predecessor Cuervo; and Tagle with other friars fa- 
vored the latter, and were the objects of Peiiuela's 
complaints in Mexico." In 1711 and the two folio w- 

" Prince, HM. Si:, 223-^, notes an inscription on the chnrch, 'El senor 
marques de la Penuela hizo esta fabrica; el alf6rez real Don Agustin Floras 
Vergara su criado ano de 1710.' Penuela was not, as Prince says, later vice- 
roy of N. Spain. 

12 Called Tehuas in Arch. JV. Mex., 197-8; bat they were more likely, I 
think, Tiguas, the original occupants of the town, some of whom, it will he 
remembered, liad been settled by Grov. Otermin near El Paso. The P. Cronista 
seems confused himself on the subject. 

"Revilla Gigedo, Carta, de 1793, 441, says there were 20,110 tax-payers 
registered in 1710, the garrison of Sta Fe being 120. Events of these years 
in Arch. N. Mex., 197-9. 

" Arch. N. Mex., 198-9. The gov. not only complained of Tagle 's being 
kept iu office tlirough Cuervo's influence, but that he had done great harm by 
removing P. Jose Lopez lello from his ministry. He also charged that P. 
Fran. Brotoni of Taos had ordered his Ind. to rebuild their estufas. His 
complaining report was on May 20, '12, and it was referred on Aug. 13Ui to 
the com. gen. of the Franciscans. 


ing years, we find several royal orders on New Mexi- 
can affairs; but none of them has any historic 
importance. The soldiers had asked for an increase 
of pay, the friars for reenforcements, and Governor 
Cuervo had reported his great achievements in town 
founding; the cedulas were routine replies, ordering 
the viceroy to investigate and report, but always to 
look out for the welfare of the northern province. 
The sum total of information seems to be that there 
were 34 padres in the field, which number the viceroy 
deemed sufficient, though he was authorized by the 
king to increase the missionary force whenever it 
might be deemed best.^^ 

Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon, formerly governor 
of Nuevo Leon, had the royal appointment as gov- 
ernor and captain-general; and the marques de la 
Peiiuela retiring at the expiration of his term of five 
years, Governor Flores assumed the office on October 
5, 1712, ruling until 1715.'' The Sumas of the south 
revolted in 1712, but were reduced by Captain Val- 
verde, and settled at Realito de San Lorenzo, a league 
and a half from El Paso, probably at Otermin's old 
camp of 1681. In May 1713 the natives of Acoma 
and Laguna, offended by the anti-pagan zeal of Padre 
Cd,rlos Delgado, thought favorably of a proposition to 
kill him at the instigation of a Zuui Indian — at least 
so Padre Irazabal reported; but nothing could be 

>sjV. Mex., Cidttlas, MS., 35-42, orders of Feb. 9, 13, Jan. 17, March 2, 
1711; Dec. 10, 1712; Aug. 4, Sept. 27, 1713. Gov. Peiiuela had written 
direct to the king, Oct. 28, 1707, on Apache troubles; on Nov. 2Sth, had for- 
warded a petition of the soldiers for a restoration of the old pay, and that it 
might be paid at Mex. instead of Guadalajara. Gov. Cuervo, on April 15, 
1706, had forwarded a complaint of P. Alvarez on neglect of the missions; on 
Aug, 18, 1706, had asked for more friars; and on June 13, 18, 23, 1706, had 
reported his founding of Alburquerque, etc. The cedula of Dec. 10, '12, asks 
for information on the pay of Capt. Felix Martinez of the Sta Fe company. 
The order of Aug. 4, '13, relates to the soldiers' petition, but does not clearly 
show whether it was granted or not. 

^^Arch. N. Mex., 199. Davis, Prince, and the rest find room for another 
viceroy, the duke of Linares, as gov. in 1712. Prince, Hist. Sk., 224, tells us, 
and accurately so far as I know, that Flores was commissioned at Madrid 
Sept. 27, 1707, for 5 years; qualified Oct. 9th; did not come to Mex. for along 
time; was recommissioned (?) by the viceroy Feb. 9, '12; and installed at Sta 
Fe Oct. 5th. His salary was $2,000. 


proved. In October of the same year Captain Serna 
with 400 soldiers and allies defeated the Navajos in 
their own country; and besides this achievement the 
Faraon Apaches were warned to desist from their dep- 
redations! In 1714 the Yutas and Taos had many 
fights, but the governor restored harmony by an en- 
forced restitution of stolen property. Navajo raids on 
the Jemes had again to be checked by a campaign of 
Captain Madrid, while Captain Valverde marched 
against the Apache hoards of Pharaoh, as did also the 
French from Louisiana. 

A junta of civil, military, and missionary authori- 
ties was held to deliberate on two questions deemed 
momentous: First, should the Christian Indians be 
deprived of fire-arms 1 The military favored such a 
policy, but the friars opposed it, both to avoid offence 
and afford the converts protection ; and the governor 
at last ordered the arms taken away except in the case 
of natives especially trustworthy. Second, should 
the converts be allowed to paint themselves and wear 
skin caps, thus causing themselves to be suspected of 
crimes committed by gentiles, or enabling them to 
commit offences attributed to gentiles? Governor 
Flores and his officers, with some of the padres, were in 
favor of forbidding the custom ; but the rest of the friars 
took an opposite view, holding that no Christian Indian 
had ever been known to use his paint for a disguise to 
cover crime, that it was impolitic to accuse them of 
so doing, that painting was the native idea of adorn- 
ment, and in that light no worse than Spanish methods ; 
and finally, that the custom was objectionable only in 
connection with superstition, in which respect it must 
be removed gradually by Christian teachings. The 
decision is not recorded." Like other years of this 

"Arch. N. Mex., 201-4, including a letter of P. Miranda, who made himself 
the champion of the lud. On the other side are named PP. Llicas Arevalo 
of Taos and Jose Ant. Guerrero of Sta Fe. The junta was on July 6, 1714. 
In M. Pinart's col. is an original order of Gov. F. this year, that a new estufa 
at Pecos be suppressed and great care taken by all alcaldes to prevent any- 
thing of the kind. 


and most other periods, 1715 had its vague rumors of 
an impending revolt, ever dreaded by the New Mexi- 
cans, not traceable to any definite foundation. I find 
also the record of one of the t3-pical campaigns against 
Apaches on or toward the Colorado River, made by 
Juan Paez Hurtado, with no results of importance. ^^ 
It must not be supposed that nothing was heard 
from the Moquis, for I find original records of five 
juntas de guerra at Santa Fe on their account.-'' In 
June 1713 an Indian named Naranjo was refused per- 
mission to visit the Moquis, but in December two 
natives of Zuiii, through Padre Irazabal, obtained 
the license and were given letters. They found the 
Moquis eager for peace and alliance with the Zuhis, 
but the controlling element under the chief of Oraibe 
had no desire for the Spaniards' friendship. In March 
1715 a Moqui appeared at the capital with favorable 
reports, and was sent back with assurances of good- 
will. Next, in May a chief from Oraibe came to make 
further investigations, reporting that a grand junta of 
all the towns had decided on peace and Christianity. 
This chief was sent back with gifts, and in July eight 
Moquis came to announce that after harvest the for- 
mal arrangements for submission would be completed. 
Thus all went well so long as the Moquis were the 
ambassadors; but when the governor sent messengers 
of his own choosing, the truth came out that the pre- 
tended ambassadors were traders, who had invented 
all their reports to account for their visits and insure 
their own safety, the Moqui authorities being as hos- 
tile as ever! 

Governor Flores was an old man in feeble health, 
who resigned on account of his infirmities. He was 
succeeded by Captain Felix Martinez, who assumed 

^^ Hurtado, Campafia contra las Apaches Agosto-Set. 1715, MS., in Pinart 
Col., iiicludiug diario, junta de guerra, corresp., etc. The force was 250 sol- 
diers and allies. 

'^ Moqui, Juntaa de Guerra, 1713-15, orig. MS. of the PinaH Col. The 
juntas were on Dec. 26, 13, March 12, May 3, July 5, Nov. 2, '15. 


the office as acting governor, or perhaps governor ad 
interim by the viceroy's appointment, on October 30, 
1715, and who, instead of permitting his predecessor 
to depart with an escort for Mexico as ordered, 
engaged in quarrels and lawsuits with him, keeping 
him under arrest for two years. ^° During Martinez' 
rule of two years two campaigns are recorded. In 
August 1716 the governor marched in person against 
the JNIoquis with 68 soldiers, accompanied by the cus- 
todio, Padre Antonio Camargo, the cabildo of Santa 
Fe, and a force of vecinos from Alburquerque and 
La Canada. Commissioners were sent forward from 
Alona, and some of the Moquis seemed willing to 
submit, but the people of Gualpi and the Tanos pueblo 
refused. Two figiits occurred in September, the In- 
dians being defeated, if we may credit the diary, with 
many killed and wounded; but the army, after de- 
stroying corn-fields, retreated to Santa Fe, and the 
pretended victories may be regarded as very doubtful.^^ 

^ Arch. N. Mex., 105-6. Martinez had come with Vargas, enlisted as a 
soldier, became capt. of the Sta Fe company in Pefluela's time, was forced to 
resign on account of his somewhat quarrelsome character in '12, but in '15 
had got a new appointment from the king as captain for life and/egidor per- 
petuo of the villa. Flores Mogollon was a native of Sevilla. A sierra in N. 
Mex. preserves his name. Davis, Prince, and others make Capt. Valverde 
gov. in '14, and so he may have been acting gov. at some time during Flores' 
illness. These writers also state, to quote from Prince, that Flores ' was ac- 
cused of malefeasance in office, but the case did not com3 on for trial until 
after a delay of some years. By the king's command he was relieved from 
his position Oct. 5, 1715, after serving exactly 3 years. His trial was had at 
Sta Fe in 1721, long after he had left N. Mex.; and his sentence was sent to 
the viceroy for confirmation, the costs being adjudged against him. The of- 
ficer reported that neither the accused nor any of his property could be 
found.' I suppose that these statements rest on some doc. of 1721 in the 
Arch. Sta Fi, MS., which I have not found. 

^'Certified copy of Martinez' diary, in Arch. Sta Fe, MS., the original 
having been carried by M. to Mex. The return to Sta Fe was on Oct. 8th. 
Ace. to Arch. iV. Ilex., 206-7, the gov. accomplished nothing, and the truth 
which he concealed in his diary came out in his later residencia. The padre 
cronista is apparently wrong in naming P. Jose Lopez Tello as custodio at this 
time and P. Miranda as his predecessor. He also tells us that the gov. 
decided to wage war on the Moquis after consulting the viceroy, but before 
awaiting his reply. In Mo(fii, Noticias, MS., 671^, P. Domingo Araos is 
named as a companion of P. Camargo; and an account is given of the pre- 
liminary negotiations, but not of the fights that followe.1. It seems that the 
Moquis at first pretended to be well disposed but required time to deliber- 
ate, spending the 5 days allowed in preparations for war. The exped. is 
mentioned in Fernanda Duro, Noticias, 137. On this trip Gov. M. left his 
name inscribed on El Morro, Aug. 26th, with a record that he waa on the 


During the governor's absence in the west the 
Yutas and Comanches — perhaps the first definite ap- 
pearance in history of the latter nation — attacked 
Taos, the Tehua towns, and even some of the Spanish 
settlements. On his return Martinez sent Captain 
Serna, who attacked the foe at the Cerro de San 
Antonio, thirty leagues north of Santa ¥6, killing 
many Indians and capturing their chusma. It sub- 
sequently came out in the governor's residencia that 
the captives were divided between Don Felix and his 
brother, and sold on joint account in Nueva Yizcaya, 
the Yutas being told later that their chusma had died 
of small-pox !^^ 

In September 1716, the new viceroy, marques de 
Valero, informed secretly of how things were going in 
New Mexico, ordered Governor Mai'tinez to present 
himself in Mexico, at the same time directing Captain 
Antonio Valverde y Cosio to go up from El Paso, as- 
sume the governorship ad interim, and investigate 
certain charges. Valverde arrived at Santa Fe the 9th 
of December; but Martinez, supported by the cabildo, 
refused to give up the office or presidio books. He 
could not, however, disobey the viceroy's summons, 
and having appointed Juan Paez Hurtado to act as 
governor in his absence, he started on the 20th of 
January, 1717, taking with him apparently Flores 
Mogollon, his predecessor. Valverde was ordered to 
accompany him to El Paso, but feigned illness, and 
took refuge with his friend, Padre Tagle, at the con- 
vent of San Ildefonso. As to resulting complications 
between Hurtado and Valverde, I have found no rec- 
ord, but suppose that the former ruled but a few 
months, and that before the end of 1717, as soon as 
orders could be returned from Mexico, Valverde 

way to reduce the Moquia with the custodio, P. Camargo, and Juan Garcia 
de Rivas, alcalde of Sta Fe. Simpson's Jour., 104^5, pi. 65, 67. 

■■^-In a memorial of 1722, Arch. Sta Fi, MS., all the officers and soldiers 
stated that N. Mex. was ia great peril during M.'s rule. ' Con su insaciable 
y voraz codieia, robos y enganos manifiestos, estuvo pendiente de uu cabello 
para una total asolaciou.' 


assumed the office, which he held for four or five 

A leading event of Valverde's rule was his expedi- 
tion of 1719, with 105 Spaniards and 30 Indians, being 
joined also on the way by the Apaches under Captain 
Carlarua, against the Yutas and Comanches, Avho had 
been committing many depredations. His route was 
north, east, south-east, and finally south-west back to 
Santa Fe. He thus explored the regions since known 
as Colorado and Kansas, going farther north, as he 
believed, than any of his predecessors. He did not 
overtake the foe, encountering nothing more formida- 
ble than poison-oak, which attacked the officers as 
well as the privates of his command.'* On the Rio 
Napestle, apparently the Arkansas, Valverde met the 
Apaches of Cuartelejo, and found men with gunshot 
wounds received from the French and their allies, the 
Pananas and Jumanas.^^ An order came from the 

'^Are?t. N. Mex., 207-8. This invaluable authority comes to an end here, 
and its absence will be felt in the remainder of this chapter. Davis and the 
others name no ruler in '19-20. The Arch. Six Fi, MS., shows V. as gov. in 
'18-20, and he probably held the office in '17-21. I find no original record 
of how the troubles of Martinez and Flores were settled in Mexico, but there 
are some indications that a juezde residencia was sent to Sta Fe in '21 to take 

"P. Juan Pino was the chaplain, and the start was on Sept. 15th. The 
men, sufl'ering terribly from poison-oak, found the best remedy to be chewing 
chocolate and applying the saliva to the parts aflfected. The route was N. 
with the sierra on the left to Oct. 10th, the names given being Rio S. Jose 
at Rosario, Rio Colorado (an arroyo) or Soledad, Sacramento, Rio S. Miguel 
(poison-oak experience), Rio Sto Domingo, S. Lorenzo at junction of two 
streams, Rio S. Antonio, Rio S. Francisco 4 1., S. Ouofre, Dolores Spr. 4 1., 
Carmen Spr. 6 1., Sta Rosa in sand dunes, S. Iguacio more eastward, Sta 
Etigenia 5 1., S. Felipe de Jesus Cr. 61. Thence Oct. llth-20th down the river 
Sta Maria Magdaleua E. and s. E. to S. Nicolas Obispo 4 1., Pilar 6 1., La 
Cruz 4 1., Sta Teresa, Rio Napestle 10 1. Here they met the Apaches C'al- 
chufines, and seat P. Pino and a party to Taos for supplies. Soon they met 
the Apaches of Cuartelejo. The diary ends abruptly when they started back 
for Sta Fe. Vahenle y Cosio (Antonio), Diario y Derrotero, 1719; orig. MS. 
written by Sec. Alonso Rael de Aguilar, in the Pinart Col. 

''■' It was said the French had given these Ind. fire-arms, and that they 
had formed two large towns. I suppose the Pananas may have been Pauanzis, 
or Pawnees. Escalante, Carta, 125, tells us that in this year, 1719, a com- 
pany under Capt. Villasur was sent (perhaps after the gov. 's return) to find 
the Pananas, 300 1. N. E. of Sta Fe. He reached the river on which their 
towns stood, but the Pananas— who, he thinks, may have been the Quiviras — 
attacked Villasur in the night with guns, killing V., P. Juan Miugues, and 


viceroy to establish a presidio of 25 men at Cuartelejo, 
some 130 leagues from Santa Fd, in the heart of the 
Apache region; but a council of war decided this to 
be impossible, believing the viceroy had meant Jica- 
rilla, some 40 leagues from tlie capital, as the site, and 
that even there 25 men would not suffice. In 1719- 
20 the governor made a tour of inspection, visiting 
every pueblo and settlement in the province.-® He 
also sent information on the Moquis for which he was 
thanked by the viceroy; and the same persistent 
apostates were mentioned in a royal order, from which 
it appears that the Jesuits were trying to be put in 
charge of the Moqui conversion, a phase of the matter 
that belongs to the annals of Arizona in another chap- 
ter of this volume."' From the same document it 
appears that there was a dispute between the bishop 

most of the party, including the French guide. Ritch, Aztlan, 244, mentions 
this Pawnee massacre as having been on the Missouri. 

In a letter of Feb. 1886, llr J. F. Snyder of Virginia, Cass Co., 111., 
informs me that a massacre of Spaniards by the Missouris, mistaken tor 
Pawnees by the victims, in 1720, is mentioned in all the early histories of the 
region. He cites the narrative as given in Reynolds' Pioneer Hist, nf Illinois, 
34, and also cites Cliarlevoix, Journal, that author having obtained some Span- 
ish relics in the north, said to have been obtained at a great massacre of the 
New Mexicans. There is much variation as to details, but the general ver- 
sion is that the Spaniards came to drive out the French and met disaster by 
confiding their hostile plans to a tribe that was friendly to the French and 
led them into an ambush. Dr S. has been shown the spot in Saline Co., Mo., 
where the afifair occurred. It would seem that the expedition must have been 
that of Villasur, or one sent out after Valverde's return, and in consequence 
of his reports about the French. It is unfortunate that no original records 
have been found. It is iJossible that Villasur reached the Missouri; but it 
is strange that such a disaster has left no more definite trace in the archives. 

'^^ Arch. Sta Fe, MS. In these years Mig. Tenorio de Alba, Mig. Enriquez 
de Cabrera, and Alonso Rael de Aguilar appear as govt secretarj'. Capt. 
Pedro de Villasur was lieut. -gen. The alcaldes mayores were Alf . Cris. 
Torres, Sta Cruz de la CaiSada; Capt. Luis Garcia, Alburquerque, Bernalillo, 
Sta Ana, Cia, and Jemes; Capt. Alonso Garcia, Isleta; Capt. Ant. de Uri- 
barri, Laguua, Acoma, Alona, or the Zuni region; Capt. Alonso Rael de 
Aguilar, Pecos and Galisteo; and Capt. Mig. Tenorio de Alba at S. (iero'n. 
de Taos. In 1718 there were complaints from Cochiti against the alcalde 
mayor, Miguel de Vaca, for beating and otherwise abusing the Ind. They 
led to an investigation and an order of the gov. for more care in lud. treat- 
ment. The bulky record is in Arch. Sta Fi, MS. 

^N. Mex., Cedulas, MS., 42-4, order of Feb. 11, '19. Arch. Sta F>; MS. 
At the end of '18 Gov. V. sent some Tanos to assure the fugitive Tanos, 
Tehuas, and Tiguas of Moqui that they might return without fear to their 
pueblos. He was ordered by the viceroy to use only gentle measures. A 
royal cedula of March 7, '19, ordered investigation of past management of 
Capt. Felix Martinez and other presidio com., especially in financial matters. 
N. Mex., ad., MS., 44-5. 


of Durango and the archbishop of Mexico on the 
ecclesiastic jurisdiction of New Mexico. 

Don Juan de Estrada y Austria seems to have 
come in 1721 as juez de residencia to investigate tlie 
still pending charges against and controversies between 
ex-governors Flores and Martinez; and he may have 
held, as was sometimes customary, the position of 
acting governor during the performance of his duties 
as judge;^* if so, he turned over the office before the 
end of the year or early in the next; and on March 2, 
1722, the regularly appointed governor, Don Juan 
Domingo de Bustamante, succeeded ; ^^ ruling two full 
terms, or until 1731. A visitador general, in the per- 
son of Captain Antonio Cobian Busto, came in 1722 
to investigate the condition of provincial affairs.^" 
Some Spaniards engaged in illicit trade with the 
French inhabitants of Louisiana, which brought out 

28 Davis, Prince, and others represent him as 'his Majesty's residuary (!) 
judge, acting gov., etc.,' in 1721. I have seen no original record of his pres- 

2' The date of B.'s assuming office at Sta Fe is given in a doc. of '22 in 
Arch, Sta Fi, MS. On March 15, '22, the officers and soldiers of Sta Fe sign 
a memorial of praise in favor of ex. -gov. V., who had been relieved by B. (no 
ref. to Estrada). They accredit V. with all kinds of good conduct. He 
had built at his own cost a church and chapel at the capital, and a chapel at 
S. Ildefonso; paid his men regularly and treated them well. V. was capitan 
vitalicio of the presidio of El Paso, and now returned to his post. 

^^ Arch. Sta Fi, MS. In Oct. a junta was held at Sta Fe to explain to 
Busto for the king's edification why the country from Chihuahua up to N. 
Mex. was not fully settled by prosperous and tribute-paying Spaniards. The 
reason was found in the small number and poverty of the settlers, and the 
fear of gentile raiders. The remedies proposed were a presidio of 50 men and 
a settlement of 200 famdies at Socorro, and another presidio of 50 men at 
Aguatuvi. The country was rich in metals and well adapted to agriculture 
and stock-raising; and any expenditure of money by the govt would be a 
good investment. 

Mig. Enriquez was now sec. Paez Hurtado and Ant. Becerro Nieto are 
named as generals, the latter of Janos, in N. Mex. temporarily. Capt. Fran. 
Bueno de Bohorques y Corcuera was alcalde mayor of Sta Fe; Aguilar was a 
sargento mayor. Captains Ignaeio de Roybal and Diego Arias de Quiros and 
Lieut. Fran. Montes Vijil are named. Hurtado was lieut.-gen. in '24. 

Pailres named in '22 are : Juan de Tagle, comisario del sto oficio and visi ta- 
dor, Juan de la Cruz, custodio and juez ecles., Juan Sanchez, Diego Espinosa 
de los Monteros, Juan de Mirabal, Juan Ant. de Cell, Manuel de Sopena, 
Cdrlos Delgado, Juan del Pino, Fran. Irazibal, Domingo de Araos, Fran. Ant. 
Perez, com. sto oficio, Jose Ant. Guerrero, guardian of the Sta Fe convent. 
These were all at the Sta Fe junta. P. Jos^ Diez, who left N. Mex. in 1696, 
died at Queretaio in '22, age 65. Arrkivita, Cron. Sera/., i. 189-206. 


prohibitory orders from the king in 1723; and orders 
regulating the trade with gentile tribes were issued 
by Governor Bustamante the same year.^^ Early in 
1724 the Yutas committed depredations at Jemes; 
and the Comanches attacked the Apaches at Jicarilla, 
forced them to give up half their women and children 
to save their lives and town, burned the place, and 
killed all but 69 men, two women, and three boys — 
all mortally wounded.^" In 1727 Bustamante notified 
the viceroy that the French had settled at Cuartelejo 
and Chinali, 160 leagues from Santa Fe, proposing an 
expedition to find out what was being done, and asking 
for troops for that purpose; but it was decided that 
such an entrada was not necessary, though all possible 
information should be obtained from the Indians. ^^ 
The Jesuits still desired to convert the Moquis, and 
obtained in 1726 favorable orders from king and vice- 
roy, of which they made no practical use. Padres 
Miranda and Irazdbal visited the province in 1724, 
obtaining what they considered favorable assurances 
for the future; and in 1730-1 padres Francisco Ar- 
chundi and Jose Xarvaez Valverde seem to have had 
a like experience. The Moquis had no objections 
to an occasional interview so long as they could put 
off their submission to a convenient time not the 

='iV. Ilex., Cid., MS., 45-6, orders of March 10, '23, and March 7, '24 It 
was charged that N. Mex. traders went to La and bought $12,030 worth of 
goods. Uov. B.'s order about trade with gentUes, Apr. 3, '23, in Arch. Sta 
Fi, MS. The people were allowed to trade with gentiles who came to Taos 
and Pecos, but some were accustomed to go out in the plains to meet them. 

32 Letters of PP. Mirabal and Irazibal, in Arch. Sta Fi, JIS. The padres 
thought as the Jicarillas were Christiaas and the Comanches had been noti- 
fied of it war on the latter was justifiable ace. to scripture. Paez Hurtado 
was ordered in Feb. to make an exped. with 103 men, but I have not found 
any report of resultj. In '23, Rivera, Diario y Derrotero, 23-9, mentions 
Alljurquerque as a villa of nuxed Span., mestizos, and mulattoes, mostly scat- 
tered on the ranches. Bonilla, Apuntes, MS., says that in '26 a reeuforce- 
ment of troops was ordered; also that Brig. Pedro de Rivera visited N. Mex. 
to reorganize the presidio, the force being consequently fixed at 80 men with 
§400 each. P. Niel, Apunt., 96-100, gives some geographic notes of '29 for 
the N. Mex. settlements that seem to be confused references to earlier records, 
and are so faulty that I do not deem them worth reproduction. 

'3 Grig. MS. in Pinart collection. 

"iV". Mex.., Cid., MS., 43-8, order of March 23, '26, and viceroy's report 
of May 14, '25. See later chap, on Ariz.; ^V. JT&r., Dx., MS., 074-8, state- 


There was a complicated controversy in these and 
later years between the missionary and episcopal 
authorities. The bishop of Durango claimed New 
Mexico as part of his bishopric, insisting on his right 
to appoint a vicar and control ecclesiastic matters in 
the province, which the friars refused to recognize. 
Bishop Crespo, in his visita of 1725, reached El Paso, 
and exercised his functions without much opposition; 
but in August 1730, when he extended his tour to 
Santa F6, though he administered the rite of confir- 
mation there and at a few other towns, at some of the 
missions he was not permitted to do so, the friars ob- 
jecting by instruction of the custodio, Padre Andres 
Varo, and he, of course, obeying the instructions of 
his superior in Mexico. The bishop also appointed 
Don Santiago Roybal as juez eclesidstico, whose au- 
thority was only partially recognized. Crespo began 
legal proceedings against the Franciscan authorities 
in Mexico, and besides demanding recognition of his 
episcopal rights, he made serious charges against the 
New Mexican friars, alleging that they did not prop- 
erly administer the sacraments; that they did not 
learn the native language; that the neophytes, rather 
than confess through an interpreter, who might reveal 
their secrets, did not confess at all, except in articulo 
mortis; that of 30 padres provided for, onlj- 24 were 
serving; that the failure to reduce the Moquis was 
their fault; that some of them neglected their duties, 
and others by tJieir conduct caused scandal ; and that 
tithes were not properly collected or expended. These 
charges, especially those connected with ignorance of 
the native language, were supported by the formal 
testimony of 24 prominent officials and residents, 
taken by the governor at Santa Fe in June 1731. 

ments of PP. Miranda, Irazibal, Archundi, and Valverde. The latter had 
served in N. Max. since '92. It does not clearly appear here that he had vis- 
ited Moqui; but Fernandez thiro, Noticias, 137, cites a MS. of 120 pp. iu the 
Acad, de Hist., entitled Valverde, Exped. d laprov. de Moqui, 1730. On Ar- 
chundi's entrada, see also Crespo, Mem. Aju.H., 51, where it is said that in aa 
entrada of '31 a padre sacrificed his life(?). Some time before Nov. '32, P. 
Fran. Techvmgui entered Moqui and brought away 5 Tiguas to Isleta. Jd., 54. 


Details of the suit are too bulky and complicated for 
notice here. There was a royal order of 1729 favor- 
able to the bishop, and another of 1731 to some extent 
sustaining the position of the Franciscans; but the 
decision in 1733 was in substance that, pending a final 
decision on the great principles involved, the bishop 
had, and might exercise, jurisdiction in New Mexico; 
and as we shall see, he did make a visita in 1737. In 
Spain, the case came up on appeal in 1736, and amain 
feature of the friars' plea was the claim that the testi- 
mony against them was false, having been given by 
bad men, moved by prejudice against the padres, who 
had opposed their sinful customs. To prove this, they 
produced the evidence, taken by the vice-custodio. 
Padre Jose Antonio Guerrero, in July 1731, of an- 
other set of officials and citizens, to the effect that the 
missionaries had performed every duty in the most 
exemplary and zealous manner, though it was not pi'e- 
tended that' they knew the native dialects. Counter- 
charges were also made that the governor and his 
officials abused the Indians, forcing them to work 
without pay. The record from which I take this in- 
formation was printed in 1738, when no permanent 
decision had been reached.^^ 

'^ Crespo, Memorial ajustado que de 6rden del cmisejo supremo de Indias se ha 
lieclia del pleyto, que siguiti el Illnio. Sor Don Benito Crespo, obispo que fui de 
Durango, y h continua el Illmo. Sor Don Martin de Elizaeoechea, su successor en 
dicho obispado. Con la religion de iV. P. S. Francisco, de la Regular Observencia, 
y su procurador general de las Tndias. Sobre visitar, y exercer los CKtos de la 
jurisdiccion diocesana en la custodia del Nuevo Mexico en la Nueva Espafia, poner 
vicario foraneo, y otras cosas. Madrid, 1738, fol., 64 1. The padres accused 
of neglect, so far as named, were PP. Ant. Gabaldon of Nambe, Juan de la 
Cruz of S. Juan, Carlos Delgado of Isleta, Manuel Sopena of Sta Clara, Jose 
Yrigoyen of S. Ildetonso, Domingo Araos of Sta Ana, Ant. Miranda of Cia, 
Pedro Montano of Jemes, Juan Mirabal of Taos, and Juan Ant. Hereiza of 
Picuries. Some of the witnesses against the padres were Capt. Juan Gonza- 
lez, ale. mayor of Alburquerque; Diego de Torres, lieut.-alc. ni. of Sta Clara; 
Juan Paez Hurtado; Ramon Garcia, ale. m. of Bernalillo; and Miguel Vega, 
ale. m. of Taos. Witnesses in favor of the padres included Capt. Tomas 
Nunez de Haro, Capt. Ant. de Uribarri, Capt. Sebastian Martin, Capt. Alonso 
Rael de Aguilar, Andres Montoya, ale. ni. of S. Felipe, Capt. Nicolas Ortiz 
Niuo, and some of the opposing witnesses on certain points. P. Juan Mig. 
Menchero was in N. Mex. as visitador, and took some part in this affair. 
The bishop's visits, both in '25 and '30, are said to have produced copious 
rains, and thus greatly benefited the province. The marriage of Manuel 
Armijo and Maria Francisca Vaca, which the juez ecles. tried to prevent, 
figured largely in the testimony. > 

Hist. Ariz, and N. Mex. 16 


Governor Bustamante's rule ended in 1731, and the 
result of his residencia was favorable, though on one 
charge — that of illegal trade, admitted to be for the 
benefit of the country — he was found guilty and forced 
to pay the costs of trial. ^® His successor M'as Gervasio 
Cruzat y G6ngora, who ruled for a full term of five 
years. The period was a most uneventful one so far 
as we may judge by the meagre record in tlie shape of 
detached items. A mission of Jicarilla Apaches Avas 
founded on the Rio Trampas, three or five leagues from 
Taos, in 1733, prospering for a time under Padre Mi- 
rabal; no Indian campaigns or troubles are recorded, 
and nothing is heard even of the apostate Moquis.^' 
From the governor's part in taking evidence for the 
bishop in the great controversy already noticed, it may 
be presumed that he was not regarded as a friend by 
the friars. 

A successor was appointed — ad interim, by the 
viceroy — on May 17, 1736, in the person of Enrique 
de Olavide y Michelena, who, however, may not have 
assumed the office till 1737. This year Bishop Eliza- 
coechea visited the province, without opposition so far 
as is known, and extended his tour to the Zuiii towns. 
In 1738 Governor Olavide visited all the pueblos, at 
each publicly announcing his presence and calling upon 
all who had grievances against the alcaldes or indi- 
viduals to make them knon^n ; but nothing more serious 
was submitted than a few petty debts of a horse, cow, 

^^ Bustamante (Jimn Dom.), Residencia del gohernador y Capitan general que 
fui de N. Mexico. Tomada por D. Fran, de la Sierra y Castillo, 1731. Orig. 
MS. of 177 1., in Pinart col. One witness for making malicious charges was 
fined §100. 

^' Founding of the Apache mission. Villasei'ior, Teatro, ii. 420; Crespo, 
Mem. Ajust., 61. There were 130 Ind. at this mission in '34; but few or none 
were left in '48. In '33 an Ind. greatly excited the wrath of P. Montauo at 
Alburquerque by presenting himself during service without a cloak and with 
braided hair, being sustained in the ensuing quarrel by his grandfather. 
The padre complained through the custodio, P. Jos6 Ant. Guerrero, to the gov., 
and declared that the grandfather should be shut up in a dungeon with 
shackles for his impious conduct. Arch. Sta Fe, MS. May 20, '35, Gov. C. 
strictly forbids tlie sale of arms to gentiles, under severe penalties — a fine of 
10,000 maravedis for Span., and 100 lashes and 50 days in prison for Ind. 
Id. July 14, '36, Gen. Juan Paez Hurtado, inspector, left his name on El 
Monro. Simpsons Jour., pi. 67. P. Jose Ortiz Velasco was custodio in '33-5. 


or pair of drawers. Let us hope that Don Enrique's 
orders for payment were promptly obeyed. The 
governor's residencia was prosecuted in January 1739, 
by Juan Jose Moreno as jnez; and as the answers to 
the twenty-eight routine questions by twenty-four 
witnesses, half of them Indians, were uniformly favor- 
able, the decision was most flattering to a ruler re- 
specting the occurrences of whose rule little is known.^'* 
The new governor, appointed by the king on May 
12, 1737, and assuming office in January 1739, was 
Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza, who ruled till 1743. 
About 1740 a small party of Frenchmen came by 
way of Jicarilla and Taos, two of them remaining, and 
the rest departing by another route; and this occur- 
rence is rather vaguely connected by certain writers 
with a plan of the French to take possession of the 
Rio Colorado region.^' In 1742 padres Delgado and 
Ignacio Pino went to the Moqui towns and succeeded 
in bringing away 441 Tiguas, who before the great 
revolt had lived in the pueblos of Sandia, Alameda, 
and Pajarito, which the friars now wished to rees- 
tablish, though the governor declined to act without 
special instructions. Meanwhile the recovered neo- 

^* Feb. 1, '37, gov. issues a bando forbidding trade with the Ind. except by 
permission of the proper authority, under penalty of fine, forfeiture of goods, 
and flogging in the case of a native olfender. A rch. Sta Fi, MS. On the governor's 
tour of inspection, Olavide. y Michekna (Henrique), Autos de vmta hechos por 
el gobr, 1738, MS., 38 1., in the Pinart col. The bishop's v'mta is recorded in 
an inscription on El Morro of Dec. 28-9th, when he started for Zufii. Simpson's 
Jour. Prince, Hist. SL, 226, is in error when he says this was the 1st episcopal 
visit. On the final trial of Gov. 0., I have Olavide y Michelena, Autos de 
residencia, 1739, an orig. MS. of 178 1. in the Pinart col. 

^'Mention of the arrival of 9 Frenchmen, in Arch. Sta Fi, MS. Of the 2 
who remained, one, Jean d' Alay, married and became a good citizen (and bar- 
ber) of Sta Fe; the other, Louis Marie, became involved in troubles, and was 
shot in the plaza in Mendoza's time. Codallos y Sahal, 7'estimomo, etc., in Id. 
The French criminal sentenced to death, ' sacado el eorazon por las espaldas, ' 
is mentioned by the gov. in a letter of '43. iV. Mex., Doc, MS., 691. Ace. 
to this, the Frenchmen came in '39. They are also mentioned in Menchero, 
Declaracion, MS., 726, who says that for their country a settlement near 
Isleta was named Canada. Salvador, ConsuUa, 662-3, says they were on the 
way to settle in the west; and Villasenor, Teatro, ii. 416, tells us that they 
settled at a place near Alburquerque called Canada, and later Limpia Con- 
cepcion, or Fuenclara. Aec. to records of land grants, published with transl. 
in U. S. Land Off. Repts, '56, p. 291-8, it appears that the settlement of 
Tome Dominguez was founded in 1739, by some 30 settlers who received 


phytes were distributed in different missions.*" Mota 
Padilla, the historian of Nueva Galicia, devotes some 
attention to New Mexico, and gives its population of 
Spaniards in 1742, not including the soldiers and their 
families, as 9,747, living in 24 towns.*^ Mendoza's rule 
ended late in 1743, and his residencia, conducted by 
his successor, brought to light no complaints or un- 
favorable testimony.*^ 

Joaquin Codallos y Rabal was the next governor, 
ruling for a little more than a full term, from the end 
of 1743 to 1749.*^ Colonel Francisco de la Rocha 
was appointed in 1747 or earlier to succeed Codallos 
on the expiration of his term; but Rocha declined on 
account of his age and infirmities. The vicei'oy wished 
to appoint a substitute, but the king would not permit 
it, appointing to the office Tomds Velez Cachupin, who 
took command as early as May 1749, and ruled to and 
beyond the end of the half-century covered by this 
chapter. New Mexican affairs in these years, some- 
what more fully recorded than for the preceding, may 
be most conveniently grouped — except a few detached 
items given in a note" — in four or five topics, to each 
of which I devote a paragraph. 

"Letters of gov. M., and PP. Delgado, Pino, and Oris. Yraeta (at El 
Paso) in '42-3. Moqui, Noticias, MS., 678-92. P. Gabriel Hoyuela is named 
as custodio (still holding the office in '45 with P. Juan Garcia as sec), and P. 
Fran. Bruno de la Pefla is mentioned, and P. Jose M. Lopez. P. Yraeta 
blames the gov. for not aiding the missionary projects, and says twice as 
many might have been rescued from Moqui with proper aid. It was pro- 
posed to try again the next year. The gov. unintelligibly mentions missions 
called Vinl and Sargarrla. Villaseiior, TeMro, ii. 416, mentions the entry of 
the 2 padres, and notes that in Oct. 440 Moquis came to Sta Fe to ask for 
protection and friars. They were settled in different pueblos and given 
|2,000 in live-stock, etc. 

*' Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Oal, 319, 515-16. He calls Alburquerque the 
capital, with a garrison of 80 men. The Apaches and Comanches are constant 
in their raids; the presidios are expensive and of little use. The estimate of 
pop. is more than twice too large. 

*^ Mendm-:i (Gairpar Domingo), Residenda contra el teniente coronel. . ..del 

tiempo quefm gohr y cap.-r/en. de este reino 1744i MS. of 133 1., in the Pinart 


"That is of course excepting 1747, when ace. to Davis, Prince, and others 
another viceroy, Giiemes y Horcasitas ruled ad interiml Gov. C. was a 
major in the army. 

*' The viceroy in a report of Nov. 8, '47, notified the king of Rocha's in- 
ability to serve, and the king in an order of Jan. 20, '49, forbids the appoint- 


But for the route from El Paso up the Rio del 
Norte, the region between Santa Fe' and Zuni on the 
north and the frontier presidios of Janos, Corodegua- 
chi, and Guevavi on the south was a tierra incognita 
occupied by savage tribes. In 1747 the viceroy or- 
dered a combined movement or campaign in this 
country. Thirty soldiers and as many settlers and 
friendly Indians were to march north by separate 
routes from each of the four southern presidios to 
meet a corresponding force sent south-westward from 
Santa Fe. They executed the movement and reached 
the Acoma region late in the year; but Governor 
Codallos was unable to cooperate, on account of a 
Comanche raid, not reaching Cubero until the others 
had departed. Therefore nothing was eifected against 
the Indians, at which the viceroy was angry, and de- 
ducted $8,000 from the New Mexican situado, though 
he later accepted the governor's excuses. We have, 
unfortunately, no details of the explorations, except 
that Padre Menchero was with the El Paso company, 
turning to the west from the Jornada del jNIuerto, 
reached the upper Gila, and thence went north to 
Acoma through an entirely new region.^^ 

The prospect of having to surrender the Moqui field 

ment of a substitute. N. Mex., Ced., MS., 54-5. The king in thiscedula says 
nothing of a new appointment, and if at that time he had appointed C'achupin 
the latter could not have been at Sta Fe so early as May '49; so that after all 
C. may have been the substitute confirmed by the king. 

Dec. 24, '44, order of the viceroy to suppress 5 plazas of the Sta Fe presi- 
dio, reducing the force to 80 men, its former number. MS. of Pinart col. 
In '44 a Frenchman named Velo arrived at Pecos. He was arrested and sent 
to Mex. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. In Id., for this and foUowiug years there are va- 
rious orders of the gov. against gambling, maltreating Ind., etc.; also appeals 
to Mex. for arms, etc. In '47 P. Mig. Menchero made another tour as visi- 
tador; and coming from El Paso with a large party, they turned west from 
the Jornada del Muerto, reached the upper Gila, and thence went N. to 
Acoma, thus exploring a new region. Tamaron, FiVito, MS., 97-8. In '48 cit- 
izens called to serve against gentiles and failing to obey had to pay a fine. 
Arch. St I Fe, MS. This year 33 Frenchmen visited the Comanches at the 
Rio de Jicarilla and sold them muskets. The gov. thought that in this party 
must have been some of those who visited N. Mex. before, and that the 
French had hostile designs. Id. The gov. recommended a presidio of 50 men 
at J. , but the viceroy declined to authorize it now. Id. Taking of a census 
ordered by viceroy. Id. Royal order against gambling and other excesses 
pub. by Gov. C. in '49. MS. of Pinart col. 

''■'Original corresp. of gov., viceroy, etc., in Arch. Sta Fi, MS.: Tamaron, 
Vmta, MS., 97-8. 


to the Jesuits was a thorn in the flesh of the Francis- 
cans. Their great achievement to prevent the change 
was the entrada of 1742, in which 441 apostates were 
recovered, as already related ; but they continued their 
eftbrts, mainly with the pen, the venerable Delgado 
being the leading spirit. In 1743, and again in 1744, 
they wished to make a new entrada, but, as they 
claimed, could not get the governor's permission and 
aid. In 1745, however, padres Delgado, Irigoyen, 
and Juan Jose Toledo got the required license, with 
an escort of 80 Indians under an ex-soldier, and vis- 
ited all the Moqui towns, counting 10,846 Indians, 
who listened gladly to their preaching. Of course 
they made the most of their success, ridiculed the 
idea that the natives had expressed a preference for 
the padres prietos instead of the padres azides, and they 
even sent in glowing reports on the wealth of the 
Sierra Azul and grandeur of the great city or empire 
of Teguayo, with a view to reawaken interest in tlie 
Northern Mystery. Meanwhile the king was induced 
to change his mind and to believe that he had been 
grossly deceived respecting the geographical situation 
of Moqui, the hostility and power of its people, and 
the vain efforts of the soldiers and friars to reduce 
them. Surely, if two missionaries could go alone, with- 
out a cent of expense to the royal treasury, and bring 
out 441 converts, the Moquinos could neither be so 
far off from New Mexico, nor so confirmed in their 
apostasy, as had been represented. So reasoned the 
king; and in a royal cedula of November 23, 1745, he 
explained his views, took back all he had said in favor 
of the Jesuits, and ordered the viceroy to support the 
Franciscans in every possible way. Thus the azulcs 
won the fight, though the Moquis were not much 
nearer salvation than before. In 1748, however, the 
rescued Tiguas of 1742, or some of them, were united 
at Sandia, and their old pueblo was rebuilt at or near 
its original site.*^ 

"■In '43 P. Delgado not allowed to visit Moqui; sends a Reladon de la 
Sierra Azul, as gathered from 4 Ind. Mendmro, Declaraaon, MS., 769-73. 


The Navajos attracted still more attention than 
the Moqulnos. Padres Delgado and Irlgoyen started 
In March 1744 by way of Jemes for the Navajo 
country, and found the Indians apparently eager 
to become Christians and receive missionaries, 4,000 
of them being ' interviewed.' They promised to 
come the next full moon to see the governor, and did 
so, being received with flattery, gifts, and promises of 
protection, as well as salvation. The padres wrote of 
this in June; the governor advised the sending of sev- 
eral new missionaries, and prospects were deemed ex- 
cellent, though as usual there were vexatious delays. 
The viceroy ordered a complete investigation ; and in 
1745 a dozen witnesses formally told the governor all 
they knew about the Navajos, which was not much. 
The king heard of the 'conversion' of 5,000 gentiles, 
and ordered the viceroy to sustain the friars and help 
along the good work. The viceroy authorized the 
founding of four missions in the Navajo country, with 
a garrison of thirty men for their protection. This 
was in 1746, and Padre Menchero, the vlsltador, took 
up the enterprise with much zeal, visiting the gentiles 
in person, and inducing some 500 or 600 to return with 
him and settle temporarily at Cebolleta In the Acoma 
region. The hostile Apache bands in various direc- 
tions made it impossible, in Governor Codallos' opin- 
ion, to spare the mission guard required ; and a year 
or two later a bitter war between the Navajos and 

'44, D. intends to go in July to bring out the remains of the martyred 
padres. Moqai, Noticias, MS., 700. June 18, D. writes to his superior on 
the risks the Jesuits will run in entering Moqui. If they go with soldiers and 
bluster, all will be lost. N. Mex., Doc, MS., 779-83. Sept. 14, 45, Gov. 
Codallos at Zuui permits an entrada, but has no soldiers to spare; Arch. Sta 
Fi, MS. Visit of the 3 padres in Sept. 45. The Ind. told of Jesuit efforts 
from Sonora, in which they had been driven back by another tribe (see later 
chap, on Ariz.). N. Mex., Doc, MS., 786-90. P. Delgado's Noticia del Gran 
Teijuaijo, 200 1. N. w. of N. Me.x., where the padre proposes to go the next 
year. Id., 790-5. Royal cedula of Nov. 23, 45, in N. Mex., Cid., MS., 49- 
54. It is a long doc, in which the king gives a long account of preceding or- 
ders, etc. Refounding of Sandia (Dolores) in 48, at the petition of P. Men- 
chero. Arch. Sta Fe, MS.; Prince's Hist. Sk., 38; Meline's "2,000 Miles, 214-20. 
In Menchero, Informe 17 j9, MS., the writer says he had not yet been able to 
visit Moqui, as he had intended; but that the natives had 3 times come to 
Sandia to ask him when he was coniing to bring them away from their apos- 


their foes, the Yutas and Chaguaguas, interfered 
with the conversion of the former. Accordingly, 
in 1749, in response to Menchero's petitions, a new 
governor advised, what a new viceroy approved, the 
founding of the missions, not in the far north or 
Navajo country proper, but in the Acoma district; 
and this was done, some additions being made to the 
converts already there, and two missions of Cebolleta 
and Encinal being established, under padres Juan de 
Lezaun and Manuel Bermejo. All went well for a 
very brief time; but in the spring of 1750 there was 
trouble, which Lieutenant-governor Bernardo An- 
tonio de Bustamante, with the vice-custodio. Padre 
Manuel de San Juan Nepomuceno de Trigo, went to 
investigate. Then the real state of affairs became 
apparent. Padre Menchero had been liberal with 
his gifts, and still more so with promises of moi'e; 
hence his success in bringing the Navajos to Cebo- 
lleta. But they said they had not received half the 
gifts promised, and their present padres — against whom 
they had no other complaint — were too poor to make 
any gifts at all. What, then, had they gained by the 
change 1 At any rate, pueblo life and Christianity 
had no charms for them, and they were determined 
not to remain. They would still be friends of the 
Spaniards and trade with them, and would always 
welcome the friars, who might even baptize and teach 
their children; perhaps the little ones might grow up 
to like a diiferent life, but as for themselves, they had 
been born free, like the deer, to go where they pleased, 
and they were too old to learn new ways. Indeed, 
they took a very sensible view of the situation. Thus 
stood the matter in 1750, and the Navajo conversion 
was a failure.'*^ 

*' In '43 a Christian Apache reported a mountain of silver in the Navajo 
country, and a large party went to find it, without success; indeed, the 
Navajos had never heard of it. Codallos, Reducdon, MS. Eutrada of '44. 
Arch. Sta Fe, MS.; also letters of PP. Delgadoand Irigoyen, 'm.N. Mex., Doc, 
MS., 692-704, 777, etc. Delgado gave away his clothes, and begs his supe- 
rior for more — old ones, not new — so that he may with decency meet people. 
He thinks his late achievements will shut the mouths of the bishop aud Jesuits 


Of the Yutas and Apaches during this period we 
know nothing definitely, except that in most years 
they gave trouble in one way or another; but respect- 
ing the Comanches our information is somewhat less 
incomplete. In June 1746 they made a raid on 
Pecos, killing 12 inhabitants of that pueblo, and also 
committed hostilities at Galisteo and elsewhere. The 
popular clamor for a campaign against them was 
great, and the governor asked for increased powers. 
The auditor in Mexico made a long report in October 
on the preliminary efforts that must be made before 
war could be legally waged, and corresponding in- 
structions were sent by the viceroy. In October 
1747 Codallos, with over 500 soldiers and allies, over- 
took the Comanches with some Yuta allies beyond 
Abiquiu, and killed 107 of them, capturing 206, with 
nearly 1,000 horses. Four Yuta captives were shot. 
In January 1748, with a smaller force, he repulsed 
the foe at Pecos, though with some loss of Indian 
allies; yet a month or two later he gave a friendly 
reception to 600 Comanches at Taos, on their assur- 
ance that they had taken no part in the war. Later 
in the year, by the viceroy's orders, a junta was held 
at Santa Fe to determine whether the Comanches 
should be permitted to attend the fairs at Taos for 
purposes of trade. All admitted the unreliable and 
treacherous character of the tribe; but a majority 
favored a continuance of trade because the skins, 
meats, and horses they brought for sale were much 
needed in the province ; and moreover, their presence 
at the fairs would bring them within Christian in- 

at least. Taking of testimony in '45. Codallos y Ratal {Joaquin), Reduccion 
de los Indios gentiles de la Provincia de Namjo, 1745. Tesiimonio d li letra de 
hs Autos, etc., MS., in the Pinart col. Royal order of Nov. 23, '45, in N, 
Mex., Ced., MS., 48-9. Viceroy's order of June 28, '46, and record of later 
developments, in Arch. Sta Fe, MS. Letters of PP. Mirabal, Irigoyen, and 
Toledo to their superior on Menchero's efforts. N. Mex., Doc, MS., 795-802. 
Record of '49, petition of P. Meuchero, and orders of gov. and viceroy. Men- 
chero (Juan Miguel), Peticion sohre Conversion de los NavajCes, con otros -papeles, 
MSS., in the Pinart col. Troubles of '50, with official record of the investiga- 
tions and report of P. Trigo to Mex. Trigo {Manuel de S. J. iV.), In/orme 
sohre las Misiones de la Ceholkta y Encinal y sua acaecimientoa en este Anode 
1750, MS., in N. Mex., Doc, 1090-1134. 


fluences, especially the captives they brought for sale, 
who might otherwise be killed. The governor decided 
accordingly, against the views of the padre custodio.^ 
The bishop, who had practically won his case, does 
not appear to have attempted in these years any exer- 
cise of his episcopal authority ; but the quarrel started 
by Crespo's charges was still in progress, as appears 
from two long reports of 1750. Juan Antonio de 
Ordenal y Maza in some secular capacity visited New 
Mexico in 1748-9, and made a report to the viceroy, 
in which in a general way he represented the padres 
as neglectful of their duties, oppressive to the Indians, 
often absent from their posts to engage in trade, 
neither learning the native dialects nor teaching 
Spanish to the natives. Don Juan advised that the 
number of missions should be reduced by consolida- 
tion, and that some of the Spanish settlements should 
be put under curates. This being referred to the 
Franciscan provincial brought out from him a long 
reply, in which he denies the truth of all the charges, 
defends his friars, and impugns Ordenal's motives, 
accusing him of being merely the mouth-piece through 
which Governor Cachupin expressed his well-known 
hatred of the padres.*^ The other report was one 
written by Padre Delgado, who had served 40 years 
at Isleta, and was now in Mexico, being called upon 
probably to write something that would counterbal- 
ance current charges against the friars; and the 
veteran missionary did so with a vengeance. He 

** Giiemes y Horcasitas, Medios para la pacificacion de los gentiles Cumanckes. 
Decreto del vlrey 26 de Oct. 1746, MS., iu the Pinart col. Codallos y Rabal, 
Testimonio a la letra sobre Camanches, I74S, MS., in Arch. Sta Fi. 

*^iV. Mex., Informe del R. P. Provincial al virey iinpugnando el que did con- 
tra los misioneros de N. Mex. Don Juan de Ordenal y Maza, 1750, iu N. Mex., 
Doc, MS., 1-99. I have not seen Ordenal's report, but its substance is given 
in this. There is not much of value in the reply; indeed, the writer's main 
position is that O.'s charges are general, vague, unsupported by evidence, and 
evidently the work of a man who had no authority, facilities, or ability to 
make an investigation — in fact, a superficial partisan report worthy of no 
reply, though he writes a long one. It appears that there had been a contro- 
versy with the gov., who had claimed the right as vioe-patrono to direct 
changes of friars from mission to mission. Later, in the California missions, 
the right was recognized, and changes could not be made without the gover- 
nor's consent. 


represented the governors and alcaldes mayores of 
New Mexico as brutal tyrants, who treated the natives 
as slaves, forcing them to work without compensation, 
or accomplishing the same result by appropriating the 
products of their corn-fields, obliging the friars to keep 
silent by refusing otherwise to sign the warrants by 
which their sinodos were collected, and thus driving 
the converts into apostasy, and effectually preventing 
the conversion of gentiles. There are indications in 
other correspondence that Delgado was more or less a 
'crank'; and it is certain that in this instance he 
overshot the mark; for, if true, his charges were in 
reality almost as damning to the padres who sub- 
mitted to these atrocities as to the officials who com- 
mitted them. I have no doubt that the natives here 
as ebewhere, and to a greater extent than in many 
provinces, were the victims of oppression from Span- 
ish officials, many of whom were bent on pecuniary 
gain, and were favored by their isolated position ; but 
I find in the records nothing to support, and much to 
contradict, the supposition that the rulers were for the 
most part blood-thirsty brutes, practically sustained in 
their rascalities by the Franciscans.'^" 

^ Delgado {Ccirhs), Informe que hizo el R. P. a JV. R. P. Jimeno sohre las 
execrables liostiUdades y tiranias de los gohernadores y alcaldes mayores contra los 
iiidion en. constemacUm de la ciistodia, ailo de 1750, iu N. Mex., Doc, MS., 
99-128, dated March 27, '50, at Tlatelolco. The alcaldes are creatures of the 
gov., appointed on condition of making all they can and dividing with the 
gov. From each pueblo they take a squad of 30 or 40 Ind. to do all their 
work of tilling the soil, making adobes, building, etc. ; others are employed 
to trade with gentiles and drive live-stock to Chihuahua, none receiving other 
pay than an occasional handful of tobacco or glass beads. Those left at the 
pueblos have to weave each year for their oppressors 400 manias and 400 
sdbanas, besides tilling their own milpas. When harvest time comes they are 
forced to transport nearly all their maize to the villas and sell it on credit, 
the payment of worthless trinkets being in three instalments tarde, mal, y 
nunca. The Ind. women are used for the gratitication of lust. Once, in the 
padre's presence, a woman came to upbraid the gov. for taking her daughter, 
whereupon he gave her a buffalo-skin to make it all right. Any slight dis- 
obedience is punished by the stocks and flogging. In his visits to the gentiles 
the padre has found apostates generally covered with scars and refusing to be 
Christians again at such cost. On an unsupported charge of stealing 3 ears of 
corn an Ind. was shot by orders of a capt. On a march 3 Ind. who were 
footsore and could not keep up were killed and their chUdreu sold as slaves 
for the commander's profit. For a somewhat similar and famous report from 
Cal. in 1796, see Hist. Cat, i. 587-97. P. Andres Varo, who had been twice 
Cttstodio, came to Mex. in '49 and made a report. He was sent back for a 3d 


The standard work of Villasenor, published in 1748, 
and the manuscript report of Padre Menchero in 1744, 
contain some statistics and other general information 
on the condition of New Mexico about the middle of 
the century. Descriptive matter cannot be presented 
in the space at my command, but I append a statistical 
note. On population Villasenor and Mencliero agree 
in some points, but differ widely in others. Bonilla, 
however, gives a table of 1749 which agrees tolerably 
well with the general conclusions of the others. The 
Spanish population was 3,779 — too small a figure, I 
think — and the number of Christian Indians 12,142, 
besides about 1,400 Spaniards and the same number 
of Indians at El Paso. This is Bonilla's statement. 
Villasenor and Menchero give the population as 536 
to 660 families of Spaniards, and 1,428 to 1,570 fami- 
lies of neophytes, besides 220 and 330 families in the 
district of El Paso. Mota PadiUa's estimate of about 
9,500 Spaniards in 1742 was an exaggeration. Of 
course, many of the so-called Spaniards were of mixed 
breed. I attach to the statistical note a chronologic 
list of governors from the beginning down to 1846.^^ 

term, and was still living in '61, having come from Spain in 'IS. Serrano, 
In/orme, MS., 176-7. 

^' Menchero (Juan Miguel), Dedararion, 17H, in N. Mex., Doc. , MS. , 704-73; 
Bonilla, Apuntes, MS., 376-Sl; Villasefior, Teatro, ii. 409-23. In Span. 
Empire in America, 89-94, is a slight descrip. of N. Mex. in '47. In what 
follows the figures in hrackets are from Bonilla; those in parentheses from 
Menchero; the rest chiefly from ViUaseiior. 

Sta Fe, villa [965 Span., 570 Ind.], 300 (127) Span. fam. and a few lad. 
under a curate (2 PP., M.). Sta Cruz de la Canada, villa [1,205 Span., 580 
Ind., including mission and ranches], 260 (100) fam.; 1 padre; new church 
being built in 44. Alburquerque, villa, with suburb of Atrisco and mission 
[500 Span., 200 Ind.], 100 fam.; 1 padre. Concepcion, or Fuenclara, Span, 
settlement of 50 fam., under padre of Isleta. M. calls it Gracia Real or later 
Canada, from the Canadians who settled here in '40; not mentioned by B. It 
was prob. the Tome of '39. Tlie following ranches are named by M. and V., 
their pop. being included in B.'s figures: Chama, 17 fam., and Sta Rosa Abi- 
quiii, or Rosa Hawicuii, 20 fam., under padre of S. Ildefonso; Ojo Caliente, 46 
fam., and 4 other ranchos 10 fam., under padre of Taos; Soldedad, 40 fam., 
under padre of S. Juan, 7 1.; Embudo, 8 fam., under padre of Picuries; Bocas, 
10 fam., under padre of Sta Ana; and Alameda, 8 fam., under padre of Albur- 
querque. Few of these are named by V. 

Missions, each with one padre, including some ranchos of Span. : Taos 
[125 Span., 541 Ind.], 80 (170) fam.; with an alcalde mayor; the mission of 
Jicarilla, 5 1. N., being abandoned in '44. Picuries [64, 322], 80 fam. S. Juan 
[346, 404], 60 fam. Sta Cruz, included in La Canada. S. Ildefonso and its 


visita, Sta Qara [89, 631], 100 fam. Tesuque and Pujuaque [507 Ind.], 50 and 
IS (30) fam., both visitaa of Sta Fe. Nambe [100, 350], 50 fam. Pecos (1,000 
Ind.), 125 fam.; curate, V.; 2 padres, J/.; fine church and convent. Galisteo 
[350 Ind.], 50 fam.; ranchoa. Cochitf [25, 400], 85 (80) fam.; ranchos. Sto 
Domingo [300 Ind.], 50 (40) fam. S. Felipe [70, 400]. 60 (70) fam. : ranchos. 
Jemes [574 Ind.], 100 fam. Sta Ana [100, 606], 50 fam.; on Rio Bernalillo. 
Cia [100, 606], 50 fam.; 2 ranchos. Laguna [401 Ind.], 60 fam.; 3 ranchos. 
Acoma [750 Ind.], 110 fam. Zuili [2,000 Ind.], 150 fam.; 2 patbes. Isleta 
[100, 250], 80 fam. Sandia, not founded till '48, and not mentioned by M. or 
K. B. gives it a pop. of 400 Ind. in '49. 

Tom(5, or Valencia — called by V. Genlzaros, made up of ill-treated neo- 
phytes — is mentioned by M. as a settlement of 40 Ind. fam., who were cap- 
tives of the Apaches and Comanches, sold to the Span., and released from 
servitude by the gov. in '40 to form this visita of Isleta, being 2 1. s. of that 
mission. See note 39 of this chap, for origin of another Tome. The El Paso 
establishments, presidio, and 5 missions, not included in the figures of my 
text, included about 220 Span. fam. and 330 Ind. fam. [1,428 Span., 1,431 
Ind. in '49. Bonilla]. Villasenor tells us there were a few unprofitable and 
abandoned mines in the country; the Ind. rode horseback and saluted the 
Span, with ' Ave Maria '; the route up the river to Alburquerque was infested 
with savages; and there was some trade via El Paso, where fairs were held. 

In '48 P. Juan Jose Perez Mirabal was custodio; Man. Zambrano vice-cus- 
todio and ex-visitador; Man. Sopefla discreto and min. of Sta Clara; Ant. 
Gabaldon ex-visitador, discreto, and min. of Sta Cruz; Juan Ant. Ereiza 
ex-vice-cust. at S. Ildefonso; Ant. Zamora at Nambe; Juan Martinez, sec; 
Toledo at Zuni; Irigoyeu at Alburquerque; and Delgado at Isleta. Arch. 
Sta Fi. Additional padres named by Menchero in the reports of '50, some 
of theitt. doubtful, were Andres Varo, oust., Pedro Pino, Man. Bermejo, Mig. 
CoUuela, Jose Urquiros, Jose Tello, Marcelino Alburn, Ant. Roa, Fran. Con- 
cepcion Gonzalez, Trigo, Guzman. 

List of Span, and Mex. governors and captain-generals of N. Hex. : 
Juan de Oflate, 1598-1608. Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, 1697-1703. 

Pedro de Peralta, 1008- Diego de Vargas, etc., marques de la 

Felipe Zotylo, (1621-8). Nava de Brazinas, 1703-4. 

Manuel de Silva, 1629. Juan Paez Hurtado, acting, 1704^5. 

Fern, de ArgUello, 1640 (?). Francisco Cuervo y Valdes, ad int., 

Luis de Rosas, 1641. 1705-7. 

Valdes, (1642). Jose Chacon Medina Salazar y Villa- 

Alonso Pacheco de Heredia, 1643. senor, marques de la Penuela, 1707 

Fern, de Arguello, 1645. -12. 

Luis de Guzman, (1647). Juan Ignacio Flores MogoUon, 1712- 

Hemaudo de Ugarte y la Concha, 15. 

1650. Felix Martinez, ad int., 1715-17. 

Juan de Samaniego, 1653^. Juan Paez Hurtado, acting, 1717. 

Enrique de Avlla y Pacheco, 1656. Antonio Valverde y Cosio, ad int., 
Bernardo Lcpez de Mendizabal, to 1717-22. 

1661. Juan de Estrada y Austria (?), ad int., 

Diogo de Penalosa Briceno, 1661-4. 1721 (?). 

Fern, de Villanueva. Juan Domingo de Bustamante, 1722- 

Juan de Medrauo. 31. 

Juan de Miranda. Gervasio Cruzat y Gdngora, 1731-6. 

Juan Francisco de Treviiio, 1675. Enrique de Olavide y Michelena, ad 

Antonio Otermin, 1679-83. int., 17.36-9. 

Domingo Jironza Petriz Cruzat, 1683 Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza, 1739- 

-6. 43. 

Pedro Reneros de Posada, 1686-9. Joaquin Codalloa y Rabal. 1743-9. 

Domingo Jironza Petriz Cruzat, 1689 Francisco de la Rocha (appt'd), 1747. 

-91. Tomas Velez Cachupin, 1749-54. 

Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle, 

de Leon, 1691-7. 1754-60. 


Mateo Antonio de Mendoza, acting, 

Manuel PortQlo Urrisola, acting, 1761 

Tomas Velez Cachupiu, 1762-7. 
Pedro Fermiu de ilendinueta, 1767-78. 
Francisco Trebol Navarro, acting, 

Juan Bautista de Anza, 1778-89. 
Manuel Flon (appt'd), 1785. 
Fernando de la Concha, 1789-94. 
Fernando Chacon, 1794-1805. 
Joaquin del Real Alencaister, 1805-8. 
Alberto Mainez, acting, 1807-8. 
Jose Manrique, 1810-14. 
Alberto Mainez, 1815-17. 
Pedro Maria de Allande, 1816-18. 
Facundo Melgares, 1818-22. 
Francisco Javier Chavez, 1822-3. 
Antonio Vizcarra, 1822-3. 

Bartolome Vaca, 1823-5. 
Antonio Narbona, 1825-7. 
Manuel Armijo, 1827-8. 
Antonio Vizcarra, acting, 1828. 
Jose Ant. Chavez, 1828-31. 
Santiago Abreu, 1831-3. 
Francisco Sarracino, 1833-5. 
Juan Rafael Ortiz, acting, 1834. 
Mariano Chavez, acting, 1835. 
Albino Perez, 1835-7. 
Pedro Munoz, acting, 1837-8. 
Jose Gonzalez, revolutionary gov., 

Manuel Armijo, 1S38--16. 
Antonio Sandoval, acting, 1841. 
Mariano Martinez de Lejanza, acting, 

Jose Chavez, acting, 1845. 
Juan Bautista Vigil y Alarid, acting, 





Sequence of Events— Kule or Cachctin and Marin del Valle — Indian 
Campaigns — Mendoza and Urkisola — Comanches — Cachupin again — 
Visit of RoBi — Flood at Santa Ft — Reglamento de Presidios — 
MoQDis — Escalante's Writings and Explorations — Tour of Padre 
Garces — Bonilla's Report — Provlncias Internas — Governor Anza 
^Comanche Campaign of 79 — The Moqui Famine and Pestilence— 
Flon, Concha, and Chacon — Morfi on Reform — Friars versus 
Governor— The Mission System — Consolidation of Missions — Secu- 
larization—College — List op Padres— Industries of the Prov- 
ince — Agriculture — Stock-raising — Trade or Barter — Annual 
Fairs at Taos and Chihuahua — Imaginary Money— Commercial 
Evils — Statistics op Population and Local Items. 

Existing records for these fifty years are much 
more voluminous, and in several important respects 
more satisfactory, than for the preceding half-century. 
They include several general reports of secular and 
missionary authorities, with statistical information 
that is comparatively complete. They throw much 
light on the mission system, on the condition of the 
pueblo Indians, on the Franciscan friars and their con- 
troversy with governor and alcaldes mayores, on the 
commerce and other industries of the province ; but 
these and other general topics will be detached from 
the chronologic narrative and presented in a later part 
of this chapter. As to the series of happenings from 
year to year — the succession of rulers, campaigns 
against the various gentile tribes, the never-ending 
question of Moqui conversion, and occasional com- 
plaints of impending ruin, with corresponding projects 



by wbich it might be averted — both events and the 
record are as before somewhat fragmentary and 
meagre, though there is little reason to fear that any 
momentous occurrence has been buried in oblivion. 

Governor Cacliupin marched against the Coman- 
ches in 1751, setting fire to a tular into which he had 
driven 145 of the foe, killing 101 and capturing the 
rest.' This elicited commendation from the viceroy 
and was reported to the king. It may be well, how- 
ever, to bear in mind that according to tlic friars, who 
were particularly bitter against Cachupin, the gov- 
ernor's reports of Indian campaigns had often no 
foundation in fact. At the end of his five years' term 
in 1754, Don Tomds was succeeded by Don Franci-sco 
Antonio Marin del Valle, who perliaps served ad in- 
terim by the viceroy's ap|)ointment,^ and who was also 
cordially hated by the padres. In 1755 Padre Kodri- 
guez de la Torre, with a small party of neophytes, 
visited the Moqui towns, being well received and per- 
mitted to preach ; but whenever the masses showed 
any sign of yielding to his persuasions a 'cacique ende- 
moniado' would rise to talk on the other side. The 
padres were good men, he said, but his people were too 
sensible and strong to become slaves of the alcaldes.* 

^ Arch. Stn Fi, MS. The Comanchos had raided Oaligteo. fJov. C. had 
164 men, of whom only one was killed. Forty of the captive* were released 
with the women and children, but 4 were held as hostages for the return of 
earlier prisoners. In 17.')2 the Cosninas, .30 1. from Moqui, 10,000 souls in 11 
ranchcrias are said to have asked through P. Monchero for Christian instruc- 
tion. Id. 

'He signs a doc. as ' gobcmador politico y militar ' on Nov. 26, 1 754. A rch. 
Sta Fi. I think he was regularly api)ointed hy the king. Davis and Prince 
name him as acting gov. in 1761-2, which I think is an error. Ace. to Prince, 
Gov. Marin and wife presented the great carved stone reredos, or altar 
screen, in the Sta Fe cathedral. 

' liodriyiifz de In Torre (Mnrinno), Entrculn en In prov. de Ion Moquinos 
1755, MS., written in '70. In N. Mex., Doc., MS., 842-.")3. Ho remained 14 
days. A curious story heard by him was that tlie Mocpiis had a boanl on 
which thoy had made one mark each year since the revolt of 1680; when the 
board was covered with marks, then would they submit to Christi.inity. A 
MS., Dotninguex {AlanaDio), Exped. Id a Prom, de Moimi in '55 is cited in Fer- 
nniidrz Darn, Not., 138, as in the Acad, de Hist.; but I suppose the date 
shouhl bo '75. In '56-7 Bernardo Miura y Pachoco obtaineil permission to 
remelt the old useless cannon and make new ones. It was not liis traile, but 
he thought he could do no harm by trying. Ho was then alcalde mayor of 
Pecos and Ualisteo. The result is not recorded. MS. in Piuart col. 


The leading event of Valle's rule was the visit of 
Bishop Taiiiaron of Durango, who at the different 
settlements confirmed 11,271 persons, besides 2,973 in 
tlie district of El Paso. The visita was from April to 
July of 17G0, and met no opposition on the part of the 
missionaries.* Later in the same year IMateo Antonio 
de ]\Iendoza acted as governor for a few montlis, and 
in 17G1-2 tlie position was held by Manuel Portillo 
Urrisola.^ Don Manuel distinguished himself, if we 
take his word for it, by killing 400 Comanches in a 
fight at Taos in December 1761." The governor had 
hoped tiiat tliis victory would settle tlie Comanche 
question and strike terror to all gentile raiders ; but 
was disappointed at finding his successor averse to en- 
ergetic and warlike methods, and the country conse- 
quently not yet saved. 

That successor, who took command on the 1st of 
February, 17G2, was no other that Cachupin, who, 
despite the bitter opposition of the Franciscans, had 
been appointed by the king for a new term.' During 

*Tamnrnn {Pedro), Vmta del Obiimo de Durango 17.00-03, MS., p. 12.3-5.3, 
1 03-1. Tliere were G4 in the party from El Paao in Apr., including the P. 
custoilio and a gnard of 22 men. The bishop's carriage was once ovurtumed, 
but he fell on top of the custodio and was not hurt ! At Pecos, as elsewhere, 
tliere was a grand ceremonial reception, which an Indian a little later pro- 
cjeded to burlesque, playing himself the part of bishop; whereupon to punish 
his impious conduct a bear came down from the mountains and chewed up 
liis head in a fatally effective manner. On the return the season was so wet 
that water was found even in the Jornarda del Muorto. 

^Mendoza is named only by P. Serrano, In/orme, M.S., 260, 2G9, writing in 
'61, who says he ceased to rule in Deo. '60 or Jan. '61. His successor m a 
MS. of the Pinart col. is called Francisco Portilla. Serrano, 276, notes the 
almost complete dispersion of mission Ind. of the El Paso estab. in '60-1. 

"In Aug. '60 tlie Comanches made a raid on Taos, and attacking the people 
who hail taken refuge in the house of one Villalpando, killed all the men 
and carrie<l off 50 women, though losing 4'J of their own force. Gov. Valle 
jiursucd them 200 1. in 4J days, but accomplished nothing. Tawaron, Viiata, 
MS., 141. The sequel is told in a letter of Urrisola to the bishop, dated Feb. 
24, '62, in Id., 141^. In Aug. '61 the Ind. came back to trade as if nothing 
u lusual liad occurreil, but were not admitteiL They returned again in Dec. 
in large force to insist on the privilege of trading, even offering to give up 7 
of their captives. Gov. U. with 80 men hastened to Taos, and engaged in 
complicate<l negotiations and wrangles with the warlike traders, whose inde- 
pendence and insolence soon resulte 1 in a fight, with the rmult as given in my 
text. During the liattle, however, the Yutas took advantage of the opjiortu- 
nity to drive off 1,000 horsei ! I have not much faith in the accuracy of this 
report, and suspect that the gov. may have been an eraljintoro. 

' Aijpointment Mireh 5, 1761, with orijrs to the viceroy to put 0. in poa- 
UlST. Akiz. N. Mkx. 17 


this second rule of five years Don Tomds sent a party 
to search for mines in the San Juan and Gunnison 
regions of what was later Colorado/ attended to the 
routine duties of his position,^ and waged legal war- 
fare on certain Indians accused of witchcraft at Abi- 
quiu, the whole affair presenting a striking picture of 
silly superstition — on the part of the Spaniards.^" In 
1766 the Marques de Rubi visited New Mexico in his 
tour as inspector of frontier presidios." 

Colonel Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta succeeded 
Cachupin as governor and captain-general — being the 
last to hold the latter title — in 1767.^" In that year 

1 of the office without delay, ' con pretexto ni motive alguno. ' On Aug. 
30, '62, the king has rec'J viceroy's report of Dec. 17, '61, with copy of secret 
instructions to Gov. C. N. Mex., fed., MS., 56. At tlie time of Urrisola's 
Comanche campaign an escort of 22 soldiers had been sent to El Paso for the 
new gov. Tamaron, Visita, MS., 141-4. 

^ Dominguez and Escalante, Diario, 388-9, 409-10. Ace. to this printed diary 
of au entrada of 1776, Juan Maria Rivera visited the region (about the junction' 
of the Gunnison and Uncompahgre) in 1701 ; it was visited by a party sent by 
Gov. C, and the name of La Plata given to a sierra and river, from silver dis- 
covered at that time; and perhaps a 3d visit made in 1775. But Fernandez 
Duro, Noticias, 139, 142, who consulted a MS. copy of the diary in the Acad. 
Hist., makes the date of Rivera's tour 1765. Dominguez saw Rivera's derro- 

' In '62 some 50 citizens of Alburquerque protest their inability to com- 
l^Iy with the gov.'s orders to keep horses, etc., in readiness f or Ind. service; 
and in May are chided by the gov. for their lack of patriotism. They must 
obey and stop selling their arms and animals to avoid service. In 1763, 40 
citizens of the same town petitioned for the removal of their alcalde mayor, 
Ant. Vaca, and 33 other citizens protested that V. was a good official, though 
the object of the enmity of a few. To keep the peace Mig. Lucero was 
appointed temporarily to fill the office. MSS. of Pinart col. 

^"Aulos contra nnos Iiidios Jenizaros del pueblo de Abiqiiiii sohre ser aciisados 
de hecliiceros malejicos por su ministro el R. P. Fr. Juan Joseph de Toledo y el 
iiulio Juackinillo. MS. of the Pinart col. The case dated in 1760-6, but the 
trial was chiefly in 1763. One effect of the alleged sorcery was a sad condi- 
tion of the padre's stomach. The trial was before the ale. mayor of La Ca- 
nada, Carlos Fernandez, and over 100 pp. are filled with testimony. The re- 
sult was that 7 or 8 Ind. were condemned to ' become the servants ' of certain 

of sup 

supposed idolatrous worship, including a stone with hieroglyphics, etc. 

" La/ora (Jficolds), Viage del imjenkro a Sta Fi, 1766. MS. in Pinart col. 
L. accompanied Rubi and kept the diary, which contains little or nothing 
of interest except statistics utdized later. L. also made a map, which so far 
as I know is not extant. 

'^ Morfi, DesOrdenes, MS. , 407, writes the full name Lara y Mendinueta, 
and calls him brigadier. Davis and Prince represent him as ruling also in 
1759 and 1762, and Cachupin in 1773, all of which must, I think, be wrong. 
They mention the fact of his bemg the last capt. -gen. ; and certainly no one 
had that title after him; but I am not quite sure that all his predecessors 
held it, and I have seen no doc. i-i which he uses that title. M. was a knight 
of Santiago. 


there was a great flood at Santa Fe in October, the 
course of the river being turned into the Rio Chi- 
quito and threatening the safety of the public build- 
ings.'* Against this ruler and his successors I have 
found no complaints from the missionaries. In 1771 
he announced the conclusion of a treaty with the Co- 
manches on the 3d of February;" and the viceroy, 
replying with thanks, called for a report on the condi- 
tion and needs of the province, which was funiislied 
in March 1772. Mendinueta declared that the force 
of 80 soldiers at Santa Fe was not sufficient to protect 
so broad a territory, raided by savage foes from every 
side. True, there were about 250 men capable of 
bearing arms among the settlers, besides the pueblo 
Indians; but these were poorly supplied with weap- 
ons, and could not leave their homes unprotected to 
engage in distant campaigns. The governor's pro- 
posed remedy was a new presidio at Taos, and an en- 
forced law requiring the Spaniards to live in compact 
pueblos like the Indians.'^ 

The subject of northern frontier defences received 
much attention in these years, and in 1772-3 the new 
reglamento de presidios was published. The only 
change ordered in New Mexico proper was the de- 
tachment of thirty soldiers from Santa Fe to join 
thirty citizen auxiliaries from El Paso, forming a gar- 
rison at Robledo, which was to protect the route up 
the river and serve as a base for reestablishing the 
ruined pueblos of Senecii, Socorro, Alamiilo, and 
Sevilleta. For the protection of El Paso the militia 
was to be organized, the presidial company being 
transferred to Carrizal on the frontier of Nueva Yiz- 

'^ Sta Fe, Inundaciones de 17C7. MS. of Pinart col. The gov. in decree of 
Nov. 7th orders all citizens to turn out by list under certain superintendents 
and work to restore the river to its original bed. Fran. Guerrero was alcalde 
mayor. July 15, '69, orders of viceroy to gov. M. about a projected cam- 
paign against the Apaches. MS. in Id. 

"April 25, 71, Uov. M. to the people, announcing the treaty, and urg- 
ing all to use the utmost care to treat the Ind. in exact conformity with the 
conditions. MS. in Pinart col. 

'=■ March 26, 1772, Gov. M. to Viceroy Bucareli, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d 
ser., iv. 720-3; Bonilki, Apuntes, MS., 352-6. 


caya." Nothing of all this was carried into effect, ex- 
cept the transfer of the presidio — or of the main force, 
a detachment being always or generally stationed at El 
Paso — the governor very properly protesting against 
the division of the force at Santa Fe, and some con- 
venient excuse being always ready for failure to or- 
ganize the militia. 

The conquest or conversion of the Moquis was a 
matter still kept in view, though for about twenty 
j'^ears no practical efforts in that direction are recorded, 
down to 1774-6, when the project was revived in con- 
nection with the California expeditions from Sonora. 
Captain Juan Bautista de Anza made an experimental 
or exploring trip by way of the Gila to California in 
1774; and it was desired that in connection with his 
second expedition the region between the Gila and 
Moqui towns should be explored. This region had 
not been traversed since the time of Coronado in 
1540-3, except by Ohate, whose journey was practi- 
cally forgotten. The country and its people were 
wrapped in mystery, and were the objects of much 
curiosity and theorizing. To find a way to Moqui 
Avas deemed important, especially as it was proposed, 
if possible, to occupy the Gila valley and some of its 
branches. ^'^ The New Mexican friars were called 

^^ Presidios, Reglamento i. histruccion 1772-3, p. 11, 16-18, 118-22; given 
also in whole or in part in several works. See Hist. North Mex. St., i. 646, 668. 
Tlie Sta Fe presidio as reorganized was to have 1 capt. (the gov.) at a salary 
of $4,000, 2 lieut. at $700, 2 sergt. at $.350, 6 corp. at $300, and 68 sold, at 
f290; there was to be a lieut. -gov. at El Paso, with a salary of $1,000, and the 
30 vecinos auxiliaries at Robledo were to receive $15 per month for 10 years, 
to be armed like soldiers, to be free from cuartel duty, and finally to have 
land-grants. Bonilla, Apuntes, MS. , gives some particulars about the non-exe- 
cution of the reglamento and the orders following it. Antonio Mari'a Daroca 
was made lieut. -gov., but died soon from wounds received iuan Apache cam- 
paign; and was succeeded by Manuel Arrieta, and he by Narciso Muuiz. 

" Crespo (Fran. Ant.), Informe que hizo al virei/ el gobr. de Sonora acerca del 
descuhrimieitto de N. Mex. para Monterey, in JV. ilex.. Doc, MS., 802-23. 
The details pertain to Ariz, rather than N. Mex. The writer proposes a 
branch exped., after Anza's return from Cal., to the Colorado, that is, from the 
Mojave region to Moqui and N. Mex. This doc. is cited under a different 
title by Fernandez Duro, Not., 141, as in the Acad. Hist. He also cites Gar- 
ees, Diario desde N. Mej., d la Cal, which may be a ref. to Garces' journal of 
Anza's 1st trip, or of G.'s trip of 76 to N. Max., to be noticed later. On 
Anza's exped. of 74 and 76, see Hint. Cal., i. 220^, 257-78. 


upon for their views, and Padre Escalante developed 
much enthusiasm on the subject. In June 1775, or 
possibly 1774, he spent eight days in the Moqui towns, 
trying in vain to reach the Rio Grande de Cosninas 
beyond. In a report to the governor he gave a de- 
scription of the pueblos — where he found 7,494 souls, 
two thirds of them at Oraibe, in seven pueblos on three 
separate mesas — and his ideas of what should be done. 
He earnestly recommended — subsequently writing to 
his superior a long argument in support of his position 
— that the Moquis should be reduced by force of arms 
and a presidio established there. The Moquinos, he 
said, were well disposed, but their chiefs had deter- 
mined not to give up their power, not only keeping 
their own people from submission, but the Cosninas as 
well, who were eager to be Christians. As to the 
routes, Escalante thought from what he could learn 
by Indian reports that the way from Terrenate by 
the Gila and thence north to Zuni would not be very 
difficult; that the central route from the Colorado to 
Moqui would probably be found impracticable; but 
that the best of all was one leading from Monterey 
eastward in a nearly direct line to Santa Fe.''* 

Alas for the good padre's geographic theories! In 
1776, with a party of nine, including Padre Francisco 
Atanasio Dominguez, he attempted to reach Monterey 
from Santa Fe by the northern route. This tour be- 
longs mainly to the annals of Utah and Colorado, as 
recorded in other volumes. The explorers reached 
Utah Lake and thus accomplished results that should 
make their names famous ; but fortunateh' — else they 
would not have lived to tell the story — when on the 
approach of winter provisions became scarce and the 

^'Eicalaiife (Silvestre Velez), Infonme y Diai-io de la Entrada que enjmrio de 
1775 hizo en la prm. de Moijiii. MS., in N. Mex., Doc, 1022-57; also without 
title iu Id., 951-84. It is dated Oct. 28, 1775. The author has heard of 
some white men in the west before the founding of Monterey, and thus intro- 
duces the Northern Mystery, shipwrecked Spaniards, etc. Garces, Diario, 
362-4, alludes to a similar report — perhaps the same — written by Escalante 
on Aug. 18, 1775. Escalante, Carta de '7(> sohi-e Moqui, in N. Mex., Doc., MS,, 
985-1013, is the argument alluded to iu my text to prove the justice and 
policy of using force. 


natives showed no knowledge of Spaniards in the 
west, lots were cast, and fate decided tliat the journey 
to Monterey should be postponed. Accordingly, they 
returned south-eastward, forded the Colorado, came 
to tlie I\Ioqui towns, and returned to Santa Fe. The 
Moquinos, though furnishing food and shelter, would 
not receive presents. A meeting was held to discuss 
submission, but while willing to be friends of the 
Spaniards, the people proudly refused to be subjects 
or Christians, preferring to 'go with the majority' 
and be gentiles, as the traditions of their fathers 
du'ected them.^^ Not only did Escalante fail to 
■ demonstrate the merits of his favorite northern route, 
but earlier in the same year the central one was 
proved to be practicable; and this, so far as the 
Moqui question was concerned, was the only result 
of Anza's California expedition. Padre Francisco 
Garces, leaving Anza at the Gila junction, went up 
the Colorado to the Mojave region with a few Indian 
servants, and after making important exploitations in 
C."ilifornia started eastward for Moqui, which he 
reached without any special difficulty in July. The 
Moquis, however, would not admit him to their 
houses or receive his gifts, cared not for his painting 
of heaven and hell, and refused to kiss the image of 
Christ. After passing two nights in the court-j'ai'd 
he wrote a letter for the padre at Zuhi, returned in 
sorrow to the Yamajabs, or Mojaves, and went down 
the Colorado, finding his way to Bac in September. 
His was a wonderful trip, though not very eftective 
in respect of Moqui salvation."" 

'^^ Dominguez and Escalante, Diario y DeiTOtero,Vi'l&; also incomplete MS. 
copy in N. ilex.. Doc., 1729-50; and in Id., 831^2, a letter of Domingubz in 
'SO, giving a resume of the trip. See also JflUt. Utah and HUt. Colorado, this 
scries, with map. T!ie start was on July 29th, the arrival at Moqui Nov. 
lOth, and the return to Sta Fe Jan. 3, '77. The Coloiado was forded about 
on the Utah and Ariz, line, or at the corner of the four territories. 

^■' Garces {Francisco), Uiario y Derrotero que sijiiid. . .a los ptiehlos del Moqui 
de N. Mex., 1776. In Doc. IfUt. Mcx., 2d ser., i. 225 et seq., the Moqui trip 
being described on pp. 309-37. For some additional detail?, see chap. xvi. of 
this vol. on Ariz, history. The padre visited Oraibe, or Muca, and one other 
-pueblo, and he gives a good descrip. of the towns and people. He found a 


It was in 1776 that Lieutenant-colonel Antonio 
Bonilla, of Coahuila, embodied in a formal report, not 
only a resum^ of New Mexico's past history, but his 
A'iews as to what should be done to avert impending 
ruin. He believed that as a frontier outpost among 
gentile tribes who had now lost all the fear and respect 
inspired by the fii'st conquerors, and who themselves 
used fire-arms and horses, the holding of the province 
had an importance far beyond its direct value as a 
Spanish possession, since if it were lost the savage 
hordes would direct their whole force against Nueva 
Vizcaya and Sonora. Therefore a vigorous warfare 
should be waged by veteran troops from New Mexico 
as a centre. ^^ 

It was also in 1776-7 that the northern provinces 
of Mexico were organized as the Provincias Internas, 
under the Caballero de Croix as comandante general, 
independent of the viceroy. This change and the fol- 
lowing complications of the military and civil status 
of the various districts have but slight direct bearing 
on New Mexico, simply depriving the governor of his 
title of captain-general, and making him subordinate at 
times to the comandante general instead of the vice- 
roy, and they cannot be properly presented here in the 

Zufii Ind. who could speak Spanish, as could some of the Moquis. His letter 
to the Zuni padre of July 3d is copied in ^'. Mex., Doc, MS., 828-30. It 
does not appear that Escalante received it before starting on his northern 
trip. In Fernanda Duro, Not., 141, is cited a letter. Garces, Exped. desde 
Sta Fi a Cal, etc., in the Acad. Hist. 

'" Bonilla (Antonio), Aputites Bi^tdricoa sobre el N. Mex., 1776, MS. in N. 
Mex., Doc, 327-81; also as a preface to N. Mex., Cidulas, MS. Besides the 
sending of veteran troops, B. recommends as necessary measures the reforma- 
tion of Span, settlements i.i compact form, the organization of the militia, a 
garrison at Robledo without reducing the Sta F^ force, the execution of ex- 
isting orders respecting the Paso del Norte district, and more careful treat- 
ment of the Christian Ind., perhaps including measures of secularization to 
get rid of the friars. B. dil not favor the presidio at Taos, because he 
thought it better to spend money at present on active measures rather than 
ou ijermaneut estiblishments. 

Morfi, Viaje de Jndios y Diario del N. Mex., is misleading in its title. It 
is a diary of the visita of the Caballero de Croix in 77, but does not include N. 
Mex., at least as printed in Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d ser., iv. 305. In Nov. '77 
there was a fight with the Comanches and Apaches, who in one of their 
raids had killed 11 persons, and who now lost 30 killed and 40 horses. The 
gov. was ordered to make peace, if possible, with the Comanches, so as to use 
them against the Apaches. Arch. Sta Fe, MS.; MSS. in Pinart col. 


space at my command; yet, as they are iu a general 
sense an essential part of the history of all the northern 
regions, I refer the reader to the annals of Nueva Viz- 
caya and Sonora in the last quarter of the century, as 
compactly presented in another volume of this series.^^ 
Governor j\Iendinueta retired in March 1778, leav- 
ing Francisco Trebol Xavarro in command as acting 
governor ;'^ but before the end of the year a successor 
came, in the person of Lieutenant-colonel Juan Bautista 
de Anza, as political and military governor.^* Anza, 
whose Californian exjaeditions have been noticed, was 
a native of Sonora, a man of excellent ability and 
character, and of wide experience in Indian warfare. 
He seems to have proved in every way worthy of the 
Caballero de Croix's high esteem; yet with all his 
energy he effecter" but slight change for the better in 
New Mexican affairs. His first recorded enterprise 
was a campaign against the Comanches with a force 
of 645 men, including 85 soldiers and 259 Indians. 
His course was nortli and north-east for some 95 
leagues, and the result was the killing of Cuerno Verde, 
the famous Comanche chieftain, with four of his lead- 
ing sub-chiefs, his high-priest, his eldest son and heir, 
and 32 of his warriors."^ 

22 See Hist. North Mex. States, i. 636-9L 

2^ March 14, 78, Gov. Mendiimeta's iustnic. to his successor. MS. in the 
Pinart col. lud. affairs and care of the presidio horses demand chief atten- 
tion. There is no use in pursuing Ind., unless there is a possibility of catch- 
ing them. Pecos and Galisteo as frontier posts require special care. The 
Yutas have been at peace, and pains should be taken to keep them so, no at- 
tention being paid to petty offences. The Navajos are at peace, but are said 
to join the Gileuo Apaches in raids. No peace should be made with the 
Apaches, but always war. The Comanches should be drawn to peace, but 
never trusted, for their custom is to be at peace with Taos and at war with 
other parts. In the Arch. Sta Fi, MS., and Pinart col. are several minor 
commuu. of Croix and Kubio to the gov. on details of Ind. policy. In the 
same year P. Escalante writes very sensibly on Teguayo, which is the Yuta 
country, shown by ruins and pottery to have been once the home of pueblo 
Ind., the stories of white bearded men in the N. w. being proven false by E.'s 
late trip; also on Quivira, which is nothing more wonderful than the Panana, 
or Pawnee villages. Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d ser., iv. 124-6; Fernandez Dura, Not., 

2* Anza was appointed in June '77. Cidulario, MS., iii. 9. The date of his 
arrival does not appear; but he signs orders in Jan. and Feb. '79. Arch. Sta 
Fi, MS. One doc. seems to show him in com. iu June '78. Davis and Prince 
make his rule begin in '80. 

'^' An2a (Juan B.), Diario de la Expedicion Que sale d practicar contra la na- 


Back from this campaign, Governor Anza gave his 
attention to the Moquis. A failure of crops had re- 
duced that people to such straits that the time was 
deemed most favorable for their conversion, even 
Christianity being perhaps preferable to starvation. 
Many of them were said to have abandoned their 
towns to seek food in the mountains and among the 
Navajos, and these fugitives were reported as disposed 
to submit, though the others still preferred death. It 
was feared that if something were not done now all 
the Moquis might quit pueblo life and join the hostile 
gentiles. Anza wrote repeatedly to Croix on the 
prospects, enclosing letters from the padres, and ad- 
vising that an effort should be made either to establish 
missionaries at the towns, which would require some 
additional force, or to induce the natives to migrate 
en masse and settle in new pueblos nearer the Spanish 
centres. ^^ In reply, the comandante general did not 
favor the use of force, but advised that Anza on some 
pretext, as of an Apache campaign, should visit the 
Moquis, give them some food, and persuade them, if 
possible, to settle in New Mexico; otherwise the foun- 
dation might be laid for future conversion. The gov- 
ernor continued his efforts, and in August 1780 a 
message came that 40 families were ready to migrate 
if he would come in person to bring them. He started 
in September with padres Fernandez and Garcia, vis- 

cion Comancha, 1779, MS. In N. Mex., Doc, 861-922, preceded by Aiiza'a 
letter of Nov. 1st and Croix's letter o£ thanks Jan. 1, '80. The campaign 
was in Aug. -Sept. '79; 200 Yutas and Apaches joined the army as allies on 
the way; 30 women and children with 500 horses were captured. Names on 
the way and return above Taos, are Paso de S. Bartolome on the Rio del 
Norte, 15 1. from its source, C'ienega de S. Luis, Arroyo de S. Gines, Aguage 
de Yutas, Rio S. Agustin, Lomas Perdidas, Rio Sta Rosa, Sierra de Almagre, 
Arr. de Cristo, Rio Dolores, Rio Calebra, and Rio Ductil. 

^^Moqui, Prcrmlencias tornados a. conseruenria de hs myisos comunicados por 
Anza, 1779, in N. Mex., Doc, MS., 922-1022. Letters of Anza to Croix, Nov. 
1st, l3th, with a letter of P. Andres Garcia, who had made some vain efforts to 
find the Moqui fugitives among the Navajos; also E^calante's letters, already 
noticed, and Croix's reply of Dec. 31st. 

In connection with Anza's operations, Bernardo Miera y Pacheco, the same 
who had tried to manufacture cannon, and a member of the exploring party 
of Dominguez and Escalante, made two maps, covering all the settlements of 
N. Mex. in '79, which are preserved in the Acad. Hist, at Madrid, but which 
I have not seen. Fernandez Duro, Not., 143. 


iting all the towns, two of which were completely 
abandoned. The 40 families had been forced by hun- 
ger 15 days ago to go to the Navajo country, where 
the men had been killed and the women and children 
seized as slaves. Moqui affairs were indeed in a sad 
condition. Escalante in 1775 had found 7,494 souls; 
now there were but 798; no rain had fallen in three 
years, and in that time deaths had numbered 6,698. 
Of 30,000 sheep 300 remained, and there were but 
five horses and no cattle. Only 500 fanegas of maize 
and beans could be expected from the coming crop. 
Pestilence had aided famine in the deadly work; raids 
from the Yutas and Navajos had never ceased. There 
were those who believed their misfortunes a judgment 
for their treatment of Padre Garces in 1776. The 
chief at Oraibe was offered a load of provisions to re- 
lieve immediate wants, but he proudly declined the 
gift, as he had nothing to offer in return. He refused 
to listen to the friars, and in reply to Anza's exhorta- 
tions declared that as his nation was apparently 
doomed to annihilation, the few who remained were 
resolved to die in their homes and in their own faith. 
Yet his subjects were free to go and become Chris- 
tians if they chose to do so; and finally 30 families 
were induced to depart with the Spaniards, including 
the chief of Gualpi.^' I find no record as to what 
became of these converts, but I have an idea that 
with them and others, a little later, the pueblo of 
Moquino, in the Laguna region, may have been 

Not only among the Moquis did pestilence rage, 
but small-pox carried off 5,025 Indians of the mission 
pueblos in 1780-1; and in consequence of this loss of 
population. Governor Anza, by consolidation, reduced 
the number of missions, or of sinodos, to 20, a change 
which for the next decade provoked much protest on 

^'' Anz% Diariode la expedkion que haced lapromncia de Moqrd, 1780. Orig. 
MS. in the Pinart col. The start was ou Sept. 10th from Sta Fe, Zuni 17th, 

Moqui 20-ith, back at Sta Fe Oct. 1st. 


the part of the fiiars.^^ Pino, followed by other 
authors, gives 1783 as the elate of a long effective 
treaty with tiie Comanches; but as he mentions the 
defeat of Cuerno Verde in the same connection, this 
may be a reference to an earlier event. '•^'' In 1786 
Viceroy Galvez, in his instructions to General Ugarte, 
introduced a new Indian policy in the north, a policy 
of extermination, the main features of which were to 
be unrelenting warfare on all tribes to secure treaties, 
free trade and gifts to tribes at peace, the creation 
among the savages of needs that could be supplied only 
by the Spaniards, the distribution of guns and powder 
of inferior quality, the liberal use of spirituous liquors 
to demoralize the Apaches, and constant efforts to 
promote a war of extermination between the different 
tribes. Little or nothing appears respecting the 
carrying-out of this policy in New Mexico; but the 
instructions in some parts had special reference to 
that jarovince.^" 

" Anza's report of May 6, '81. Arch. Sta Fi, MS.; Sevilla Oigedo, Carta de 
1793, p. 443. 

"Fino,Exposidon, 39, 43; Id., Notkias, SIS; Velasco, Not. Estad. de Son., 
262; Davis' El Gringo, 82. Yet a mention of the campaign appears in the 
Oacela de Alex., i. 131-2. It may be that a treaty was made in '83 in conse- 
quence of the victory of '79. Davis, El Grinyo, 82-3, also describes a later 
battle of '85 with the Comanches at Rabbit Ear, the Span, leader being Lieut. 
Guerrero, aud the foe being so effectually defeated that they sued for peace 
and made a permanent treaty. I have found no original record of this affair. 

'■' Instruccionformadaenvirtud de real 6nlen, 17S6. See also Hist. North 
Mex. Stdies, i. 648. The N. Mex. troops were to be aided by settlers and 
Ind. ; movements were to be made, when possible, in conjunction with forces of 
N. Viz. and Sonora; all to be directed by the gov. ; hostilities between Apaches 
and Navajos to be promoted; the peace with Yutas to be scrupulously 
observed, and they to be used against the others; also peace with the Jica- 
riUas; Comanche offers of peace at Taos not to be rejected, but encouraged 
by trade; a report on the Moqui condition to be made. Oct. 6th, Gen. Ugarte 
to Anza, will devote $6,000 a year to the task of defeating the Gilenos and 
keeping peace with the Comanches, Yutas, and Navajos. Four hundred 
horses aud a large amount of stores were sent at the beginning of the year. 
A salary to be paid the Com. chiefs for their services. Oct. 25th, he com- 
plains that certain Navajos aided the Gilenos in an attack on Arizpe. Jan. 
17, 1787, Anza says that gentle measures with the Moquis have been successful 
and should be continued. Over 200 are content in their new homes. June 
13, 1789, Ugarte orders active operations against the Apaches during the rest 
of the year, with Comanche aid. July 4th, gov. reports a campaign in May, 
in which he killed 6 Apaches. Against orders he has consented to a truce 
with the Apaches at Tecolote who promise well, and will be watched, 
MSS. in Pinart col. Navajos reduced to peace in '88. Escudero, Not. <^hih., 
227. Ind. of N. Mex. at peace June '88, aco. to viceroy's report. (Java. 


Lieutenant-colonel Manuel Flon came from Spain 
in 1785 with a commission as governor, and started 
for New Mexico; but there are no indications that he 
ever assumed the office.^^ Anza's successor was Fer- 
nando de la Concha, who arrived after the middle of 
1789, and ruled for a full term of five years. ^■- Concha 
was succeeded in 1794 by Lieutenant-colonel Fernando 
Chacon, whose rule continued to the end of the cen- 
tury and later. ^^ For the last years of the period I 
find many items in the archives; but nearly all are of 
so trivial and unimportant a nature that they are not 
worth reproduction. They relate almost exclusively to 
Indian affairs, and seem to indicate that all the tribes 
were behaving tolerably well, except the Apaches, 
against whom constant warfare was waged, with re- 
sults not clearly shown by the records.^* 

Evidently not much had been effected in the way 
of general reform; for in the last decade we have from 
the pen of Padre Juan Agustin Morfi, not one of the 

Tres Siulos, iii. 77. About '90 a Comanche chief, Maya, put his son at 
school ill Sta Fe under Lieut. Troncoso. The son later became chief and a 
firm friend of tlie Spans. Pino, Expo., 38. 

"Gomez, Dkii-io, 214-16; Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 181. Flon's 
wife was a sister of the vireina; and he was later prominent in Mex. 

^^Aug. 10, '89, Gen. Bengel notifies Anza from El Paso that Concha is on 
the way to succeed him. Arch. Sta Fe, MS. Davis and Prince make his rule 
'88-93, and again in 1800. He was prob. appointed in '88. 

"^ July 21, 1794, Gen. Nava notified the Lent. -gov. at El Paso of Chacon's 
appointment and coming. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. 

^*In May 1793 there was a suspicious meeting of the Ind. at S. Ildefonso, 
leading to some arrests and long investigations. Nothing definite was proven, 
though half a dozea lud. were ilofrged or condemned to several months in 
chains. Arch. St i Fe, MS. Lieut. Fran. Javier de Uranga is named as lieut.- 
gov. at El Paso in 1794. Id. In Aug. 1795 Gen. Nava'ordered a gen. move- 
ment from Chih., Coahuila, and N. Mex. against the Apaches, to be made in 
Sept. -Nov. and again in the spring; no gandules to be spared. MS. of Piuart 
col. In July 1795 Gov. Chacon reports the Navajos as friendly to Span., 
foes to the Apaches, occupied in agric., fond of wearing jewelry an 1 speaking 
Span. — yet a spy is always kept among them to watch and report their plans. 
Arch. St.i Fi, MS. In Aug. Gen. Nava complains that of five Ind. killed 
the ears were not brought in as proofs, ' que e3 la practica que se observa en 
esta provincia.' Id. Lieut. Cauuelas sent with 160 men against Apaches, who 
had raided Alburquerque. Iil. In '96 the gov. 's inspection of Abiquiii and 
Sandia is preserved, mere formality, nothing of importance. Iil. In May 
1800 the gov. and 500 men made a campaign against the Apaches Navajos (?), 
20 chiefs appearing to make peace, giving up 28 animals. Another exped. of 
Lieut. Jose Manrique with 250 men to the sierras of S. Mateo and Magdalena 
recovered two animals. Gen. Nava in July complains that so little has been 
eflfected. MS. of Pinart col. 


New Mexican friars, an able presentment of the coun- 
try's ills similar to those alluded to by earlier writers. 
Chief among the evils to be remedied were the lack 
of order in Spanish settlements, the houses being 
scattered, and the settlers beyond the reach of law 
and religion, besides being- exposed to Indian raids ; a 
vicious system of trade, and absence of money, of which 
more will be said presently; the free admission of 
Spaniards and castas to live in the Indian pueblos, 
these penniless intruders generally succeeding in mak- 
ing the industrious native proprietors practically slaves 
through debt, or in driving them away to live among 
the gentiles, the remedy being to forbid the Spaniards 
to live in the pueblos or own property in them except 
by marriage ;^^ the oppressive tyranny of the alcaldes 
mayores, more fully noticed elsewhere in this chapter; 
and finally the unsettled and unfortunate status of 
the Genizaros, or rescued Indian captives.^® 

Before 1750, as recorded in the preceding chapter, 
the padres were charged by secular and ecclesiastic 
authorities with culpable neglect of their duties as 
missionaries, notably in their failure to acquire the 
native languages, or to speak Spanish to tJie Indians, 
the result being that their preaching and religious in- 
struction had no real effect, that the neophytes were 
Christians only in name, and that confession of sins 
through interpreters was generally postponed until 
the approach of death. While this matter did not in 
this half-century assume a controversial aspect, yet 
the charges are sustained by such evidence as exists. 
Bishop Tamaron in his visit of 1760 had occasion at 
many points to administer severe reproof; and the 

^■■A mulatto felt insulted because a pueblo Ind. wished to marry his 
daughter! This absurd pride of the castas and their assumed superiority 
over the natives should be discouraged. Ind. should not be allowed to sell or 
mortgage their lands. The laws on these matters are not observed. 

'"' Morfi (Juan AijusUn), Desdrdenes que se advierten en el N. ilex, y medios 
gtiesejuz(/anoportunosparamejorarsuconstitucion{179S). MS. iaN. Mex., Doc, 
381-450. P. Morfi declares that the New Mexicans are much worse off than 
before the coming of the Span, or than the Moquis who have retained their 


friars, while making various excuses for their remiss- 
ness, denying some of its worst results, and even 
promising reforms, did not claim the ability to com- 
municate with their neophytes, except through inter- 
preters. Charges of neglect in other matters, of 
oppressing the natives, of being frequently absent 
from their posts, and of undue fondness for trade are 
not supported by any evidence of this period.^^ 

It should be noted that the New Mexican missions 
were radically different from the Californian estab- 
lishments of later years. Practically, except in being- 
subject to their provincial and paid by the king, in- 
stead of being under the bishop and supported by 
parochial fees, these friars were mere parish priests in 
charge of Indian pueblos. There were no mission 
estates, no temporalities managed by the padres, and 
except in petty matters of religious observance the 
latter had no authority over the neophytes. At each 
pueblo the padre had a church, where he preached, 
and taught, and said mass. With the performance of 
these routine duties, rnd of those connected with bap- 
tism, marriage, and burials, he was generally content. 
The Indians, for the most part willingly, tilled a little 
piece of land for him, furnishing also a few servants 
from week to week for his household service and that 
of the church. He was in most instances a kind- 
hearted man, a friend of his Indians, spending much 
of his salary on them or on the church. If sometimes 
reproved by conscience for having lost something of 
the true Franciscan spirit, he redoubled his zeal in 
petty parish duties for a time, bethought him of ad- 

^' Tamaron, Fmto, MS., passim. The bishop offered to print co«/es 
in native lang. if the friars would write thejii. Some promises were made, 
and some later corresp. had, but nothing effected down to 1763. Nov. 13, 
1764, the viceroy orders Gov. Cachupin to see to it that the Ind. learn Span., 
and that the padres attend zealously to their duties. Recent reports indi- 
cated that the friars were not careful enough to destroy idols and heathen 
temples, or to study the native character. MS. of Pinart col. Bouilla, 
Apuiites, MS., 368-9, iu 1776 advises a careful investigation of the friars' 
treatment of Ind., with a view to learn if the missions shoul 1 not be secular- 
ized. In 1784 Gov. Anza was ordered to see to it that the Ind. were pro- 
tected in all their rights. Arch. SU Fe, MS. 


verse circumstances and of the 'custumbre del pafs,' 
and relapsed into the customary inertia. If reproved 
by the governor or bishop or provincial — for even the 
latter occasionally complained that the New Mexican 
friars were beyond his control — he had stored up in 
his memory no end of plausible excuses and counter- 
charges. The Indians were in no sense Cliristians, 
but they liked the padres in comparison with other 
Spaniards, and were willing to comply with certain 
harmless church formalities, which they neither under- 
stood nor cared to understand. They had lost all 
hope of successful revolt, but were devotedly attached 
to their homes and their ancestral ways of pueblo life; 
dreaded apostasy, because it involved a precarious 
existence among hostile tribes of savages ; and thus, as 
a choice of evils, they lived and died as nominal Chris- 
tians and Spanish subjects, or perhaps more properly 

'' Trirjo (Manuel de S. J. N.), Informs sohre las Misiones dd N. Mex., 1754, 
MS., in N. Mex. Doc, 283-326, is devoted mainly to unimportant descrip. 
matter on each mission, with particular ref. to the personal service rendered 
by the Ind. to the padres instead of ohvenciones, fees, or taxes. Many details 
of the mission routine are found in Miiiz {Joaquin de J. ), Gobierno de las Mi- 
slones, 1773, MS., in N. Mex., Doc, 1059-76; and also in Serrano, Informe, of 
'61. Humboldt, Ess. Pol., 305-6, gives some attention to the condition of 
the N. Mex. missions. Davis, S'pan. Conq., 416, notes a decree of the audien- 
cia of Mex in '81, prohibiting the Ind. from selling or otherwise disposing of 
their lauds. Ilzarbe, Informe del P. Provincial, 1787, MS., in P.nart col., 
complains somewhat of the difficulty of getting reports from the N. Mex. 
friars, but praises the efficiency with which they perform their duties as mis- 
sionaries and teachers. At Sta F^ the padre was supported by fees, elsewhere 
by tlie siuodos of §330 per year. I. says the reduction of the number of mis- 
sions or of salaries is a wrong to the friars, and interferes considerably with 
mission discipline. His complaints are more strongly urged in his Eslado of 
1788; and the bishop, Duranjo, Informe del Obispo sohre Misiones, 1789, MS. 
of Pinart col., declares it has been impossible to get satisfactory reports from 
the N. Mex. custodio. Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, in his VaHa de 1703, 443, etc., 
gives much information on the condition and management of the missions. 
The pneblo is ruled in local matters by a native gov., or alcalde, war captain, 
and various subordinates elected each year under the supervision of the 
alcalde mayor, with approval of the gov. These officials also reader aid 
against the gentile foe. In internal affairs they often act arbitrarily. There 
is no community property or formal distribution of lands, each fara. regarding 
as its own the laud held by its ancestors, cultivating it ace. to needs or fancies; 
yet as the pueblo lands are the best, the lad. got a living more easily than the 
Span., the latter having sometimes to rent land of the Ind., or even to work 
for tham in bad years. Good crops and much live-stock. The Ind. do not 
generally dress in Span, style or sp jak Spanish, though many of them under- 
stand it. They hunt deer and buffalo, or barter for them with the gentiles. 
No brotherhoods or cofradias; churches generally in a state of decadence; 


Countercharges of the friars against the governors 
and alcaldes mayores, as embodied in Padre Delgado's 
letter of 1750, were repeated in this period, especially 
in an exhaustive report of the provincial. Padre Pedro 
Serrano, in 1761, which included long quotations from 
a letter of Padre Varo, the custodio, and from state- 
ments of other friars. The last governors, Cachupin, 
Marin del Valle, and Mendoza, are represented as the 
worst, but all as speculating tyrants, without skill or 
experience in matters of Indian warfare or government, 
habitually sending to Mexico reports of campaigns 
never performed, bent only on enriching themselves, 
treating the pueblo Indians most inhumanly as slaves, 
using their women and all female captives for the 
gratification of their lusts, cheating the gentiles, and 
by outrageous treatment keeping alive their hostility. 
The alcaldes are mere tools or accomplices of the gov- 
ernors, and jueces de residencia are also in the ring of 
oppressors. The Indians are the chief victims of these 
rascals; but the Spanish settlers are hardly less unfor- 
tunate, and even the soldiers are cheated out of half 
their pay. The padres are the objects of hatred, and 
if they open their mouths in protest are by perjured 
and suborned testimony made the victims of outra- 
geous calumnies, their reports to Mexico being inter- 
cepted on the way. The partisan bitterness and 
prejudice of the writers, with their allusions to oftences, 
terrible only in the eyes of friars, and the sicken- 
ing cant and priestly verbiage in which they clothe 
their charges, indicate clearly enough that the accusa- 
tions are too sweeping, and often grossly over-colored; 
yet enough of candor and honest evidence remains to 

Ind. ignorant of the faith. Tlie child is baptized, but does not keep his bap- 
tismal name; he attends doctrina from the age of 6 or 7 years, but soon for- 
gets after marriage the little he has learned, and dies for the most part like 
the pagans. The Span, are but little better. The Arch. Sta Ft; MS., contains 
records of various formal inspections of the missions by the gov. , who finds 
afifairs in tolerable condition, though the Ind. are much too foud of their old 
ways. Gov. Chacon, in his report of '99, says each pueblo has I league of 
land assigned, though at some pueblos more is cultivated. We have seen, 
however, that in the preceding century 4 sq. 1. had been assigned to some of 
the pueblos. 


justify the conclusion that New Mexican affairs were 
in a sad plight, and that the pueblo Indians were little 
better than slaves. With all their shortcomings, the 
padres were better men than their enemies. After 
1761 not much is heard against the governors, though 
the friars were not able to prevent the reappointment 
of Cachupin. Probably there were reforms in some 
directions under the later rulers; but if we may credit 
Padre Morfi's statements, the condition of the Indians 
was but slightly bettered, since the alcaldes mayores, 
through the creation of debts, a vicious commercial 
system, and various abuses of their official authority, 
still kept the natives in their power as before.^'' 

^^ Serrano {Pedro), Informe del P. Provincial sobre los males de N. Mex., 
1701, MS., i:i jV. Mex., Doc., 173-28.3, addressed to the viceroy and founded 
o:\ various reports in the archives. One ot these reports is Lezaun {Juan Sam), 
Kotiri'i.i hi"cnt'il,leK ncaecidas en la K. Mex., y airasos que cada dia se experi- 
ment",! ..vv -/( A. L'spiritual como en lo temporal, 1760, MS. in/(/., 128-73. A 
soinuwhiit iniir ■ tuiiiperate and later statement of the case is 3Io)-Ji {Juan 
A./ii.^tin), /'. ^.., -/./«.-,■ que se advierten en el N. Mex., 1792, MS. in Id., 381-450. 

I gi\\i a lew details of the accusations, but have no space for most. Eighty 
padres have lost their lives in N. Max.; yet, by the governor's fault, little has 
beju accomplished. At Zuui 4,000 Ind. live without religion, the single padre 
expecting death, and the gov. refuses an ejcort. The gov. and his friends 
interrupt padres during divine service, declariag the king to be the pope's 
ecpial, entering church on horseback after accused persons or even friars, 
often tlireatening to put padres in chains. In '50 the gov. forbade the issu- 
ance of any certificates to friars, so that they can send no reports; before that 
timj reports were doubtless stolen on the way, except a few sent by returning 
padres. The gov. had threatened to turn out all the padres and substitute 
Jesuits or Franciscans of Zacatecas. The gov. collect., all the wool he can, 
and divides it among the jjueblos for spinning and weaving, and tlie Ind. have 
to transport the product to Sta Fe. All agric. work, shelling and grinding 
corn, buil.iing, tending stock, etc., must be done by the Ind. without pay; 
and the slight product of his own fields must be sold on credit, to be paid for 
at half-price in gimcracks. The cream of all barter with the gentiles is taken 
by the gov., and the people have to live on what is left. Girl captives are 
resold after a time, with the recommendation, ' que ya estan buenas; ' the best- 
looking women are selected for service at the palacio, and usually return to 
their pueblo enceinte. Many Ind. refuse to marry because ashamed of their 
wives having children of light color. When anything is accomplished against 
the gentiles ib i.i by vecinos, not the soldiers. Militiamen are selected, not for 
military sei-viee, but as cheap servants of the gov. Once the gov. sold all the 
pow.ler and Ijft the militia without any. The artillery at G-alisteo was dis- 
mounted, and the iron made iuto implements for trade with the Ind. Morfi 
telU us that the alcaldes mayores are rarely of Span, blood, the most ignorant 
and vicitius of all the inhabitants. They rarely visit the towns under their 
charge, requiring all they need to be brought to them. They are the only 
ones who trade with the pueblo Ind., and get all their property for little or 
nothing. Few girls escape infamy. Tlie worst of the gang have been C'le- 
mente Gutierrez, Fran. Trebol (once acting gov.), Baltasar Vaca, Pedro Pino, 
Nerio Montoya, Manuel Vigil, Oris. Vigil, and Jo3t5 Mig. de la Peua. Mar- 
HisT. Akiz. and N. Mex. 18 


The population of pueblo Indians decreased by 
about 2,400 during these 50 years, local particulars 
and approximately exact figures being presented in 
the final note of this chapter. Of mission history 
proper in addition to what has been given in other 
connections, there is little to be said. In 1767 the 
four establishments of Santa Fe, La Canada, Albur- 
querque, and El Paso were ordered to be put under 
secular curates, and this was perhaps done, thougli 
later records seem to indicate that friars were still 
stationed at those places. The founding of a mission- 
ary college was ordered by the king and pope in 
1777-9, but nothing was accomplished. In conse- 
quence of the small-pox epidemic of 1780-1, as we 
have seen, the number of missions was reduced 
by consolidation in 1782, Jemes, Santa Ana, Acoma, 
Nambe, Tesuque, Pecos, San Felipe, and San Ilde- 
fonso being reduced to the condition of visitas, a 
saving of about $4,000 in sinodos being thus effected. 
The friars were naturally displeased, and down to the 
end of the century were constant in their efforts to 
obtain an increase of missionaries, or of salaries, or 
the privilege of collecting parochial taxes, but without 
success. In addition to some references and particu- 
lars of these and other matters, I give in the ap- 
pended note a list of friars serving in 1751-1800, 
including all the names I have found in the various 
documents consulted, but doubtless far from being 

tinez (Damian), Carta al P. Morji, 1792, MS., in N. Mex.., Doc., 450-S3, con- 
tains many of the items on which Morfl's report rests, anil also considerable 
information on minerals, etc., of the province. 

*'' Santiago Roybal was still vicar and juez ecles. in '56, and apparently in 
'60. MS. of Pinart col. ; Tamaron Vislta, MS. Ace. to an article in the Soc. 
Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ep., i. 571-2, the 6 doctrinas of the EI Paso district 
were secularized in '56, but the curates were replaced by friars again in '71. 
The secularization orders of '67 for the 3 villas and El Paso appear in original 
communications of the viceroy and com. geu. de Indias in July of that year. 
MS. of Pinart col. The expense of supporting the friars in '76 was 10,473 
pesos per year. Rcvilli Gi'jedo, Carta, 442. Pino, Exposicion, 35-6, cites a 
royal order of June 30, '77, and a pope's brief of Nov. 17, '79, for the mission- 
ary college. He says a convent was built and lands were assigned, but noth- 
ing more done down to 1812. Croix in '77 or '78 asked the king to employ 
Zacatecau friars in N. Mex., ace. to the bishop's statement of '91. MS. of 


New Mexican industries were agriculture, stock- 
raising, and barter. There was no mining, thougli 
occasional indications of mineral wealth were found. 
Manufactures, beyond the preparation of skins for 
home use or a southern market, the weaving of cot- 
ton in small quantities at a few pueblos, and the 
making of pottery at others, were confined to the 
fabrication of coarse woollen blankets by the pueblo 
Indians. Agricultural products, chielly from irrigated 

Pinaxt col. In '81 Gov. Anza by Croix's order distributed to the other estab. 
the sacred vessels, etc., that had been provided for the Navajo missions. 
Ardi. Sta Fe, MS. Revilla Gigedo, CaHa de '93, p. 44.'?, gives most particu- 
lars aliout the dissatisfaction of the padres with the reduction of missions 
for '82; but in the Arch. Sta Fi, MS., is a record of troubles at Sta Clara and 
S. Ildefonso, where the padre objected to serving both places because the river 
flowing between them was often not fordable, and because Sto Domingo and 
Cochiti', though nearer together and on the same side of the river, had not 
beeu united, on account of the gov. 's unfair favoritism to the padre there. 
There was more controversy in '80. 1790, petition for a vicario castrense and 
juez ecles. in N. Mex. Id. In '91 there was an order for an examin. of all 
doctrineros for the position of curate; but the bishop writes that in N. Mex. 
there are no examiners but the padres to be examined; besides, the order is 
contrary to law. MS. of Pinart col. 

Alphabetical list of friars serving in N. Mex. in 1750-1800: PP. Manuel 
Isidoro Abadiano before '61. Rafael Benavides at Zufii '88. Bias Benitez at 
Alburquerque '83. Juan Bermejo Nunez, chaplain at Sta Fe and cust. from 
'82. (Andres B. before '61 and Jose B. at Abiquiu in '88 may be dififerent 
men. ) Cayetano Jos^ Ign. Bernal at Isleta '82, at Seuecii '88. Jose Bilchis 
at Taos '88. Francisco Bueno at Canada '88. Fran, de Burgos at Sandia '88. 
(Manuel de B. of '65-70, perhaps the same.) Ant. Caballero at Cochiti '82, 
Alburquerque '88. Cris. Calvo before '61. Ant. Campos at El Paso '88. 
Jacobo Castro, custodio '55. Ant. Cenizo at Cochiti '88. Jos(5 Corral at 
Laguna '88. Patricio Cuellar '65-70. Fran. Javier DAvila at Picuries '82. 
Fran. Atanasio Dominguez, visitador '70-6, at Cia '88. Fran. Duenas at Sta 
Clara '88. Silvestre Velez Escalaute at Zuni '74-8. Ign. Estarrona before 
'01. Sebastian Fernandez '80, at Cochiti '88. Tomas Salv. Fernandez at 
Acoma '82. Ant. Galfarzozo at Sta Fe '88. Andres Garcia '65-70, at Zuni 
'79-80. (Angel Garcia perhaps the same.) Fernando Ant. Gomez, sec. '75. 
Ramon Ant. Gonzalez at Sta Clara '82, at S Juan '88. Ambrosio Guerra 
at Pujuaque '88. Juan Jos^ Hernandez before '61. Hezio, see 'Osio.' 
Agustin Ant. Iniestra '65-70. Juan Jose Inojosa, cust. '71. Joaquin Jerez. 
Jose Junguera at S. Juan '62. Diego ilufloz Jurado at Abiquid' 82, at Sta 
Clara '88. Juan Labora before '01. Gabriel Lago at Pujuaqiie '88. Juan 
Sans de Lezauu '61. Fran, iilariiio. Dan. Martinez at Zuni and El Paso 
before '92. Jose Medrauo at Sto Domingo '82. Juan Miguel Menchero 
'52-71. Diego Muuoz at Picuries '88. Tomas Mureiano. Fran. Ojio at Sta 
Fe '82, Taos '88, custodio '98. Juan Jose Oronzo from '32, at Laguna '60 
(called also Orontaro). Jose Paez before 'Gl. Jose Palacios at Laguna '82. 
Pedro Ign. Pino at Acoma '60. Jose Prado El Paso dist. '88. Gabriel 
Quintana '65-70. Manuel Rojo at Alburquerque '00. Joaquin Rodriguez. 
Mariano Rosete at Isleta '88. Fran. Sanchez before '61. Santiago Fernan- 
dez de la Sierra at Sta Clara and S. Juan '82-8. Juan Jose Toledo at AbiquiiJ 
'00-6. Mariano Rodriguez de la Torre '55-70, vice-cust. '70-1, '76, cust. 
'75. Manuel de S. Juan N. Trigo, vice-cust. '51-61. Tomas Valencia at 
S. Felipe '00. Manuel Vega at Zuiii '88. 


lands, were maize, wheat, and beans in the north, or 
New Mexico proper, with a little cotton, fruits for 
home consumption, and an inferior species of tobacco 
known as punche; while the southern district of El 
Paso was famous for its fruit orchards, vineyards, 
wine, and aguardiente. Of live-stock, sheep formed 
the chief element, these animals being raised in large 
numbers, both for their wool and meat, though there 
are no reliable statistics extant. Horses and cattle 
were also raised, but the former were alwaj-s scarce 
in the province on account of the numbers sold to 
and stolen by the wild Indians. I find no definite 
indications that cattle were raised to any great extent 
for their hides and tallow. 

But all was subordinate to the commercial indus- 
try,*^ and all trade was cambalache, or barter. Each 

*' Nov. '54, Gov. Valle orders that the price of a horse be fixed at 12 to 
15 skins; or a piece of cotton cloth weighing 10 arrobas for 2 pack-horses, or 
an iron knife for a skin. A rck. Sta Fe, MS. No mares, mules, asses, or offens- 
ive weapons to be sold the Ind. Id. Bishop Tamaron, Vi-ila, MS., 99-100, 
151, gives some account of the annual caravans, and notes that the one of '00 
was attacked by Ind. lietween EI Paso and Chih., losing their horses. Mar- 
tinez, Carta, MS., 473-7, gives many details of trade. He notes that in Gov. 
Cachupiu's time fine gold was assayed, but no mines worked; also silver, cop- 
per, and quicksilver. In Gov. Mendinueta's time a ball of fine silver was 
found. In '67 the gov. objecteil to the viceroy's proposition to enforce the 
tobacco estanco, as very little real tobacco was used in N. Mex., only punclie, 
and by the Ind. a leaf called maia: yet in '76 the eskinco was ordered to be 
enforced, and the jjlanting of ptiiic/te prohibited. MS. of Pinart col. In 
Domenech's Deserts, i. 1S2-3, Wizlizenus Tour, 25, are found more or less 
absurd rumors of an earlier exportation of gold and silver to Spain, with re- 
l>nit-; til It till, i.iiii Qiiivira ruins represented a former mining city, where 
til. ;! . ' . Lttacked by Ind., buried an immense amount of treasure, 

to h I ^ ' expeditions were made later. This is all humbug. Oct. 

14. 7', _^"\ . til 111 Is citizens of any class to visit the Yutas for trade. MS. in 
Piiiait col. Bonilln, Apuntes, MS., contains some commercial matter. Sept. 
'77, Gen. Croix refuses to abolish the 2 per cent tax on exports, on the ground 
that it is simply added to prices, and is therefore borne by the Chih. traders. 
Arc/i. Sta Fe, MS. Oct. 25, '88, Gen. Ugarte makes a long report on N. Mex. 
trade, recommending the encouragement of Chih. industries, now being 
abandoned on account of the decadence of mining; also the sending of artisan 
instructors to N. Mi\., exemption from taxes, etc., so as to increase nianuf. 
and give the prov. a balance of money. /(/. In Aug. '89 M. Louis Blanc, com. 
at Natchidoches, writes to Gen. Ugarte, urging the opening of trade bet. N. 
Mex. and Louisiana, by establishing a presidio among the Jumanas. This 
would prevent smuggling and tend to keep the peace with Ind. tribes like 
the Osages. The journey with freight was only 40 days, through a fertile 
country. Pierre Vial and a party had recently made the trip. Gen. U. sends 
the letter to Gov. Concha for his consideration and report. Id. A little 
money after '98. Pino, Not., 64. Slight ment. of N. Mex. resources in 
Aiiqiietil's Uhic. Hist., ix. 560. Morji, Desordeiies, MS., contains the best 


year in July or August the people met the Comanches 
and other tribes of the plains at Taos, where a grand 
fair was held. Some trade was done at other frontier 
points, and also by citizens and pueblo Indians, who 
went out in various directions to meet customers, but 
this was discouraged and at times forbidden. To this 
fair the wandering gentiles brought skins of deer and 
buffalo, with Indian captives to barter for knives and 
other iron implements, horses, beads, and trinkets, 
and to some extent blankets. At the end of the year the 
New Mexicans went in caravans, sometimes of 500 
men, to attend the January fair at Chihuahua, where 
they exchanged the skins, Indian servants, blankets, 
and to slight extent other products of the province for 
cloths, groceries, and various articles for the year's 
Indian trade. The value of each year's exports was 
estimated by the comandante general in 1788 at 
$30,000. The departure and return of the caravan 
were the great events of the year. In 1776 the gov- 
ernor delayed the publication of an important bando 
till the people had returned from their 'ordinaria an- 
ual salida;' and the provincial in 1788 explains the 
impossibility of obtaining reports from New Mexico 
until the people come down to the Januaiy fair. 
There was no trade as yet with the French in Louis- 
iana, or with the Spaniards in Texas. There was no 
coin or other money in New Mexico, but the traders 
for their accounts invented a system of imaginary cur- 
rency, including four kinds of dollars — pesos de plata, 
worth eight reales; pesos de proyecio, six reales; pesos 
antiguos, four reales ; and pesos de la tierra, two reales. 

geaeral presentment of the country's commercial condition and needs, ex- 
plaining the system of imaginary money, ami giving instances of enormous 
profits. Kevilla Gigedo, Carta de ^93, 444, gives this picture of the general 
condition: 'No sou mejores [in comp. vpitli the lud.] respectivamente las cos- 
tumbrea de los %-ecino3 espaiioles y demas castas, cuyas poblaciones consisteu 
en casas d ranches disperses, donde no tieneu testigos que descubran los vieios 
y la disolucion en que se prostituyen, imitando a los iudios en la vida ociosa, y 

:duciendose todos sus afanes y comercio a la permuta usuraria de semillas 
y frutos, y a la venta que hacen ellos en la villa de Chihuahua, adonde bajan 
eu cordon cada ano y se proveen de los generos, efectos, y uteusilios para sus 
vestuarios, atenciones domisticas, y labores del campo.' 


The buauty of this system -^-as that the traders al- 
ways bought for the cheap pesos and sold for the 
dearer kinds, all being 'dollars' to the Indians. 
Profits were enormous, a trader by two or three bar- 
ters ill a year often getting $64 for a piece of cloth 
Avhich cost hiiii six. Advantage was also taken of the 
Indians' weakness for baubles and ignorance of their 
real value. Sehor Trebol bought a guacamuya, or 
macaw, for eight dollars, and sold the gay feathers for 
$492. Another system of swindling commerce was the 
habitual selling of goods to be paid for in future pro- 
ducts. Thus, for a little seed grain six fanegas at har- 
vest were promised ; or for a bottle of brandy in holy 
week a barrel was exacted. The natives through 
debt became practically slaves, besides losing their 
land, and the poor settlers were hardly less the vic- 
tims of commercial op])ression. While the settlers and 
f)ueblo Indians were always in debt to the traders, the 
after in turn were debtors to or agents for Chihua- 
hua merchants, who thus monopolized all the profits, 
and nothing was left for New Mexico, except for cer- 
tain traders, who as alcaldes may ores utilized their 
political authority for private gain. Padre Morfi's 
proposed remedy for tliese evils was the encourage- 
ment of home manufactures by sending artisan teachers 
and machinery to the province, with a view to render 
the inhabitants independent of Chihuahua. His plan 
was to send criminals of the better class, whose offences 
were chiefly due to drink and the temptations of a 
city, from Mexico to the far north, and through them 
to reform the New Mexican industrial system. This 
expedient was tried in California later without any 
brilliant success. 

The population in 1750 has been given as 3,779 
Spaniards and 12,142 pueblo Indians, a total of 
15,921 in New Mexico proper, or 18,721 including 
the district of El Paso. In 17G0 official reports show 
that the number of Spaniards had increased to 7,666, 


that of Indians decreased to 9,104, and the total was 
16770, or 21,752 including El Paso. Down to 1788 
there was slight change in the figures, but in the final 
decade there was an inexplicable doubling of the 
Spanish population ; and at the end of the century 
the figures stood as follows: Spaniards, including of 
course the castas or negroes and mixed breeds, 18,826, 
Indians 9,732, total 28,558, or, including El Paso, 
34,138. Details are shown to best advantage in the 
appended table, though some of the figures are con- 
fusing, in consequence of varied groupings of the 
pueblos in the different reports. I also add some 
local items not given in the table.*^ 

"Table of population in N. Mex., 1750-1800: 
















Santa Fi 

La I'afiada 



■ 1« 

' ' 222 



































■ 84 



■ ■ is 


' 176 














Santa Clara 

San Ildefonso 




Pecos and Galisteo. 

Coehiti. . 

Santo Domingo 

San Felipe 



Santa Ana 

Sandia (Alameda) . 
Isleta, Tom«, Belen. 





El Paso district. . . 




16,1.56 9,275 
3,622 1 1,900 

16,065 1 10,762 



Grand Total ... 




19,778 1 11,175 



T!ie 5 reports embodied in the table are as follows: Tamaron, Visits, 17G0, 
MS., in which the bishop expresses the opinion that the padron of Sta Fe does 
not show more than half the real pop. ; Ilzarbe (Joa/juiii), Estado de Im Mi- 
sione.1. 178S, MS., in Pinart col., the writer — provincial of the Sto Evangelio 
province — stating that there were 18 missions (the omissions in his list as per 
table showing the consolidation effected byAnza), 11 annexes, 24 padres (who 

ed), 5,508 fam., and for the year 1,254 baptisms, 438 



647 deaths, this author making no distinction of races; EevilLi Gijedo, Carta 


de 1793, sobre misiones, 441-2, also MS., the viceroy giving the latitude of 
each settlement and the tribe inhabiting it, and being followed in his statis- 
tics by Humboldt, Essai Pol., 57, and through H. by several others; the 
report of the custodio, P. Fran. Oslo (called Hezio), for '98, as given in 
Meline's 2,000 Miles, 208-9, the totals as printed and followed by Prince, Hist. 
Si: , 227, being apparently erroneous, the report including also the totals for 
'96, Span. 14,167, Ind. 9,453; also baptisms for '96-8, Ind. 708, Span. 1,283; 
marriages, Ind. 170, Span. 226; deaths, Ind. 469, Span. 522; and finally. Gov. 
Chacon's report of '99, in Meline's S, 000 Miles, 220, this doc. giving only the 
totals for each jurisdiction. 

A doc. of '90, Arch. Stn Fe, MS., gives the total pop. as 30,955, and adds 
' que por los enlaces que hau tenido uuos con otros, a penas se hallan indivi- 
duos que no sean parientes.' In '94 Gov. Chacon gave the pop. as follows: 

Men. Women. Boys. Girls. Total. 

Span 7,502 5,912 2,153 1,763 17,330 

Ind 4,343 4,267 1,539 1,219 11,368 

Castas 1,941 1,601 792 1,224 5,558 

13,786 11,780 4,484 4,206 34,256 

In '93 a similar statement is given, the figures varying but slightly from the 
above, and the grand total being 34,201. The cristas, I think, cannot here 
include the mixed Span, and Ind., but perhaps negro mixtures. There were 
but very few full-blooded Span. Arch. Sta F6, MS. In Lnfora, Vinge, the 
pop. for '66 in 37 settlements of 15 nations is given as 10,524 Span, and 9,580 
Ind., including El Paso. The extent of N. Slex. is given by Lafora as lat. 
32° to 38°; long. 258° to 284° from TeneriflFe; and by R^villa Gigedo as lat. 34° 
to 37^°; long. 238° to 274° The jurisdictions, or districts, as given ia the 
Arch. Sta Fe, MS., in '93-4, were Sta Fe, Canada, Alburquerqne, Queres; 
Zuni, Laguna, and Aooma: and El Paso. No. 1, 2, 3, and 6 are the same ia 
all reports, but the others vary. Revilla Gigedo gives Taos, S. Felipe, Queres, 
Sandia, Laguna, and Zuni. Gov. Chacon in '99 gives Alameda (Sandia), Tao3, 
Jemes (Queres ?), Laguna, and Zani. In iV. Espai'ia, Breve Hesiimeii, MS., ii. 
321-2; and in Vixr/ero Uiiin., xxvii. 144-52, are brief descrip. and historic 
sketches of N. Mex. for '67 and '99 respectively. 

Local items in addition to pop. as given in the table: Abiquiii (Sto Tomas), 
a pueblo of genfzaros, or rescued captives, yet having a large Span. pop. It 
was in the jurisd. of La Canada. In 1771 the citizens wished to abandon the 
place, but Gov. Mendinueta, through the alcalde mayor, Marcos Sanchez, for- 
bade it, as all danger from the Comanches was past. The pop. of this and 
other settlements includes that of scattered ranchos in the vicinity. In '88 
there were 54 baptisms, 10 marriages, and 17 deaths. 

Aooma (S. Estevan), pueblo of Queres Ind., but with a few Span, in the 
last decade; a visita of Laguna in '88, and prob. had no padre later. 

Alburquerqne (S. Felipe Neri), villa of Span., with a friar acting as curate, 
and a vicar appointed by the bishop ia '60. Militia force SO in '66. Though 
nominally a villa, it was scattered many leagues up and down the valley, the 
people living on their ranchos, chiefly at the Alameda, and only coming to the 
town on Sundays. Two padres in '88; bapt. 89, marr. 21, deaths 26. In '6J 
the bi.ihop confirmed 732. 

Belen, Span, settlement of 38 fam. in '66, included in pop. with Isleta. A 
consiilerable number of genizaro fam. lived here also, and at the settlement of 
Tome, near by, 60 in all in '92, having much trouble with the Span., who, like 
the Christian Ind., looked down upon these sons of gentiles. They wished to 
form a pueblo at Sabinal, but did not succeed. 

Canada (Sta Cruz de la), largest of the Span, villas, 1,517 confirmations in 
'60, and a vicar appointed; 97 bapt., 23 marr., 35 deaths in '88, when P. 
Fran. Bueno was in charge. 

CeboUeta. in the Laguna region, abandoned Navajo mission; a few Nava- 
jo3 and Apachea were still living in a rancheria in the vicinity. 


Cia (Asuncion), mission of Queres, with Jeraes acd Sta Aixa as visitas 
after '82; 9J bapt., 32 marr., 5G deaths in '88. 

Cochiti (S. Buenaventura), pueblo of Queres, visita of Sto Domingo after 

Cubero, or Covero, pueblo iii the Laguna region, not mentioned in this half- 
century; prob. abandoned. 

Galisteo, visita of Pecos, with 255 Ind. in 'GO; not mentioned in later re- 
ports; prolj. abandoned. 

Isleta (S. Agustin), mission pueblo of Tehuas(?), whose pac're had charge 
of Belenand Tome; bapt. 74, marr. 25, ileaths 31 in '88. 

Jemes (S. Diego), pueblo of Jemes, Pecos la.ig., a visita of Cia after '82. 

Laguna (S. Jose), mission of Queres, with some fam. of half- nou verted Na- 
vajos and Apaches in vicinity; had Acoma as a visita after '82; bapt. 33, 
marr. 2-i, deaths 12 in '88. 

Moquino, pueblo of the Laguna region, not mentioned in this period, but 
perhaps estab. with Moqui fam. now or a little later. 

Nambe (S. Fran.), pueblo of Tehuas, visita of Pujuaque after '82. 

Pecos (Los Angeles), visita of Sta Fe, and rapidly declining in pop. 

Picuries (S. Lorenzo), mission with many Spaa, settlers in the vicinity; 
bapt. 15, marr. 6, deaths 8 in '88. 

Pujuaque (Guadalupe), i^ueblo of Tehuas, visita of Nambe in '60, but 
after '82 mission with visitas of N. and Tesuque; 2 padres in '88; bapt. 42, 
marr. 13, deaths 14. 

S. Felipe, mission of Queres; visita of Sto Domingo after '82. 

S. ndefonso, mission of Tehuas; visita of Sta Ana after '82. 

S. Juan de los Caballeros, mission of Tehuas, with many Span, in the vi- 
cinity; 2 padres in '88; bapt. 16, marr. 19, deaths 25. 

S. Rafael de los G-entiles, 15 settlers of this place, location not given, pe- 
titioned for and obtained in '65 arms to defend themselves. 

Sandia (Asumpciou or Dolores), mission of 96 Tehuas (?) and 196 Moquis 
in '60; bapt. 57, marr. 27, deaths 18 in '88. 

Sta Ana, pueblo of Queres, had a padre in '60; visita of Cii after '82. 

Sta Clara, mission of Tehuas, with S. Ildefonso as visita after '82; bapt. 
66, marr. 22, deaths 98 in '88. 

Sto Domingo, mission of Queres, called Sto Dom. de Cochiti after '82; with 
S. Felipe and S. Buen. (Cochiti) as visitas; bapt. 124, marr. 25, deaths 31 
in '88, having 2 padres. 

Sta Fe, capital villa, with garrison of 80 soldiers, but no fortifications; 2 
padres, 1 acting as vice-custodio( the custodio generally living at El Paso), and 
a secular priest paid by tithes; 2 churches and another almost completed in 
'60, built by Gov. Marin del Valle. Pop. 2,324 in '66. Lafom. In '88 Gen. 
Ugarte approved Gov. Concha's project of reforming the villa and building a 
cuartel, or presidio, $2,000 being assigned for the work. There had been some 
talk of building the cuartel at the suburb of Analco, and even of moving the 
villa to Sto Domingo, though both vecinos and Ind. objected. The gov. was 
authorized to use his judgment, and the villa was not moved. Arch. Sta Fe, 

Taos (S. Gerdnimo), mission pueblo, with a large Span. pop. on ranches in 
the vicinity; 2 padres in '88; bapt. 65, marr. 43, deaths 41. Taos was the 
great trading reddezvous for the trfbes of the plains; and, as we have seen, 
several bloody fights took place in that region during the half-century. 

Tesuque (S. Diego), pueblo of Tehuas; visita of Sta Fe in '60, and of Pu- 
juaque after '82. 

■rome (Concepcion), settlement of Span, and genizaros; 70 vecinos in '66; 
402 confirm, in '60; had a good church under padre of Isleta or Alburquerque. 

Zuni (Guadalupe), mission pueblo of many Ind., though a large part of the 
pop. was usually scattered; 2 padres in '88, bapt. 33, marr. 23, deaths 47. 
In '90, with its 5 ranches, had a pop. of 1.121. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. 

El Paso (Nra Sra del Pilar y S. Jose), presidio aad later town, with 2 
friars and 2 priests; captain and alcalde mayor, later li3ut.-g»v. El Paso waa 


famous for its vineyards and orchards; and except the raids of hostile gen- 
tiles, its chief concern was about its irrigating ditches and the dam of the Rio 
del Norte, which supplied them. This dam was usually carried away by the 
floods of May-July. A doc. in the Pinart col. shows the constant but futile 
efforts of the authorities in '54-62 to collect a special tax of 50 cents on each 
100 vines to build a solid dam. There were 250,000 vines, but the owners de- 
clared they were too poor to pay the tax either in money or work. In this 
district were S. Lorenzo, Seneeu, Isleta, and Socorro, respectively 1, 3. 5, and 
6 1. eastward down the river; also Carrizal, 36 1. toward Chihuahua, founded 
iu '58; pop. 161 Span, in '60, with a guard of 20 soldiers from El Paso; later 
site of the presidio. 




Two Books — Succession of Governors — Chacon, Alencaster, Mainez, 
Manrique, Allande, Melgares, Chavez, and Vizcarra — Indian 
Affairs — C'omanches, Nav.wos, and Moquis — Melgai^es in the 
North-east — Election of a Delegate to the C6ete.s — Pedro Bautista 
Pino Goes to Spain — The Louisiana Purchase jind Boundary Ques- 
tion — Lalande and Pursely— Zebulon M. Pike — Attempts at Trade 
— McKnight — Choteau an d De M un — Glen n, Bucknell, and Cooper — 
Population — Local Items — Trade — Agriculture — Manufactured — 
Mining — Institutions — Government — Military — Missions and Bish- 
opric — Charges against the Friars— War of Independence— Viva 

The same kind providence tliat causes rivers to flow 
near large towns, the moon and stars to shine at night, 
when their feeble light is of some use, sends snow only 
in the winter, when there is no hot sun to melt it, and 
performs other beneficent acts, is not always unmind- 
ful of the annalist's needs. Thus, when the history of 
the last years of Spanish rule in New Mexico seemed 
likely to resemble the famous chapter on snakes in 
Ireland, not only was it put into the head of the 
United States government to send an explorer to this 
far-off province, and of the people to send a delegate 
to the cortes of Spain, but both explorer and delegate 
were inspired with the idea of writing a book, as the 
friar Benavides and the conqueror Villagra had been 
in earlier times; and the result was a mass of infor- 
mation which goes far to make this chapter as long 
and as interesting as those that have preceded it. 


For this, as for earlier periods, I do not deem it 
necessary to consider liere the complications of mili- 
tary and civil government in the Provincias Internas 
of northern Mexico, a subject that is as fully treated 
as the meagre records permit in another work of this 
series.^ There was always a governor or acting gov- 
ernor in New Mexico, subordinate to the comandante 
general of the Provincias, a state of things which has 
led modern writers into some confusion, causing them 
to include some of the southern officials in their list^ 
of governors, just as they brought sever 1 viceroys of 
New Spain to rule the province in earlier times. 
Governor Chacon ruled until the spring of 1805, when 
he was succeeded by Colonel Joaquin del Real Alen- 
caster.^ The latter's name does not appear after 1808, 
and Alberto Mainez is named as acting governor in 
1807-8, and next in the list is Lieutenant- colonel Jose 
Manrique, ruling in 1810-14, perhaps ad interim for 
part of that period. Mainez ruled again in 1815-17,'' 
Pedro Maria de Allande in 1816-18, and Facundo 
Melgares — who as a lieutenant serving in Chihuahua 
had visited New Mexico before — in 1818-22. Mel- 
gares was the last governor under Spain, and was 
succeeded on July 5, 1822, by Francisco Javier Chavez 
as jefe politico, ruling in 1822-3, though Antonio Viz- 
carra also held the office for a time iu 1822.* 

• Hiat. North Mex. Stites, i., ii. 

2 1 find io the Arch. Sla Fi, MS., an order of Chacon in March, and of 
Alencaster in May 1805. The latter name is a for a of the English Lauuaa- 
t3r, more often written, except in N. Mex., Aleucastre, as in the case of the 
viceroy of that name. Pino, Ecpns., 40, seems to say that A. was gov. from 
1805 to 1812, and this may indicate that his successor in 1808-12 was only 
acting gov. 

^ Abo in 'U, ace. to Davis, El Gringo, 83, wlio says that in that year a 
conspiracy was formed by Corp. Antonio Armijo and Dionisio Valdes, who 
were exiled for 10 years to Chihuahua. 

*In the Oaceta de Mex. of March 7, '19, the governorship of N. Mex. is 
declared vacant, and aspirants are notified to send in their petitions. Mel- 
gares, iu the documents of '19-20, is called gov. ad interim. I regret that I 
aiu not able in this periorl, as I have b^eu in earlier ones, to correct from 
original sources the list of governors, and an obliged to follow Davis, Meline, 
Ritch, Prince, etc., though there is evidently a little confusiou of dates. 
They take their information from land-grants, etc., in the archives, and in 
the U. S. Land Reports, and my original notej add nothing of importance. 


Troubles with the Indians were much less serious 
and constant than in former years, the combined 
efforts of the frontier garrisons, with a consistent sj's- 
tem of treaties and gifts, producing apparently excel- 
lent results. The Comanches, in particular, were 
friendly, being zealous in bringing information and 
rumors respecting the movements of Americans in 
the north-east, and even eager to aid Spain in crush- 
ing the insurgents under Hidalgo; and the other 
tribes were often in the same mood.^ The Navajos 
were hostile, however, in 1803-5, having intrenched 
themselves in the canon de Chelly— since famous for 
its ruined pueblos — where they deemed their position 
impregnable. Governor Chacon led several expedi- 
tions against them, as did Lieutenant Antonio Nar- 
bona after Alencaster's accession, and in 1805 they 
were reduced to submission and friendship.^ In 1806 
Lieutenant Melgares was sent up from Chihuahua 
with 100 dragoons to join a force of 500 militia in an 

^Pino, Expos., 42-4. This author says the Inrl., by gifts, etc., had been 
kept friendly for the most part since Anza's time down to 1811. 

^ Jan. 25, 1805, Narbona to gov. reports from Zani a fight in Chelly canon, 
where he killed 90 bucks, with 25 women and children, besides capturing 3l5, 
with 30 women and children; also 30 horses and 350 sheep. He had only one 
lud. chief killed and 64 wounded. Chelly is a very strong position, and a 
larger force will be required for further movements. Arch. Sit Fe, MS. In 
1804 the com. gen. refuses to grant a request of the Navajos to settle at Cebo- 
Ueta. M.S. of Piuart col. March 25, 1805, Gov. C. announces the term? to 
be granted the Navajos. They shall have no claim to Cebolleta or to live- 
stock in possession of the Span. ; for their 2 captives 4 women might be re- 
leased; they must not go with their live-stnek Ijcyond the canon de Juan 
Tatoya, Rio del Oso, and S. Mateo; whenever they commit any robbery or 
agijression they are to be punished by force of arms, unless they return stolen 
property and surrender the aggressors; when visiting Sta Fe they must ex- 
pect no gifts except sustenance; and they must give up 4,000 sheep, 150 cat- 
tle, and 60 horses which they have stolen. Arch. Sta i'i, MS. Pino, Expos., 
40-1, jVb<., 85-6, narrates in general terms the final efi'orts and success, the 
fall of Chelly, and the treaty of 1805. It seems that Lieut. Narbona was 
seat up from Chih. to join Gutierrez, Vaca, and others. Lieut. Vicente 
Lop-'Z also defeated the foe at Chaca, but was suspended for some intrigue in 
1808. April 1S06 the Navajo chief comphiins that he receives no gifts from 
the king, as do other friendly tribes; but i? informed by Gju. Salcedo that 
they must depend on their own industries for sustenance, though later, when 
they shall have shown their good faith by abstaining from petty robberies, 
etc., they may obtain some gifts. Arch. Sti Fe, MS. I think that Prince, 
Hilt. Sk., 232, exaggerates the magnitude and constancy of Navajo trouliles 
in this and later periods, though they doubtless gave more trouble than other 


expedition out into the north-eastern plains. This was 
not a campaign against the Indians, but a tour of ex- 
ploration, undertaken with a view to conciliate the 
natives and to look out for American explorers and 
filibusters; for the intention of the United States to ex- 
plore their newly acquired Louisiana territory had been 
announced, and there were also reports of Burr's con- 
spiracy as likely to affect the Spanish frontier. Mel- 
gares went down the Red River, held a council with 
the Comanches, crossed northward to the Arkansas, 
made a visit to the Pawnee nation on the Kansas, 
distributing medals and flags, and thence perliaps 
went up the Arkansas to the mountains, returning to 
Santa Fe in October. He did not find any Ameri- 
cans, of whose doings in that region I shall have some- 
thing to say presently.^ 

Pino, in his report of 1812, declares the system of 
treaties and gifts as a feature of the new Indian policy 
to have been a grand success in every way. He also 
relates that in 1811 Jose Rafael Sarracino made an 
expedition to the Yuta country to investigate the 
truth of their reports respecting a Spanish people 
dwelling in the far north-west. In three months he 
reached a region where the natives had knives and 
other implements of European manufacture, obtained, 
as they said, from a people living beyond a great river, 
which Sarracino could not or did not cross.** In 1818 
-19 the Navajos renewed their hostilities. It was 

Tike's Acct. of Exped., 142-3, 206; Prince's Hist. SI:, 231, anci other 
works. I have found no information of this exped. except that originating 
from Pike's book. A treaty with the Mescalero and Gileno Ajjaches is noted 
in 1810, no rations being granted, and their hunting-grounds being clearly 
designated. MS. of '32 iu Pinart col. 

^Pino, Ej.pos., 41^; Not., 84^8. P. notes that the Comanche chief at this 
time was a son of the old chief Maya, educated at Sta Fe, and a firm friend 
of the Span. He also says the Americans liad established gun factories (?) 
among the Jumanas and Cahiguas, and muskets and powder from this source 
were obtained for N. Hex. (This is iu a note, which may possibly be of later 
date.) Iu connection with Sarracino's exped., respecting the date of which 
Pino may be in error, it is well to note that in Aug. 1808 an Ind. from the 
Tulares arrived at S. Fernando, Cal., with a flag that had been sent through 
a Cordillera of 10 tribes by a captain who wislied to know if it were true that 
there were padres and gente ile nizoii west of the sierra. Hint. Cal., ii. 85. I 
may notice also tliat in ISOl a project for opening conimun. bet. Cal. aud N. 
Mex. by laud was discussed and dismissed iu Mex. Id., 3-A. 


reported in Mexico in January 1819, that Governor 
Melgares had in December forced them to sue for 
peace; but it appears that they had to be defeated 
twice more in February and March, and that the 
treaty was finally signed on August 2181" A notable 
feature of this affair is the fact that the Navajos, being 
hard pressed, settled near the Moqui towns, and the 
Moquis sent five of their number to ask aid from the 
Spaniards. This was deemed a most fortunate occur- 
rence, opening the way to the submission of this nation 
after an apostasy of 139 years. It was resolved to 
take advantage of the opportunity, but of the practical 
result nothing is known, since this is the only mention 
of this remnant of a valiant and independent people 
that I have been able to find in the records of the 

Under the decree of the 'junta central de las Es- 
paiias,' dated February 14, 1810, New Mexico was 
entitled to a diputado in the Spanish cortes. Ac- 
cordingly, on the 11th of August the alcaldes and 
leading men of the province — there being no ayunta- 
mientos — assembled at Santa Fe, Governor Manrique 
presiding, to select a delegate.^" From the three can- 

^Gaceta de Mex., x. (xxxix.-xl.) 186, 559-62, 1127-30; Noticioso Gen., June 
U, Oct. 29, '19. In the 2d exped. 33 were killed and U captured, with 
4o0 sheep and 24 horses. The treaty is given in IS articles, being signed by 
5 Navajo chiefs. A native general was to be appointed and to live as near 
Je.nes as possible, being held responsible for his nation; i youths or one chief 
were to be held as hostages; the N. were granted all their old territory to 
canon Largo, boca del canon de Chaca, and Agua Aziil; and they bound 
themselves to respect the rights of the Moquis. Notwithstanding this treaty, 
we are told by Davis and Prince, Hia. Sk., 232, El Gringo, 83^, that in 1820 
a party of Navajos coming into jemes to make a treaty were foully murdered 
by the inhab., under their alcalde, Juan Ant. Vaca. The ringleaders were 
arrested, but the proceedings dragged along till '24, when they were released, 
only to be killed by the Navajos 10 yecirs later. I am disposed to question 
the accuracy of this statement. 

" These representative men were Jose Pino, capt. of militia and ex-alcalde 
of Alburquerque; Ant. Ortiz, alterez real; Diego Moutoya 1st ale. of Sta Fe; 
Jose Garcia de Mora, retired lieut., representing Sta Cruz de la Canada; Jose 
Miguel Tafoya, 2d ale. of Sta Fe, for 29 years corp. in the compania veterana; 
Jose Ant. Chavez, 1st ale. of Alburquerque; Manuel Carcia, for 24 years ale. 
of La Canada and partido; Mig. Ant. Vaca, 2d ale. of Alburquerque; Cleto 
Miera y Pacheco, ale. of S. Carlos de la Alameda; and Tomas Ortiz, ale. of 


didates receiving the highest number of votes the 
delegate was chosen by lot, and the honor fell to Pe- 
dro Bautista Pino, an old and influential resident. 
Provided with instructions, not only from the junta 
that elected him, but from several prominent men, 
Don Pedro started on his mission in October 1811, 
being, as he believed, the first native-born New Mexi- 
can to visit Spain. He had to pay the expenses of 
his journey; but the patriotic people contributed 
$9,000 as a donativo to the cause of Fernando VII." 
Of Pino's labors in Spain we have no other record 
than his report of November 1812 to the c6rtes, pub- 
lished at Cddiz the same year, and 37 years later at 
Mexico. This report is by far the best source of in- 
formation respecting New Mexico for the period 
covered by this chapter, being a very complete de- 
scription of the province, with its institutions, condi- 
tion, and needs. Of course, much of its contents is 
only confirmatory of what appears from other original 
sources in earlier chapters, but the rest is utilized in 
different parts of tliis chapter. The author was an 
enthusiastic admirer of his country and its people, 
praising in high terms their purity of blood, ^- their 
loyalty to Spain, and their bravery in defending their 
homes against tLe savage tribes. He exaggerated — 
and perhaps intentionally, as the best means of arous- 
ing the attention of the government — the danger of 
aggression from the Americans in union with the In- 
dian tribes of the plains. ^^ The military defence of the 

"The other two candidates were Antonio and Juan Rafael Ortiz. Pino 
took with him his grandson Juan de los Reyes Vaca y Piuo, aged ll.Bartolo- 
me Fernandez as clerk, who died on the voyage, and the retired soldier Sal- 
vador Leiva y Chavez. Padre Fran. Osio (Hocio), for 26 years chaplain at 
Sta Fe, f iiruished a Prospecto 6 pirn solire diferentes solicitudes; aUo written 
suggestions from Mariano de la Peiia, Ignacio Sanchez Vergara, ale. of Jemes, 
Jose Gutierrez, Capt. Bart. Vaca, and Juan Jose S.lva. To raise the g9,000 
some of tlie citizens are said to have 'sacrificed the liberty of their sons.' 

'■' He says there were absolutely no negro castiis in N. Mex., only Span, 
and Iiid. blood. This, I think, is not strictly true, as in earlier times there 
had been complaints of mixed-breei colonists and a vicious mulatto element in 
the population. 

" Piuo states that the Amer., noting how N. Mex is neglected by Spain, 
have tried in various ways, by offers of liberal and protecting laws, advau- 


country was naturally held out as the great object to 
be kept in view, and accordingly Pino demanded, not 
only a reorganization of the military service, including 
the paj^ment of citizens doing duty as soldiers, but the 
founding of five new presidios, or rather the transfer 
to the north of frontier presidios no longer needed in 
the Provincias Internas. Other demands were for a 
separate bishopric, with a college and system of schools 
to be supported by the tithes; and for a civil and 
criminal audiencia at Chihuahua, that of Guadalajara 
being too distant for any practical benefit to New 
Mexico." Except that the establishment of a bishop- 
ric was ordered the next year, no special attention was 
paid to the delegate's demands. Don Pedro Bautista 
came home and was reelected for 1820-1. The sum 
of $6,000 was sent to Mexico to pay his expenses, but 
on reaching Vera Cruz he could only obtain of this 
sum enough to pay for his journey to that point; and 
as his arrival in Spain would be late in any event, he 

etc., to attract the people, with a view of joining N. Mex. 
to their Louisiana purchase; they have also tried with much success to con- 
vince the Ind. that the Span, are by no means invincible, but that with Amer. 
weapons, etc., they may hope to conquer the province; yet the people of N. 
Mex. have never yielded to the temptation. 

" Piyio (Pedro Bautista), Ex-posidon sucinta y senrilla de la provincia dd N. 
Mex.: Iieeha por su dipuiado en cdrtes. . .con arreylo a sus instruccioiies. Cadiz, 
1812, 8vo, 48 p., 2 1. Also republished with various additions by Jose Agus- 
tin de Eicudero, at Mex., 1849, as Nolicias histdricas y estadisticas de la antujua 
prm'inria del Nuevo-Mexko, presentadas por su diputado en cdrtes D. Pedro Bau- 
tista Pino en Cadiz el aho de 1S12. Adicionadas por el Lie. D. Antonio Baneiro 
en ISSO: y ultimnmente anotadas por el Lie. Don Jose Agustin de Esrudero, para 
la common estndUtica militar de la Repiihlica Mexicana. Hex., 1849, 8vo, 98 p., 
2 1. The work of Barreiro alluded to I have not seen, but have his Ojeada 
sobre Niievo- Mexico, of 1832, in which there is no allusion to Pino, though his 
work may have been used as a base. Juan Lopez Cancelada is said to have 
been the writer of the Exposicion, using information supplied by Pino; aad 
it is to be noticed that in the paragraph entitled Rerjalos que se hacen d los gen- 
tiles (Noticias, p. 87-8), the initial capitals of the sentences spell C.'s name. 

The five presidios asked for were to be at El Paso, Rio de Pecos, Socorro, 
Taos, and (as a depot of supplies, etc.) at S. Cristobal. The term of service 
for settlers should be reduced. Through Pino the people also asked that.the 
province should be divided into 3, each with a gov. These positions should 
be of 3 grades, in respect of salary and rank, and each gov. should begin with 
the lowest grade, being promoted for good conduct and experience. The 
salaries should be ^25,000, $35,000, and 145,000, respectively, which in the 
aggregate would not be much more than the govt now costs, and besides 
much larger savings might be effected by suppressing useless positions in 
Mexico, such as that of viceroy! Clearly Don Pedro was a man of some 

Hist. Akiz. and N. Mex. 19 


decided to return home, 'no obstante sus descos de 
servir d la patria.'^^ 

All of the old Louisiana territory west of the Mis- 
sissippi, ceded by France to Spain in 1762-3 and re- 
turned to France in 1800, was finally ceded to the 
United States in 1803. From this date to 1819 the 
question of boundary between United States territory 
and Spanish possessions was an open one. Negotiations 
on the subject belong properly to the history of Texas, 
and are treated in another work of this series.-'® Near 
the coast the line between Louisiana and Texas had 
by long occupation been practically settled for many 
years to the satisfaction of all but partisan theorists; 
but in the interior no boundary had ever been fixed or 
needed, and indeed, little was known geographically 
of that region. An equitable line would have been 
one from a point on Red River above the settlements 
extending north-westward to the Rocky Mountains at 
a long distance from the New Mexican outposts. By 
way of bluster, the Americans, without a shadow of 
right, sometimes claimed all to the Rio Grande, and 
the Spaniards, with but slightly better reasons, all to 
the Missouri; but the real ideas of the two nations did 
not differ materiallj^ The Americans thought that 
Red River might rise in the mountains and flow south- 
eastward, so as to constitute in itself the jjroper boun- 
dary;"^ the Spaniards of New Mexico in a sense 
regarded the Arkansas, or Napestle, as the practical 
limit of the territory explored by them in their Indian 
campaigns ; and thus the territory that might plausibly 

^^Diario de COrtes Estrrmrdhmrias, Oct. 21, 1821, vol. ii., MS., 10; Arizpe, 
Idea general, 50. In Pino's letter to the Cdrtea explaining his non-attendance, 
he complains that the decrees of that body iu response to his Exposkioii, though 
confirmed by royal order of May 9, '13 (probably on the bishopio, etc.), had 
not been carried into effect. 

"*See HUit. NoHh Ilex. States, ii., with references to the original correspond- 

" Pike's narrative, to be noted presently, shows this general idea; yet some 
earlier maps — see, for instance, that of Le Page du Pratz, 1757, in Hist. iV. W. 
Coast, i. 601 — represent, not only the Red River, but the Arkansas, as too far 
south in the interior to serve the purpose, having their sources south of Santa 


be the subject of dispute was of slight extent and value, 
and would disappear when on exploration Red River 
should be found not to have its souice in tlie moun- 
tains, but far south of the legitimate Spanish boun- 
dary. And indeed, in the final settlement of 1819, 
the Spanish proposition was accepted, and the Arkan- 
sas from the mountains down to longitude 23° became, 
and most equitably, the permanent dividing line. 

Between Louisiana and New Mexico there had 
been no trade or habitual communication before 1800, 
though some slight efforts had been made to open 
such intercourse. From both directions, however, a 
flourishing trade with the Indians had grown up. In 
1804 William Morrison of Kaskaskia, despatching 
the Creole trader Baptiste Lalande up the Platte, 
instructed him to carry his goods to Santa Fe, with a 
view to test the commercial prospects in that direction. 
Obeying his instructions, Lalande succeeded in being 
arrested by the Spaniards and carried to the capital. 
The New Mexicans liked the goods, and Baptiste liked 
tlie country so well that he resolved to settle there, 
and even omitted the formality of accounting to Mor- 
rison for the consignment.^^ In 1805 James Pursley, 
a Kentuckian who left St Louis three years before, 
after many adventures among the Indians, was. sent 
by the latter to negotiate for Spanish trade, and after 
succeeding in this mission he also settled at Santa Fe, 
working as a carpenter." 

Zebulon M. Pike, a lieutenant of the sixth United 
States infantry, after an exploration of the Upper 
Mississippi while Lewis and Clarke were engaged in 
their famous expedition to the far west, was sent with 
twenty-two men in 1806 to explore the country of the 
Red and Arkansas rivers, and to establish a good 

^^ Pike's Acct. of Exped., 195, 210. P. found L. at Sta Fe in reduced 
circumstances in 1807. Escudero, in Pino, Not., 74, saysL. died inN. Mex., 
leaving a large family and great wealth. 

^''Pike's Acct. Expert, app. iii. 16-17. Pike seems to be the source of all 
that is known of Pursley and Lalande, Ijeing followed by Gregg, Prince, and 
others who have written on the Sta Fe trade. Prince, however, has a few 
elaborations of petty items that may possibly come from other s 


understanding with the Indians, especially with the 
CoQianches. His mission was in many respects simi- 
lar to that of Melgares from the opposite direction, 
though his force was much less imposing. His pre- 
liminary and successful negotiations with the Osages, 
Pawnees, and other nations, from the start in July from 
the Missouri River at Belle Fontaine, have no special 
connection with the annals of New Mexico. In 
October he was on the Arkansas, where, as before 
reaching that stream, he found frequent traces of the 
Spaniards' recent visit. At the end of the month 
Lieutenant Wilkinson, with a part of the men, embarked 
in boats on the river to follow it down to the Missouri 
junction ; while Pike, with the rest of the party, started 
up the river for the mountains, intending, according to 
his instructions, to return by the Red River to Natchi- 

Pike had no serious troubles with the Indians; 
neither did he accomplish anything in his mission of 
conciliating their good-will. Late in November he 
was at the base of the lofty peak which has since borne 
his name. Then followed two months of winter 
wanderings in the snows and mountains and parks of 
what is now Colorado,^^ marked by the most terrible 
sufferings fi'om cold and hunger. The only wonder 
is that all did not perish. Crossing the range in the 
vicinity of the modern Leadville, Pike thought hitnself 
on the Red River; but after a perilous descent though 
the canon, found himself back at his old camp on the 
Arkansas. Again he struggled on, over another series 
of ranges, and at the end of January 1807 succeeded 
with part of his companious — the rest being left behind 
with frozen feet — on reaching another large river, 

2° The company after the separation consisted of Capt. Z. M. Pike, Dr 
John H. Robinson, 8ergt. Wni E. Meeli,* Corp. Jeremiah Jackson,* private 
Henry Kennerman, John Brown, Jacob Carter,* Thos Dougherty,* Wm 
Gorden, Theodore Miller,* Hugh Menaugh, Jacob Mountjoy, Alex. Roy, 
John Sparks,* Pat. Smith,* Freegift Stoute, and Baroney Vasquez* as 
interpreter. Those marked with a star did not reach Sta Fe and Chihuahua 
with Pike, as explained later. 

^' See Hist. Colorado, this series. 


which must, he thought, be the Red at last. His plan 
was to descend the stream in boats or rafts to Natchi- 
toches ; therefore he sought a suitable spot for a for- 
tified camp, where the necessary preparations might 
be made, and to which the rest of the party might be 
brought, as a few of them soon were.^^ I give a copy 
of the western portion of Pike's map, showing his 
route in Colorado and New Mexico. 

The lieutenant's instructions required him to be 
very cautious as he approached the Spanish frontier.^ 
His idea of the boundary, however, seems to have 
been peculiar, for he built his fort, not on the eastern 
or American side of his Red River, but five miles up 
a western branch! Here he raised the stars and 
stripes. He desired to extend his exploration into 
Spanish territory, or at least to learn the geographic 
relation of his fort to Santa Fe ; and he had a pretext 
ready, for he had brought William Morrison's bill 
against Lalande, and with this document Dr Robinson 
started alone on February 7th for the city of Holy 
Faith. Ten days later a Spanish dragoon and an 
Indian made their appearance, regarded by Pike as 
spies, who said they had come from Santa Fe in four 
days, and that Robinson had arrived in safety; learned 
the location of the fort, and Pike's intention to de- 
scend the river to Natchitoches ; and departed. An- 
other ten days passed, and then came a force of 50 
dragoons and 50 militia under lieutenants called in 
the narrative Ignacio Saltelo and Bartolome Fernan- 
dez. Now Pike was informed that he was not on 

^^ The 8 names marked with a star in note 20 are those who did not come 
to the camp before Pike's departure. They were brought into Sta Fe a little 
later, but I find no definite record of what became of them. P. had 8 men 
with him. The map is taken from the French edition. 

■•'^ 'As your interview with the Comanches will probably lead you to the 
head branches of the Arkansaw and Red rivers, you may find yourself approxi- 
mated to the settlements of N. Mex., and there it will be necessary you 
should move with great circumspection, to keep clear of any hunting or recon- 
noitring parties from that province, and to prevent alarm or offence; because 
the affairs of Spain and the U. S. appear to be on the point of amicable 
adjustment, and moreover it is the desire of the president to cultivate the 
friendship and harmonious intercourse of all the nations of the earth, and 
particularly our near neighbors, the Spaniards.' Pike's Acct. Exped., 108. 
The instruc. were given by Geu. James Wilkinson. 


Red River, but on the Rio del Norte, his camp being 
on the Conejos just above the junction; whereupon 
he at once lowered his flaff, for he could but admit — ■ 

Pike's Expedition, 1800-7. 

especially in the presence of 100 soldiers — that the 
Spaniards might have some legitimate claim to terri- 


tory occupied by them for over two centuries. The 
Spaniards were most courteous and kind, supplying 
the half-starved and half-naked explorers with food 
and blankets; but the officers presently admitted, what 
Pike had supposed from the first, that the Americans 
must go to Santa Fe. Accordingly, they started on 
the 27th, part of the Spanish force remaining behind 
to bring in the eight explorers who had not yet reached 
the fort.^* 

The route from the Conejos was across to the 
Chama and down that stream past Ojo Caliente and 
San Juan. The people were uniformly kind and hos- 
pitable in their treatment of the strangers, though 
their nondescript and ragged apparel, consisting of 
overalls, breech-cloths, and leather coats, without cov- 
ering for the head, prompted the inquiry if the Amer- 
icans were a tribe living in houses or wearing hats. 
Baptiste Lalande and another Frenchman tried to 
gain Pike's confidence, but were regarded by him as 
spies. Solomon Colly, one of the Nolan party, was liv- 
ing in New Mexico, and served as interpreter.'"^ The 
arrival at Santa Fd was on the 3d of March, and the 
adventurers were questioned by Governor Alencaster, 
whose conduct was courteous and dignified, but who 
said that Pike and his men must appear before Gen- 
eral Salcedo at Chihuahua. Pike denied that Dr 

Possibly there was some 
foundation for the charge, but it is also probable that Pike, full of the preju- 
dices of his time and race, regarding himself as the victim of outrage on ac- 
count of an innocent blunder, exaggerates the matter. The fact is, that 
orders from the com. gen. of Proviiicias Internas required the gov., and very 
properly, to arrest and send to Chihuahua any Amer. who might be found in 
Span, territory, always avoiding, if possible, any violent measures. Pike's 
entry may have been, as he claims, an innocent error, yet the location of hia 
fort, as already noted, even on the Red River theory, and Robinson's coming 
alone to Sta Fe as to a place not far off or very difficult to find, were suspi- 
cious circumstances strengthened by minor details of Pike's later conduct. 
We are told that, while the leader recognized the necessity of submitting, 
some of the men were disappointed at not being allowed to test the strength 
of their fort against the foe — or having a dust with the Spaniards. Commu- 
nication was chiefly in French, Pike knowing but few words of Spanish. 

2^ See Hist. North Mex. States and Texas iot Nolan's adventures in Texas 
and Chih. 


Robinson was a member of his party ; attempted by a 
ruse to prevent the examination of his papers, deem- 
ing himself sadly 'deceived' when the governor 
shrewdly prevented the success of his trick ;'^ and 
occasionally deemed it his duty as a free-born Ameri- 
can to be suspicious, independent, and disagreeable to 
the verge of insolence. It was never quite clear to 
any of Anglo-Saxon blood that a Spanish official 
might rightfully interfere with his personal freedom 
to do as he pleased. Yet Pike frankly admits the 
kindness with which he was treated, and says much in 
praise of the Spaniards in New Mexico. As men, he 
and his party were well treated ; as Americans, they 
must needs have a grievance. Thougli assured he 
was not a prisoner. Pike insisted on receiving a cer- 
tificate that he was obliged to go to Chihuahua. 

They left the capital on March 4th, after a dinner 
given by the governor in their honor, Alencaster tak- 
ing Pike in his coach drawn by six mules for three 
miles. Captain Antonio Almansa commanded the 
escort, and the route was by way of Santo Domingo 
and Alburqueique to a point below Isleta," where 

2^ Pike distributed the important papers among his men, showing his 
trunk containing the rest to the gov., who seemed satisfied and returned the 
trunk. Then P. collected the papers, fearing the men, who were drinking 
pretty freely, might lose them or give them up. But next morning the gov. 
called for the trunk again, and Zebulon was outwitted ! 

'■i' The places named by P. below Alburquerque are Tousac, S. Fernandez, 
Sabinez (Sabinal), Jacales, and Sibilleta (Sevilleta, or CeboUeta, ace. to Prince). 
These may be supposed to include Isleta, Tome, and Belen, Sabinal being the 
only name which may be approximately correct. Sibilleta, on the east side 
of the river, is described as a fine and regular village, and such a place is 
mentioned in several Span, records as the starting-point of the caravans, 
sometimes garrisoned by 7 men. Of its founding I find no record, nor is it 
mentioned in statistical lists of '20-1. 

At Sto Domingo rich paintings and images were noted in the church; at 
S. Felipe a fine bridge across the river. Here Patlre Rubi was found to be a 
liberal and educated man, showing a valuable statistical table. Sandia is 
called St Dies. At Alburquerque P. AmbrosioGuerra was hospitable, though 
sadly disappointed that he could not make a Christian of Pike. Here a party 
of beautiful girls contriljuted to the entertainment, including two of English 
parentage, who had been rescued from Ind. captivity. Apparently at Isleta 
(not named) Dr Robinson was added to the party, and told the story of his 
adventures. They were welcomed with a dauce at Tousac (Tome ?); and at 
S. Fernandez met Melgares, who sent out an order for the handsomest girls 
of the region to be sent in for a fandango, ' which portrays more clearly than 
a chapter of observations the degraded state of the common people. 


Lieutenant Facundo Melgares, returning southward 
with his dragoons, took charge of the party. For 
Ahuansa and Melgares Pike has nothing but words 
of praise. Starting on March 11th, they reached El 
Paso on the 21st and Chihuahua on April 2d. Here 
General Salcedo treated them much as Governor 
Alencaster had done, but insisted on retaining Pike's 
papers. The Americans were finally sent home 
through Coahuila and Texas under an escort, leaving 
Chihuahua at the end of April, and reaching Natchi- 
toches in July. Pike's book was published in 1810; 
he was promoted to brigadier-general, and lost his life 
at the taking of Toronto in 1813. His narrative was 
interesting, and at the time of its publication of much 
value. Naturally, it adds but little if anything to in- 
formation derived from Pino and the archive records, 
yet I shall have occasion to cite it on several points.^* 

Moved by Pike's account of the New Mexican 
country, and entertaining an idea, perhaps, that Hi- 
dalgo's revolution had removed the old restrictions on 
trade, Robert McKnight, with a party of nine or ten, 
crossed the plains in 1812, and reached Santa Fe. 
The result was that their goods were confiscated, and 
they were arrested, being held in Chihuahua and 
Durango as prisoners until 1822, when they were re- 

^' Pihe (Zehulon Montgomery). An account of expeditions to the sources of the 
Mississippi, and through the loestern parts of Louisiana to the sources of the Arkan- 
saw, Kans, La Platte, and Pierre Jaun, rivers: ■perfoi-med by order of the govern- 
ment of the United States, during the years 1805, 1S06, and 1S07. And a tour 
through the interior parts of New Spain, when conducted through these provinces, 
by order of the captain-general, in the year 1S07. By Major Z. M. Pike. Illus- 
trated by maps and charts. Phil., ISIO, Svo, with portrait. Parts ii., iii., con- 
tain the exped. to N. Mex. and Chih., from p. 107; also descriptive and 
documentary appendices to parts ii., iii., separately paged. Also an English 
edition, from a copy of the MS., with a few verbal corrections and notes by 
the editor, Thomas Rees, under the title Pike's Exploraiory Travels, etc., Lon- 
don, 1811, 4to; and the French translation of M. Breton, Pike, Voyage au 
Nouveau Mexique. Paris, 1812, Svo, 2 vol. See also Wai-rens Memoir, 20-1; 
Prince's Hist. Sk., 246-65; Pino, Expos., 14^15; Barreiro, Ojeada, 30 (Pike 
being 'Paykie'to the Span.); Sta Fe Conquest, 9; instructions in Annals of 
Conq., 1808-9, app. 1789-94; Sta Fe, M. Mex. Revieiv, July 29, '8.3; Bingley's 
Travels, 228-39; also Meline, Gregg, and all the well-known writers on N. 
Mex. subjects. There is no other source of real information than Pike's origi- 
nal narrative. 


leased by Iturbide's order. Efforts had been made in 
1817 in their behalf, at the intercession of John Scott, 
the Missouri congressman, by Secretary Adanas, 
through the Spanish minister Onis; but though the 
latter wrote on the subject both to king and viceroy 
nothing could be effected.^^ 

In 1815 Auguste P. Choteau and Julius de Mun 
formed a partnership, and went with a large party to 
the upper Arkansas to hunt and trade with the In- 
dians. They claim to have confined their operations 
to American territory, which was perliaps somewhat 
elastic in their eyes; at any rate, we have only their 
version. Visiting Taos and Santa Fe in 1816 they 
were most favorably received by Governor Mainez, a 
very polite old gentleman, who said there would be 
no objection to their trapping and trading east of the 
mountains and north of Red River. He even thought 
he might get from the general for them a license to 
hunt beaver on the branches of the Rio Grande. Re- 
tiring to the north to await the desired permission, 
they were often visited by parties from the settlements, 
who came to trade. But early in 1817, after Gov- 
ernor Allande's accession, there was a decided change 
of Spanish policy. A force of 200 men under Lieu- 
tenant Francisco Salazar, marched out to search for 
an American fort, said to exist on the Rio de las 
Animas, with cannon and 20,000 men! This fort was 
not found, but in June Sergeant Mariano Bernal was 
sent out to arrest the Americans, and not only did he 
bring in Choteau, De Mun, and 24 men as prisoners, 
but opened their caches on the upper Arkansas, and 

'^Sta Fi, Mes-mge from the president of the U. S., transmitting. . .information 
relative to the arrest and imprisonment of certain American citizens at Sta fi. 
Wash., Aiiril 15, '18, 8vo, 23 p.; also Amer. St. Pap., xii. 435-52; U. S. Govt 
Doc, 15th Cong. 1st Sess., 319, 471; Id., 18th Cong. 2d Sess., Sen. Doc. 7, p. 
3; Annals of Congress, 1817-18, ii. 1954-66; Gregg's Com. of the Prairie.% i. 19- 
20; and other works on the Sta Fe trade. The names as given by Scott 
were Robert McKnight, Benj. Shrive, James Baird, Alfred Allen, Michael 
M'Donough, Wm Mines, Samuel Chambers, Peter Baum, Thomas Cook, and 
Miers, an interpreter, with perhaps others. It is said that 2 of them escaped 
in a canoe down the Canadian in '21. Foster, Los Anq. in '47, MS., 3-4, says 
that in '45 McKuight was one of the owners of the Sta Rita copper mines. 


took goods to the value of $30,380,741 At Santa 
Fe the prisoners were tried by court-martial, kept for 
48 hours in jail, and then dismissed without their 
property. In September they were back at St Louis 
appealing to congress for relief In 1825-6 their 
claim for $50,000 damages was still being urged; and 
ill 1836 tlie committee of foreign relations reported 
"that the demand ought to be made and pressed \^ith 
an earnestness pi'oportionate to the magnitude of the 
injury and the unreasonable delay which has arisen in 
making satisfaction for it." Ex parte testimony in 
such claims for damages must of course be taken with 
due allowances.^" 

With the independence of 1821-2 the Santa Fe trade 
proper — legitimate but for some liberties taken with 
Mexican custom-house regulations, and unobstructed 
except by difficulties and dangers of the journey across 
the plains — may be said to have begun; and it will 
be a prominent topic of later annals. Captains Glenn, 
Becknell, and Stephen Cooper were the men who in 
1821-2 visited Sante Fe with small parties, making 
large profits on the limited quantities of goods they 
succeeded in bringing to market, and laying the foun- 
dations of future success. About these earliest trips 
we have but little information, except that the traders, 
uncertain as to the best route, endured terrible sufter- 
ings from thirst. Becknell made two trips. Major 
Cooper still lives in California, as I write in 1886; 
and from Joel P. Walker, one of his companions, I 
have an original narrative of their adventures.^^ 

^"Sta Fi, Mess., etc., as in note 29, a larger part of the pamphlet being 
devoted to the Choteau claim than to the McKaight aft'air. The doc. 
include a long narrative by Julius de Mun, at St Louis, Nov. 25, '17, and a 
sworn statement of 11 members of the party — French Canadians all signing 
with a 'X'— dated Sept. 25, '17. On the claim in 1S25-36, see U. S. Govt 
Dor., 24th Cong. 1st Sess., Sen. Doc. nos. 400, 424. Mention in Niles' Reg., 
xiv. 47; xvi. 272; xxvii. 312. There was another claim, for the imprisonment 
of J. Farro, but no particulars are given. 

31 Walker {J. P.), Narrative of a Pioneer of '41, MS. For details of their 
adventures with Ind. and sufferings for want of water, I have no space. 
Capt. Joe Walker, brother of Joel, with a party of trappers, joined Cooper 
on the way and accompanied him to Taos. See also, on these exped. , Orec/g's 
Com. Prairies, i. 20-4; Escudero, in Pino, Not., 75; Niles' Eeij., xxiii. 16, 177; 
xxvii. 315; xxviii. 299; Primes Hist. SL, 271-3. 


The general subject of early exploration, hunting 
and trapping, and Indian trade and warfare, in the 
great interior, though one that is closely connected 
with the history of each of these Pacific States, can- 
not, of course, be fully treated in any one of my vol- 
umes. In each I note those expeditions that directly 
concern its territory, and refer the reader to the annals 
of other territories, as given in different volumes of 
this series. Some chapters on Colorado and the regions 
farther north will be found useful in connection with 
New Mexican history ; and matter that is especially 
interesting may be found in my volumes on the North- 
west Goast}'^ 

During these 22 years the population of gevte de 
razon may be said to have increased from 19,000 to 
30,000 in New Mexico proper, excluding the El Paso 
district ; while the number of pueblo Indians remained 
practically unchanged, between 9,500 and 10,000. Offi- 
cial reports establish these figures with tolerable accu- 
racy, but afford no satisfactory basis for more detailed 
classification.^^ The capital villa of Santa Fe reached, 

^^ Coyners Lost Trappers, Cin., 1859, is a little work containing many in- 
terejting and valuable details of the early trappers' experiences; but ii the 
part concerning N. Mex. there is evidently a serious error in dates. Work- 
man and Spencer in 1807-9 are represented as having crossed from the upper 
Arkansas, south of Pike Peak, to the Colorado, descended that river to the 
ford, started on the Span, trail for Sta Fe, met a caravan from that town, 
accompanied it to Cal., and returned with it to Sta Fe in 1810, and lived 
there for 15 years, until the traders came often from the east. But no cara- 
vans crossed from N. Mex. to Cal. iu Span, times, or before '22, so that the 
date must be wrong, and much douljt is thrown on the general accuracy of 
this part of the narrative. The northern Sta Fe trail to Cal. was first fol- 
lowed by WolfL'cill, in '31, and the trading caravans were of later date. 

^^ A report of Gov. Alencaster in 1805, given iu Meline's 2,000 Miles, 212, 
gives a total pop. of 20,026 Span, and 8,152 lud., besides 6,209 Span, at El 
Paso; and reports of Gov. Melgares in '19-20 give Span. 27,214 and 28,430; 
Ind. 8,626 and 9,923. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. Reports of the custodio, P. Jose 
Pedro Rubin de C6lis, for '20-1, not including the large towns, gives. Span. 
17,401 and 19,174; Ind. 7,840 and 9,034. Id. These are the only exact re- 
ports that are reliable. There are general estimates, for the most part includ- 
ing El Paso and Ind., as follows: 180.3, pop. 40,200, ace. to Humboldt, £ssai 
Pol., 155, and other works, followed by a dozen or more writers; 1804, Gov. 
Chacon, iu Arch. Sta Fe, followed by Pino; 28,798 in 1801. Prince's Hist. 
Sk., 230-1; 39,797. Sac. Mex. Oeoo., ii. 20. About 30,000, half Ind. Pike. 
34,205 in 1810. Sac. Mex. Oeoq., vii. 138; 2da ep., i. 291. 40,000, perhaps 
50,000, in 1811. Pino, Expos., 44-5; Not., 14-17. 30,825. Humboldt. 


perhaps, a population of 6,000 in its immediate vicin- 
ity; but on account of the meagre records, frequent 
discrepancies, and irregular grouping of the settle- 
ments in partidos, local items of population have 
little significance. In number, location, and in all 
respects except an increase of Spanish population at 
certain points, the settlements remained as before, and 
I refer to the final note of the preceding chapter.^* 

Commercial methods continued as before. Pre- 
sumablj^, fairs were still held at Taos for trade with 
the Indians, though I find no direct indication of the 
fact in this period ;^^ each autumn the great caravan 
departed for the south; at El Paso, to a greater extent 
than before, the company was divided, small parties 
seeking different markets; and large flocks of sheep 
were now driven from the province. In 1805 the 
viceroy decreed that all goods bartered by New Mexi- 
cans at the annual fair in San Bartolome valley from 
the 18th to the 23d of December should be free from 
the payment of taxes or duties.^^ Down to about 1798 

^* According to the official reports cited in note 33, the Span. pop. of the 
leading towns, most or all including outlying ranchos, in 1805 and 1820 was 
as follows: Sta Fe, 3,741, 6,038; La Canada, 2,188, 2,633; Alburquerque, 
4,294, 2,564; S. Juan de los Caballeros, 1,888, 2,125; Abiquiii, 1,218, 2182 
(3,029 in '21); Belen, 1,588, 2,103 (1,756 in '21); Taos, 1,337, 1,252; Sta Clara, 
967, 1,116; Isleta, 378, 2,324; Picuries, 17, 1,041. In the report of '21 Socorro 
is given with a pop. of 1,580. The largest Ind. pueblos in '20-1 were: Taos, 
751; S. Udefonso, 527; Cochiti, 653; Sta Ana, 527; Laguna, 950; Acoina, 829; 
Zufli, 1,597; and Isleta, 513. Humboldt for 1803 gives Sta Fe a pop. of 3,600, 
Alburquerque, 6,000, Taos, 8,900; Pike in 1807, with a good descrip., gives 
Sta Fe 4,500 souls, and Pino in 181 1 a pop. of 5,000. Pocos, ace. to Pino, was 
on its last legs, having but 30 fighting men in '11, and in '2J its pop. was 58. 
An official report of the ayuntamiento gives the pop. of El Paso in '22 as 
8,3S4 souls, of which married couples 161, single men 2,267, single women 
3,173, widowers 305, widows 417, farmers 2,072, artisans 681, laborers 
269, teachers 8, priests 2, merchants 5, manuf. 6, retired soldiers 6, stu- 
dents 3, treasury officials 2; total value of property $234,018. Arch. Sta 
Fe, MS. Pike describes Ojo Caliente as a town of 500 inhab. and a mill; and 
his mention of several unknown names in the south has been noticed. 

3^ April 24, 1806, Gen. Salcedo orders the trade with Ind. at the settle- 
ments to be encouraged. A rrh. Sti Fi, MS. Possibly the Taos trade declined, 
or was more scattered to other points. 

^^ Dec. 18, 1805, original decree of the viceroy in behalf of N. Mex. trade. 
Dispos. Varias, i. 131; Diario de Mex., i. 353. All duties were paid ia the 
south, there being no custom-house in N. Mex. In 1803 Gov. Cliaeon made 
a report on the industries of N. Mex. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. He notes the divis- 
ion of the caravans, and the export of 25,000 sheep per year (Pike makes it 
30,000). Interior trade is carried on by 12 or 14 merchants, only 2 or 3 of 


no coin was known, but later the salaries of officers and 
soldiers were paid in money, furnishing a supply by 
no means adequate to provincial needs. The govern- 
ment estanco on tobacco, powder, and playing-cards, 
especially the first, was a great burden for the people. 
The total value of imports, as given by Pino from an 
official report of the Vera Cruz constdado in 1804, was 
$112,000 in a year; while the exports, chiefly wool, 
wine, and peltries, were only $60,000, leaving a bal- 
ance of trade of $52,000 against New Mexico. Ex- 
ports might easily be tripled, as Pino thought, by 
proper encouragement, including the opening of ports 
on the Texas and Sonora coasts. ^'^ 

There were no new developments in agricultural 
industries. Products in New Mexico proper were 
wholly consumed at home, and irrigation generally 
protected the inhabitants against drought, as in 1803 
and 1820-2; and the Indians, as far as possible, tried 
to follow their old custom of storing the products of 
plentiful harvests, though the improvident settlers 
were sometimes caught napping and suffered from 
scarcity. All reports praise the agricultural, and 
especially the stock-raising, advantages of the prov- 
ince, under proper encouragement.^^ Spanish artisans 

them using their own capital. Everybody trades iu his own way, often a 
very bad way. Pino describes the preparations and outfit of the caravans, 
starting 500 strong from La Joya de Sevilleta in Nov. ; and he notes that a 
smaller force starting in 1809 was attacked by Ind., losing several killed and 
300 horses. For Pike's statement that two caravans left N. Mex., one iu the 
spring and the other in autumn, I find no foundation; and the same remark 
may be made of his assertion that 30,000 sheep are driven each year from the 
province. Pike gives some current prices as follows: flour, $2 per 100 lbs.; 
salt, §5 per mule-load; sheep, §1 each; pork, 25 cts per lb.; beeves, §5 each; 
wine del Paso, §15 per bbl.; horses, §11 each; mules, §30 each; superfine 
cloths, $25 per yd; fine do, §20; liueu, §4; and other dry goods in proportion. 
And Pino: native tobacco, 4 reales per lb.; wheat and maize, §1 per fanega; 
cotton, §3 per fanega (!). 

=' The imports included $61,000 of European goods, §7,000 Asiatic, §34,000 
American, and — though N. Mex. was a stock-raising country — §10,000 of 
horses and mules. Yet the gov. iu 1803 says that 600 horses and mules were 
annually sent away. 

^^ Chacon [Fernando), Tnforme del gohernador sohre Industrie del N. Mex., 
1803, in Arch, i'ta Fe, MS., dated Aug. 2Sth. Tobacco raised for home con- 
sumption even by the padres, and but for the estanco on cigars, snuff, etc., the 
product might be vastly increased. Books on agrio. and stock-raising much 
needed. Wool, sheep, and a little cotton exported. No use made of timber. 


included a few carpenters and blacksmiths, but nearly 
all mechanical and other work was done by the In- 
dians, who still made pottery for home use, tanned 
leather, from which bridles were made, and wove large 
quantities of coarse blankets. They also made some 
progress in weaving cotton textures of low grade under 
an instructor from Mexico.^' Governor Cliacon, in 
1803, says that copper is abundant, and apparently 
rich, but no mines are worked, though there is much 
coal of good quality. Pino, in 1812, also notes the 
existence of rich deposits of copper, gold, and silver, 
of which no use is made; but Pike, in 1807, states 
that a copper mine west of the river, in latitude 34°, 
yields 20,000 mule-loads of metal annually, while ves- 
sels of wrought copper were among the country's ex- 
ports. Bartlett tells us that the Santa Rita mine — 
really just below 33° — was worked from 1804; and 
Prince gives more details, to the effect that the mine 
was discovered in 1800 by Lieutenant-colonel Carrisco, 
wlio sold it in 1804 to Francisco Manuel Elguea of 
Chihuahua, by whom work was at once begun, 100 
mules being constantly employed to transport the 
metal to Mexico for use in the mint.^" I tliink there 
is room for some doubt as to the early working of this 
mine, though a beginning was probably made before 
1822. Pino says that old silver mines were found 
closed up, with the tools inside, and doubtless the 
prospect-holes made by the Spaniards before 1680 
were thus found occasionally; but there is little or 

Pino tells us that maize yields 50 to 1 00 fold. Tithes amount to about .?10, 000, 
and are distributed as follows, giving an idea of the country's products: 
maize 3,000 fanegas, wheat 2, 000 fan., vegetables 1,000 fan., wool 1,000 arrobas, 
cotton 40 arr., wme 400 arr., sheep 5,000, calves 200, goats 500. As we have 
seen, there are some slight indications that each pueblo, in earlier times, had 
4 sq. leagues of land assigned; but Pino states that in 1811 a pueblo has but 
1 league, and for this should properly have 500 Ind. As few have over 300, 
there is much land not used, on which Span, sho^ild be allowed to settle. See 
mention of agric. topics in iVo?«'. An7i. Voij., xxvi. 409; Gordon's Hist. andGeog. 
Mem., 85-6; Niles Reg., xxiii. 16. 

'^Pino, Expos., 13; Id., Not., 19-20; Pike's Exphr. Trav., 335. 

*" BarileU'.i Pers. Narr., i. 227-9; Prince's Hist. SL, 241; Sti Fi, N. Mex. 
Eevieio, July 29, '83. In 1804 a Comanche reported a gold mine in a cerro 15 
d. from Pecos, and was ordered to bring in some of the ore. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. 
Coal ment. in Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. 20, in 1805. 


nothing to show that any jjractical mining was ever 
done in New Mexico under Spanish rule. Stone was 
not used for building, but only adobes; yet a semi- 
transparent yeso, or gypsum, was quarried near Santa 
Fe and used for window-panes. Pike calls it a flex- 
ible talc.*^ Pino tells us that roads in the province 
were good, but he did not allude to artificial improve- 

There were no colleges or public schools, and no 
professional man — except of the military profession — 
or priest had been produced in New Mexico. There 
were a few private teachers in the larger towns, and 
at El Paso from 1806-7 a school seems to have been 
maintained.*^ The only medical man in the country 
was the presidial surgeon at Santa Fe. Of social 
manners and customs we have nothing pertaining es- 
pecially to this period, except the somewhat superficial 
observations of Pike. He represents the New Mexi- 
cans, however, as brave, industrious, and above all 
hospitable, but somewhat loose in their ideas of moral- 
ity, implying that on this point he could say much 
more than would be in good taste, considering the 
kindness with which he had been treated. In most 
social respects this province closely resembled Cali- 
fornia, where the condition of affairs is well known to 
readers of other volumes in this series. 

The government and administration of justice were 
still essentially military, as they had always been, the 
governor being also military chief There were no 
ayuntamientos or other municipal bodies, no courts, 
no taxes, no treasuries or municipal funds. Each of 
the eight alcaldes attended to all local matters in his 
own alcaldia, being responsible to the governor, from 
whose decision the only appeal was to the audiencia 
of Guadalajara. An audiencia at Chihuahua was 
deemed an urgent necessity. The governor, with a 
salary of $4,000, had no legal adviser or notary, but 

*' The yeso is mentioned by Chacon and Pino. 

*2Five hundred and eighty-four chiklxen in attendance in 1S06; 460 in 
1807. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. Pino says there were no beggars or vagrants. 


was aided by two lieutenants and two alfereces. The 
alcaldes were vecinos, who got no pay. A lieutenant 
of the governor in his military capacity ruled at El 
Paso for a salary of $2,000.*^ 

The regular military force supported by the royal 
treasury was 121 men, forming the presidial or veteran 
company of Santa Fe.** But Pino states that an av- 
erage force of 1,500 men had been required to defend 
the province, which the settlers had furnished without 
pay, and even armed and equipped at their own cost, 
thus saving the king $43,090,000 in the past 118 
years.*" There w^as probably a degree of exaggeration 
in this, but the deputy complained, with reason, that 
this system was an intolerable burden, urging that 
New Mexico should be put in this respect on the same 
basis as other provinces; that the militia should be 
properl}^ organized, paid, and armed ; and that five pre- 
sidios should be established or transferred from the 
south. In January 1813 Pino urged this part of his 
scheme anew in the cortes; it was referred to the 
comision ultra marina; and in May some kind of an 
order had been issued by the regency to the viceroy, 
probably one to investigate and report.** A year later 
Don Simon Elias, being called upon for his opinion, re- 
ported against the transfer of the southern presidios 
to New Mexico, but favored the establishment of 
two new ones on the Rio Grande between Sevilleta 
and El Paso.*^ So nothing was done. At this time 

" Davis, El Gringo, 83, notes the execution of a soldier in '15 for a petty 
theft ' as an evidence of the iron rule that prevailed in those days. ' By the 
constitution a prov. of less than 60,000 pop. was to be joined to the adjoining 
prov. for the election of a diputado. Sto Domingo was an exception, and 
Pino argued that N. Mex. should be another. 

"Distrib. as follows, ace. to Pino: 39 in the real de eaballada, or movable 
detachment, 12 on guard at the capital, 7 at Sevilleta on the southern frontier, 
and the rest scattered at various points with the militia. The pay of a sol- 
dier was §240. Pike, Explor. Trav., 344, talks of a force of 1,000 dragoons at 
Sta Fe. 

*^ Pino, Expo.'!., 14-20; Td., Not., 41 4. In 1808, 3 companies of militia were 
organized under captains Lorenzo Gutierrez, Jos6 Fran. Pino, and Bartolome 
Vaca, 61 men in each comp.; but down to 1812 they had received no pay. 

'^Diai-io de C'drtes, 1813, xvii. 50; xix. 307. 

« May 20, '14, report of Elias, in Pimrt, Die. Hist. Chih., MS., 15-24. Cost 
of Sta Fe comp., 127 men, in '14, S36,644. MS. of Pinart Col. 
Hist. Akiz. and N. Mex . 20 


the presidio of Carrizal, formerly at El Paso, was no 
longer considered as belonging to New Mexico. 

We have seen that the number of christianized 
pueblo Indians neither increased nor diminished per- 
ceptibly in these 22 years ; nor were there any clianges 
in the system of mission management. There were 
from 19 to 22 Franciscan friars in charge of the mis- 
sions; but they lived chiefly at the places having a 
large Spanisli population. Pino states that in 1811 
in 19 purely Indian pueblos there were but five mis- 
sionaries. There was one secular priest at Santa Fe, 
and there, as at Alburquerque and Santa Cruz, the 
friars were supported by fees; the rest by their sinodos 
of $330 from the royal treasury.*' On one phase of the 
earlier controversy — complaints of the padres against 
the governor and alcaldes for ill-treating the Indians — 
I find nothing new, though there is little reason to 
suppose that any practical reform had been effected. 
Lieutenant Pike found the natives virtually slaves, and 
cruelly treated by the Spanish officers. On the other 
hand, the friars' shortcomings were still a current topic 
of dispute. In consequence of a petition from the 
natives, the exact purport of which is unknown to me, 
Protector-general Andrade at Guadalajara in 1810 
appointed Felipe Sandoval 'protector partidario' of 
the New Mexican Indians. Sandoval in his report 
stated that the padres were content with simply saying 
mass, and the neophytes were in reality deprived of 
spiritual instruction. This brought out a reprimand 
from the bishop of Durango; and the vice-custodio. 
Padre Sebastian Alvarez, called upon the friars for a 
defence in 1818. They indignantly denied the truth 
of the charges, declaring that the 'j^rotector' was not 

*^Pi)io, Not, 15-16, 88; Expos., 7-8. He notes that an Ind. woman will 
not bear more than 4 children, taking preventive drinks. In '20-1, there 
were' 19-21 padres, with 11 sinodos, amounting to $3,289 or §3,900. Chacon, 
In/orme, MS. I make no attempt to record the names of padres ser\Tng dur- 
ing this and later periods, though many of them might probably be obtained 
from old mission registers and other records still existing. 


only influenced by evil motives but was a thief." No 
bishop visited the province after 1760, and therefore 
there were no confirmations. Delegate Pino, a New 
Mexican 50 years of age, had never seen a bisliop 
until he came to Spain in 1812. He urgently de- 
manded the erection of his province into a separate 
bishopric, and the carrying-out of the royal order and 
papal bull of 1777-9 in favor of a college. His idea 
was that the tithes, yielding $9-10,000, as disadvan- 
tageously rented, were ample to pay the episcopal 
salary and all other necessary expenses; besides, the 
sinodos of six missions might justl}^ be added, since the 
fees at Belen, Isleta, Abiquiu, Santa Clara, San Juan, 
and Taos would suffice for the friars' support. Ac- 
cordingly, on January 26, 1813, the erection of a 
bishopric and establishment of the college were de- 
creed by the c6rtes; and some supplementary instruc- 
tions were issued in May; but practically nothing was 
done under Spanish rule.'^" 

It is to be regretted that nothing is known of polit- 
ical events and sentiments in New Mexico during the 
war of independence in 1811-21. There is no indica- 
tion that the great national struggle sent even a ripple 
of excitement to the northern interior; and we may 
reasonably conclude that officials and people here, as 
in California, were content to await the issue, in which 

"Appointment of Sandoval Aug. 20, 1810, in Arch. Sta Fe, MS. Develop- 
ments of 1818. N. Mc'X., Defatsas rfe Misioneros, in Id. On March 26, '18, the 
gov. and bishop were asked by the audiencia to see that the Ind. of Jemes 
should receive proper Christian instruction in Spanish. Id. The friars who 
s'igned the Defemas were Mariano Penon, Laguna; Jose Pedro Rubi, Belen; 
Jose Ign. Sanchez, Isleta; Diego Martinez de Arellano, Sandia; Gerdnimo 
Riego, S. Felipe. In 1805 Padre Prada asks the gov. for relief for Zuni, 
where the position of the padre in time of peace was intolerable, and in war 
most perilous. The Zuflis have no inclination to Christianity, and only a few 
pay any attention to its rites. They were friendly to the hostile Navajos, 
who, on their visits to Zuiii, were always furnished women with whom to sleep; 
and similar privileges were offered to Lieut. Narbona and his men. A rch. Sta 
Fe, MS. 

^"Pino, Not, 19, 22, 31-3, 90-2; Id., Expos., 7-8, 25-7; Diario de C6rtes, 
1812, xvi. 160; 1813, xx. 141-2; C6rtes, Col. de Deaxtos, iii. 200; Arrilhiga, 
Hecop., 1830, p. 95-6. In his Adickmes to Pino, p. 34 of Nolidm, Barreiro 
speaks of a decree of Jan. 26, '18, in favor of the bishopric and colegio. Some- 
thing was also attempted in '23. 


they took but slight interest, and of which in its de- 
tails they were to a great extent kept in ignorance. 
In New Mexico, the element of private correspond- 
ence, so important an aid in tracing the annals of 
this period in California, is entirely lacking in the 
records within my reach. We have seen that in 1822 
Governor Melgares was succeeded by Chavez, and 
also that Vizcarra ruled for a time in the same year. 
Besides this brief record, we have one important doc- 
ument of 1821, which shows how news of Iturbide's 
accession was received, and which may indicate that 
New Mexicans were not behind Californians in the ver- 
satility displayed in accepting the successive changes 
of government, with prodigious and suddenly acquired 
enthusiasm for each. 

It was on September 11th that the 'dulce voz de 
libertad' was first heard, and lovers of the country and 
religion swore to the independence at Santa Fe; and on 
December 26th— jdia glorioso! jDia de admiracion, 
y dia tan eternal para los Nuevos Mexicos, que de pa- 
dres d hijos se ira trasmitiendo hasta la mas remota 
posteridad ! — came news of Iturbide's entry into Mex- 
ico. Dozens of citizens received communications in 
writing and print by the mail of that day, which they 
read aloud to the crowd at the post-office, the gov- 
ernor reading a patriotic address froni the city of 
Tepic, with a poetic effusion of that 'liberalisimo 
europeo' Don Pedro Negrete, on listening to which 
all, from the 'tierno parvulito' to the 'tremulo an- 
ciano,' were beside themselves with joy, and filled the 
air with vivas, as Melgares shouted, " New Mexicans, 
this is the occasion for showing the heroic patriotism 
that inflames you; let your sentiments of liberty and 
gratitude be published abroad, and let us show ty- 
rants that although we live at the very extremity of 
North America we love the holy religion of our 
fathers; that we cherish and protect the desired 
union between Spaniards of both hemispheres; and 
that, with our last drop of blood, we will sustain the 


sacred independence of the Mexican empire!" The 
6th of January, 1822, was set apart for a formal cele- 
bration, which should, if possible, excel that of Tepic. 
At dawn the salutes of artillery and the marching of 
processions began; and with dawn of the next day, 
ended the grand baile at the palacio. Never did 
Santa Fe behold such a splendid display. The inde- 
pendientisimo postmaster, Juan Bautista Vigil, ex- 
celled himself in painting decorations; the excesivo 
independiente alcalde, Pedro Armendaris, led a tri- 
umphant jsaseo; and a grand loa de las tres garantias 
was performed, by Alfcrez Santiago Abreu represent- 
ing independence, Curate and Vicar Juan Tomas 
Terrazas religion, and Chaplain Francisco Osio the 
union. All through the day and night the villa was 
painted red with independence or death, and Gov- 
ernor Melgares wrote a flaming account of the whole 
affair for the Gaceta ImperialJ'^ Doubtless Don Fa- 
cundo, realizing the side on which his bread was but- 
tered, saw to it that nothing was lost in telling the 
story; and presumably the fall of Iturbide a little 
later was celebrated with equal enthusiasm. There 
was nothing mean or one-sided in New Mexican 

" Melgares (Faciindo), Demostraciones qnepara soleminssar la Independenda del 
Imperio hizo la ciudad de Sta Fe, 1S32. In Gaceta Imp., March 23, 26, '22, ii. 
85-93. Proclamation of the plan de Iguala in N. Mex., 1821, mentioned in 
Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 237-9, from the same source. It is noticeable that in 
the celebration the gov. is called jefe politico, and an ayuiitamiento is men- 
tioned. Sept. 10, '22, N. Mex. was made one of the 5 Provincias Internas 
under a com. gen. at Chih., corres. to the earlier intendencia; that is, there 
was practically no change in N. Mex. Mex., Mem. Gtierra, 1823, p. 25. 




Succession of Rcleks— Territory and Department — Civil and Military 
Government — Chronology — Indian Affairs — Revolution of 1837-8 
— Perez, Gonzalez, and Armijo — Texan Santa Fe Expedition of 
1841 — Defeat of the Invaders — Texan Raids foe Plunder in 1843 — 
McDaniel, Warfield, and Snively — The Filibusters Foiled — The 
Santa Fe Trade — Commerce of the Prairies — Map — Events and 
Statistics — Storrs and Gregg — Patties Exploits — California 
Caravans — Industrial Condition — Mines and Missions — Schools — 
Newspaper — Population. 

The ruler at Santa Fe during the Mexican republi- 
can regime of 1823-46 was known as jefe politico 
until 1837, and later bore the title of gobernador. 
The list, as made up from those of Prince, Meline, 
Pitch, and the United States land-office reports, with 
slight corrections from original sources, is given in a 
note.^ As a rule, nothing is definitely known respect- 
ing the acts of these officials or the circumstances of 
their accession to power. 

Until 1824 New Mexico was a province, one of the 
Provincias Internas, until, by the acta constitutiva of 
January 31st, it was joined to the provinces of Chi- 

' List of governors of N. Mex., 1823-^6: Antonio Vizcarra to June 1823 
ncisco Javier Chavez, June and July, acting; Bartolouie Vaca, 1S23 tc 
Sept. 1825; Antonio Narbona, Sept. 1825 to May 1827; Manuel Armijo, 

Francisco Javier Chavez, Juue and July, acting; Bartolouie Vaca, 1S23 to 
'" t. 1825; Antonio Narbona, Sept. 1825 to May 1827; Manuel Armijo, 
7-8; Antonio Vizcarra, acting in 1828; Jose Antonio Chavez, 1828-31; 

Santiago Abreu, 1831-2, or perhaps to 1833; Francisco Sarracino, 1833 to May 
1835, though Juan Rafael Ortiz seems to be named in the archives in Oct. 
1834; Mariano Chavez, acting, May to July 1835; Albino Perez, 1835-7; 
Pedro Muuoz, acting, 1837-8; Jose Gonzalez, pretendant or revolutionary 
gov., 1837-8; Manuel Armijo, Jan. 1838 to 1846; Antonio Sandoval, acting, 
1841; Mariano Martinez de Lejanza, acting, 1844-5; Josd Chavez, acting, 
Sept. to Dec. 1845; and Juan Bautista Vigil y Alarid, acting, in Aug. 1846. 



huahua and Durango, to form the Estado Interno del 
Norte. Durango, however, protesting against this 
arrangement, because the capital was fixed at Chihua- 
hua, the two southern provinces were made states, and 
from July 6th New Mexico became a territory of the 
republic. At the same time the El Paso district was 
joined to Chihuahua, but no eastern or western 
bounds were assigned to New Mexico, it being under- 
stood that the territory extended in those directions 
far out beyond the settlements, and in the north to 
the Arkansas, the limit of Mexican possessions since 
1819. U nd er the new constitution of December 1836 
the territory became a department, and was so called 
to the end of Mexican rule.^ 

Under the new forms of the republican regime 
there was practically no change in the government, all 
branches being controlled somewhat arbitrarily by the 
governor. There was a kind of legislature, or execu- 
tive council, of four or six members, known as the 
diputacion provincial, or territorial, from 1824, junta 
departamental from 1837, and sometimes asamblea in 
1844-5; but this body is stated by Barreiro and 
others to have been a nullity, and very little is known 
of its acts.^ Instead of the alcaldes mayores of 
Spanish times, there were ayuntamientos at a few of 
the larger towns, with ordinary alcaldes at the smaller 
settlements.* In 1844, by a decree of the assembly, 

^ July 19, 1823, decree alluding to N. Mex. as one of the Proviucias Int. 
de Occidente, and providing that the civil and military command be sepa- 
rated. Mex., Col. Ord. y Decretos, ii. 147-8. Acta const, of Jan. 1824. Mex., 
Col. Con-stit., i. 3. Decree of Feb. 4, 1824, N. Mex. to send one diputado to 
the diputacion provincial of Chih. i/ex., Col. Ord. y Dec, iii. 25. July 6th, 
'La prov. de N. Mex. queda de territorio de la federacion.' Id., 55. July 
27th, bounds of Chih., including El Paso. Id., 59. Protest of Durango 
against estado del norte, with capital at Chih. Pinart, Doc. Hist. Chih., MS., 
ii. 1. Law of Dee. 30, 1836, 'N. Mex. sera departamento. ' Anillaga, Becop., 
1836, p. 379. Jan. 18, 1845, N. Mex. declared one of the departamentoa 
fro:iterizos, as per art. 134, pt 17, of the constitution. Mex., Leyes {Palacio), 
1344-6, p. 81. 

5 Bai-reiro, Ojeada, 27-8. In 1831 the members are named, Ant. J. Mar- 
tinez being the first. Arch. Sta Fe, MS. In 1844 Jesus Maria GaUegos was 
pres. and J. B. Vigil sec. AbeH's kept, 479. In 1845 the asamblea had four 
members, and one suplente not named. S. Mirjuel, Rep. Mex., 60. 

* In 1827-32, ace. to Barreiro, Ojeada, 42, and a table Viy Narbona, in Pino, 
Not., 27-30, only Sta Fe, Canada, and Taos had ayuntamientos. The parti- 


published in a bando by the governor, the department 
was divided into three districts and seven partidos ; 
and presumably prefecturas were organized, since one 
or two prefects are incidentally named. Of New 
Mexican representatives in congress, I have found no 

dos were Sta Fe, including S. Miguel del Vado, Cochitl, Jemes, Sandfa, and 
Alameda under alcaldes, and also Tesuque, Pecos, Sto Domingo, Cia, Sta 
Ana, and S. Felipe; Alburquerque, including Isleta, Tome, Belen, Socorro, 
and Laguna as alcaldias, and also Sabinal, Acoma, and Zuni; and Canada, in- 
cluding S. Juan, Taos, and Abiquid under alcaldes, with Sta Clara, S. Ilde- 
fonso, Pujuaque, Nambe, and Picuries. The division into districts and 
partidos on June 17, 1844, was as follows: Central district, cabecera Sta Fe, 
which is also capital of the department, with three partidos: 1st, Sta Fe, in- 
cluding S. Ildefonso, Pujuaque, Nambe, Cuyamanque, Tesuque, Rio Tesuque, 
Cienega, Cieneguilla, Agua Fria, Galisteo, Real del Oro, and Tuerto; 2d, 
Algodones, including Rayada, Cochiti, Pena Blanca, Chilili, Sto Domingo, 
Cubero, S. Felipe, Jemes, Cia, Sta Ana, and Angostura; 3d, S. Miguel del 
Vado, including Pecos, Gusano, Rio de la Vaca, Mula, Estramosa, S. Jose, 
■ Pueblo, Puertecito, C'uesto, Cerrito, Anton Chico, Tecolote, Las Vegas, and 
Cepillo. Northern district, cabecera Los Luceros, with two partidos: 1st, 
Rio Arriba, capital Luceros, including Sta Cruz de la Canada, Chimayo, 
Truchas, Sta Clara, Vegas, Chama, CucliUlo, Abiquiii, Rito, Colorado, Ojo 
Caliente, Ranchitos, Chamita, S. Juan, Rio Arriba, Joya, and Embudo; 
2d, Taos, capital Don Fernandez (S. Fernando de Taos ?), including S. 
Francisco, Arroyo Hondo, Arroyo Seco, Desmontes (Dos Montes ?), Ciene- 
guilla, Picuries, Sta Barbara, Zampas, Chemisal, Llano Penasco, Moro, 
Huerfano, and Cimarron. South-eastern district, cabecera Valencia, with 
two partidos: 1st, Valencia, including S. Fernando, Tome, Socorro, Limitar, 
I'olvaderas, Sabinal, Elames, Casa Colorado, Cibolleta (Sevilleta), Sabino, 
Parida, Luis Lopez, Belen, Lunas, Lentes, Zuni, Acoma, and Rito; 2d, 
Bernalillo, including Isleta, PadUla, Pajarito, Atrisco, Placeres, Alburquer- 
que, Alameda, Corrales, and Sandia. Doc. from the Arch. Sta Fe, translated 
in Alert's Eept., 4~ll-^. Abert and Prince choose to call the partidos ' coun- 
ties. ' 

* Except of Jose A. Cliavez, in 1827-8, described in the Semblaraas de Dipu- 
tados as ' consigned ' to Francisco Tagle. 

Gregg, Corn. Prmries, i. 222, 233-8, and Davis, El Gringo, 105-7, give an 
account of the administration of justice by the alcaldes, or through the arbi- 
tration of hombres buenos, appeals to the governor, penalties of fine and im- 
prisonment, not very impartially awarded, absence of all the legal forms of 
court routine, exemptions under the military and ecclesiastical fueros, the 
impossibility of obtaining justice, and the consequent prevalence of thefts and 
other petty offences. In these matters N. Mexico was like all the distant Mexi- 
can territories, and much light will be thrown on them by a perusal of the an- 
nals of California, where the records are more complete. In Mej;., Mem. 
Jiuttida, 1826, p. 6, it is said there was no juez de letras nor lawyer va N. Mex., 
and litigation had to be carried on at enormous cost iu Durango, Zacatecas, etc. 
In Id., 1828, no. 2, p. 14, there is said to be a juzgado de distrito at Sta Fe; 
also tliat the circuit court of Parral has jurisdiction in N. Mex. In Id., 
1831 , p. 7. 18, §3,000 has been assigned for a lawyer to serve as juez de letras. 
Yet in 1832 Barreiro, Ojeada, 38-9, who has served two years as asesor, or 
legal adviser, complains that 'jamas se castigan los delitos, porque no hay en 
lo absoluto quien sepa formar una sumaria, evacuar una defensa, ni llevar la 
voz fiscal;' that few are able to carry their cases to Mex. ; and that he de- 
spairs of being able to introduce order into the administration of justice in 


Down to 1839 the territory was under the military 
rule of a commandant, called militar, principal, or de 
armas, who was subordinate to the comandante gen- 
eral of Chihuahua. At times the civil and military 
commands were held by the same and at others by 
different men. In 1824 the presidial company at 
Santa Fe had 119 men, including officers, at a total 
cost of $35,488. A Mexican law of 1826 provided 
for three permanent cavalry companies of 100 rank 
and file, each at a cost of $87,882; and for two com- 
panies of active militia, each of 100 men. Barreiro, 
however, writing in 1832, states that the territory 
had still only its one company, urging an increase of 
force and a transfer of tlie presidio to Valverde. In 
1835, on the coming of Governor Perez, who was also 
comandante principal, some slight effort seems to have 
been made to reorganize the forces, without definite 
results. In 1839 New Mexico was separated from 
Chihuahua, and made a comandancia, Governor Ar- 
mijo having later the title of comandante general. 
From this time, also, in Mexican reports the existence 
of the three companies is noted, though with only 
men enough for one. The truth seems to be that 
here, as in California during the larger part of Mexi- 
can rule, the military organization hardly existed ex- 
cept on paper.^ 

N. Mex. He urges the ' reestablishment ' of a juzgado de letras. In the 
estimates of 183S, Mei:, Mem. Hoc., 2J pt, the ministros and fiscales are to 
receive §4,000 each. Prince, 229, names Ex-gov. Abreu as chief justice down 
to 1837. All is very confusing, and it is hard to determine whether the ter- 
ritory ever had any courts except those of the ordinary alcaldes. 

'Company report of Dec. 1824, showing that the captain was jefe politico, 
with $4,000 pay. MS. of the Piiiat-t Col. Law of March 21, 1826, establish- 
ing presidial and militia companies. Ari-illaga, Recop., Jan-June 1836, p. 193- 
204; Riesgo and Valdes, Mem. Eatad., 26. In 1824 Juan Jose Arocha was 
com. de armas. Arch. Sta Ft, MS., 18.32; Barreiro, Ojeada, 30-6, on military 
matters. He urges the necessity of an increased force to hold the Americans 
as well as the Indians in check, separation from the Chihuahua comandancia, 
and especially a transfer of the presidio to Valverde, it being of no use at 
Sta Fe. He advises selling the old wall of the capital for building material; 
also the establishing of a military school, and organization of the militia. On 
Aug. 1, 1834, Bias Hinojos was capt. of the company and comandante prin- 
cipal of N. Mex., signing a proclamation in favor of Sta Anna, which is also 
signed by sergeants and corporals of Sta Fe, Taos, and S. Miguel del Vado, 
indicating either a distribution of the company at 3 points or an attempt to 


Of events in their order from j^ear to year, there 
are but few which require more extended notice than 
is given in the appended summary, or chronologic list/ 

partially organize the three companies. Et Tiempo, Sept. 28, 1834. Gov. 
Perez, in 1835, brought money and arms. Doc. Hist. Cat, MS., i. 166; Arri- 
llaga, Recop., 1835, p. 23-4. Support of powder manufactory in N. Mex. Id., 
Jan.^une 1836, p. 404^5. Law of April 22, 1839, establishing a coman- 
dancia gen. Id., 1839, p. 104-5; Vallejo, Doc. Hint. Mex.., i. 179; Mex., Col. 
Leyes y Dec, 1839, p. 129. A presidial comp. at Vado in 1841. Arch. Sta 
Fi, MS. Some vague records of the regular and militia companies 1843-5, 
in Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1844, docs. 3, 22-3; /(/., 1845, does. 1, 4, 6, 8; Id., 
1846, doc. 11, 15-16. In 1845 Col Rafael Archuleta is named as comandante 
mditar. S. Mhjuel, Rep. Mex., 85. 

' 1823. Vizcarra, Chavez, and Vaca, gov. Treaty of peace with the 

1824. Vaca, gov. N. Mexico a province of the Estado del Norte, and a 
territory from July. Beginning of the regular Sta F6 trade and first use of 
wagons. U. S. overtures to N. Mexico, according to Ritch. Pattie's visit. 

1825. Vaca and Narbona, gov. Survey of a U. S. road for the Sta Fe 
trade begun. Navajos again troublesome. 

1826. Narbona, gov. Mexican decree for increase of military force. 

1827. Narbona and Armijo, gov. 

1828. Armijo, Vizcarra, and Chavez, gov. Under the Mex. law expelling 
Spaniards, according to Prince, all the friars were forced to depart, except 
two. Albino and Castro, who, by reason of their extreme age, and by the 
payment of §500 each, were permitted to remain. In Niles' Reg., xxxvii. 230, 
it is recorded that many of the expelled Spaniards came to the U. S. with 
the Sta Fe caravans of 1828-9. Discovery of the ' old' gold placers. 

1829. Chavez, gov. Proposition of John D. Bradburn to navigate the Rio 
Grande and colonize N. Mex. declined by Mex. govt. Bustamante, Voz de la 
Patria, i. no. 7, p. 9-10. Bent's fort on the Arkansas built. 

1830. Chavez, gov. New decree for the establishment of a bishopric, but 
nothing done. Communication with California opened by Vaca and Ewing 

1831. Chavez and Abreu, gov. Wolfskill, Jackson, and Young visit Cal. 

1832. Abreu, gov. Publication of the Ojeada sohre Nnevo-Mexico. Que 
da una idea de «« producdones vaturales, y de algunas otras cosas que se con- 
sideran oportunas para mejorar su estado, i ir proporcionando su futura feliddad. 
Formada por el Lie. Antonio Barreiro, asesor de dicho terriiorio. A peticion del 
escmo. senor ministro qiiefue deju-iticia Don Jose lynacio Espinosa. Y dedirada 
al escmo. senor vice-presidente de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos Don Anastacio 
Bustamante. Puebla, 1832, 8vo, 42 p., 21., 10 p. This somewhat merito- 
rious little work was also embodied in a later edition of Pino's Noticias His- 
toriciis. Fr. Juan Felipe Ortiz, vicar-general of N. Mexico. 

1833. Sarracino, gov. Visit of the bishop of Durango, whose reception is 
described by Prince as very enthusiastic. 

1834. Sarracino and Ortiz, gov. Grand demonstration of civil and mili- 
tary authorities on Aug. 1st in favor of Santa Anna and the pronuuciamiento 
of Cuernavaca. El Tietnpo, Sept. 28, 1834. 

1835. Serracino, Chavez, and Perez, gov. First newspaper of N. Mexico, 
El Crepusculo, published at Taos by Padre Martinez for four weeks. Found- 
ing of Las Vegas. Mora grant. War with the Navajos. 

1836. Perez, gov. Under the new central system N. Mexico was to be a 
department, and the ruler a governor instead of political chief. 

1837. Perez, Gonzalez, and Mufloz, gov. Revolution, as narrated else- 
where in this chapter. Fatal typhoid epidemic, which, with the following 
small-pox, according to Gregg, carried off one tenth of the inhabitants in 
1840. Custom-house opened at Taos. 


Troubles with the Indians were not very serious or 
frequent, so far as can be determined from scanty and 
indefinite records, the most startling occurrences in 
this connection resting on authority that is somewhat 
doubtful. The system of treaties and bribes was still 
in vogue, and, as a rule, the tribes found it to their 
interest to be nominally at peace. Still, the Navajos 
made trouble occasionally, and one band or another of 
the Apaches was generally on the war-path. There 
are but few items of interest or value in the record of 
Indian affairs for this period, though it is probable 
that local and personal details, if known, would fur- 
nish material for many an episode of adventure.* 

1838. Armijo, gov. to 1844. Trouble between the Americans and gov. in 
1838-9 on account of the murder of a man named Daley. Kendall's Nar., i. 

1 839. N. Mexico made a separate comandancia general. Discovery of the 
' new ' gold placers. 

1S40. Foreigners in trouble on account of the 'accidental' murder of a 
Mexican. Kendall, i. 353. 

1841. Sandoval, acting gov. Texan Santa Fe invasion of 1841-2, as else- 
where recorded. 

1842. Settlement of La Junta. Treaty with Mescalero Apaches. 
1843-5. Continued troubles with the Texans. 

1844. Martinez, acting gov. Destructive fire at Sta Fe. Defennor de la 
Intejmlad Nacional, Sept. 2oth. 

1845. Chavez and Armijo, gov. Pronunciamiento of the gov. in favor of 
Santa Anna. Amiijo delPutbh, Aug. 19th, p. 99. 

1840. Armijo and Vigil, gov. Occupation of N. Mexico by the U. S. 

' 1823. Indians constantly making raids, ilex., Mem. Ret., 1823, p. 57. 
Treaty made by Gov. Vizcarra in Feb. with Navajos, who restored captives, 
but claimed to be dying of hunger and unable to pay for past robberies. They 
were given 4 months to decide about conversion and settlement. A rch. Sta 
Fi, MS. More threatened dangers in Aug. 1825, but averted by the gov- 
ernor's activity. Mex., Mem. Rd., 1826, p. 10. Steck, in Ind. Aff. Reyt, 1863, 
p. laO-lO, and Thummel, Mexiko, 349-50, tell us that with the independence 
the Mexicans became cruel and faithless, and the Ind. consequently hostile 
after a long peace. Once a party of Navajos invited to Cochiti to ma'.ce peace 
were massacred. Bartlett, Pers. Narr., i. 174, says that in an amphitheatre 
in the Waco mts 150 Apaches were surprised and put to death. Nidever, 
Life and Adven., MS., 33, who was in N. Mex. in 1830, says the Arapahoes 
made frequent raids and never spared a Mexican. By Cooke, Conq. iV. Mex. 
and Cal., 48, we are told that Span, protection of the Navajos having ceased 
about 1832, they later suffered much from attacks of other tribes. Pattie, 
Pers. Narr., passim, has much to say of Ind. hostilities against the Mexicans 
during his residence and wanderings of several years in N. Mex. 1832. 
Jicarillas peaceful since they were driven by Comanches from their old strong- 
holds. Escudero, Not. Chih., 227. Comanches allies of the Mexicans in 1833. 
Id., 229-30. Lipanes long friendly, but bitter foes of the Comanches. Id., 
226. 1835. Comanches faithful; Apaches committing murders in the Socorro 
region. Ai-ch. Sta F(, MS. Gregg, Cmn. Prairies, i. 288-9, and Thummel, 
Mex., 350-1, narrate that late in 1833, in a campaign against the Navajos, the 


In 1837-8 New Mexico had its revolutionary move- 
ment, corresponding in many respects with Alvarado's 
revolt of 1836-7 in California. It was nominally, 
and to a slight extent really, a rising against central- 
ism and the new constitution of Mexico; that is, 
direct taxation — unknown in the territory under the 
jefes politicos, but introduced in the department by 
the governor — caused much popular discontent, aflford- 
ing at least a pretext for revolt. Several other mo- 
tives, however, were in the aggregate more potent, 
though in the absence of original contemporary evi- 
dence it is not possible to ascertain their relative 
importance. Thus, there is said to have existed a 
prejudice against Governor Perez, an excellent man, 
because he was a stranger sent from Mexico, and not 
a native or old resident like most rulers of earlier 
years. Some of his special acts besides the imposition 
of taxes created discontent.^ Manuel Armijo, for- 
merly governor, moved chiefly by ambition, but also 
by dissatisfaction at having been removed from his 
place as custom-house officer, is accused by Gregg and 
Kendall of having secretly fomented the revolt, which 
he hoped to control, and which by a counter-pronun- 
ciamiento he finally turned to his own advantage.^" 

Mexicans were ambushed and defeated, Capt. Hinojos being one of the killed. 
It was one of H. 's sergeants who opened a keg of powder with a red hot 
poker. Roberts, With the Invader, 40-1, notes Starvation Peak, between Las 
Vegas and Sta Fe, as a spot where the Mexicans in 1837, being invited to a 
council without arms, were treacherously attacked, and the survi^'ors starved 
to death. In 1S39 an Apache chief came to El Paso to demand the release of 
his wife and other captives, which was promised; but the gov. summoned 
troops, who killed the chief and 20 of his men, but not before the chief had 
slain the gov. Gregg, i. 297S. 1840-1. Navajos stiU hostile; two exped. sent 
out by the com. gen. Mez., Mem. Ouerra, 1841, p. 36. 1842. Com. Gen. 
Armijo reports the Mescalero Apaches as desiring to make a treaty, on condi- 
tion of receiving §5,000 a year and monthly rations. A. approves the terms. 
Pinart, Doc. Hi^t. Chih., MS., ii. 32; Voto de Sonora, April 15, 1842. 

^ According to Davis and Prince the revenue officials were arrested for 
peculation in 1836, and brought to trial before the district court. Two of 
the judges, Abreu and Nafero, were accused as accomplices, and not allowed 
to sit, but the other judge, Juan Estevan Pino, found the accused guilty, 
whereupon Gov. Perez took the case out of court and restored the adminis- 
trador de rentas to his place, which had been temporarily filled by Manuel 

'"' Juan Estevan Pino and Juan Rafael Ortiz were his leading associates in 
the plot, as Davis says. Gregg claims to have heard Armijo's own brother 
intimate that A. hoped to be made gov. by the rebels. 


Again, it was believed by the Mexicans, and not 
altogether without reason, as I suspect, that the re- 
volt was 'another Texan affair,' instigated more or 
less directly by the Americans, with a view of foment- 
ing, by revolutionary troubles, the discontent already 
believed to be prevalent among New Mexicans." 

On the 1st of August a mob released an alcalde of 
a northern town, who had been imprisoned on some 
unpopular charge,^" this serving as a beginning of the 
insurrection ; and a great crowd, largely composed of 
pueblo Indians, soon assembled at La Caiiada, where, 
on the 3d, the rebel 'plan' was issued,, the only tangi- 
ble part of which was 'not to admit the departmental 
plan,' and 'not to admit any tax,' three out of five 
articles being devoted to platitudes on God, country, 
and liberty, including, as a matter of course, the resolve 
to ' spill every drop of blood' in the sacred cause.^^ 
Governor Perez, with all tlie force he could raise, 
about 150 militia, including the friendly warriors of 
San Juan and Santo Domingo — the whereabouts of 
the presidial company not appearing — marched north- 
ward and met the foe at the mesa of San Ildefonso ; 
but most of his men passed over to the rebels, and he 
was obliged to flee with about 25 companions, return- 
ing first to Santa Fe, but soon abandoning the capital. 
Within a few days, and at different points, the party 

" Bustamaute says: ' La causa de la revolucion la habia dalo la entrada 
de una porciou de carros del Norte-America que trajerou muchas mercade- 
rias, cuyos derechos no querian pagar I03 anglo-araericanos, y tratando de 
estrecharlos a la exhibiciou el gobernador, le suscitaron el alzamiento.' This 
was probably not true of the traders. Gregg telh us that they even furnished 
means for quelling the revolt. He also says: ' So;ne time before these tragic 
events tooli place, it was prophesied among them [the pueblo ludiansj that a 
new race was about to appear from the east, to redeem them from the Spanish 
yoke. I heard this spoken of several months before the subject of the insur- 
rection had been seriously agitated. It is probable that the pueblos built 
their hopes upon the Americans, as they seemed as yet to have no knowledge 
of the Texans.' He also says the rebels proposed sending to Texas for pro- 
tection, though there had been no previous understanding. While there is no 
documentary proof, it is wellnigh impossible, considering the date and cir- 
cumstances, to believe that the Texans had no iniluence direotly or indirectly 
in the affair. 

'^The alcalde was arrested at the governor's orders by Ramon Abreu, who 
is called prefect. 

''Davis gives a translation from an original MS. copy in his possession. 


breaking up for self-preservation, the governor and a 
dozen or more of his associates were killed, the head 
of Perez being carried as a trophy to the insurgent 
headquarters, and the bodies of Santiago Abreu and 
others being barbarously mutilated." 

It was on August 9th or 10th that the rebels took 
possession of Santa Fe, where they committed no ex- 
cesses beyond confiscating the property of the victims ; 
and having elected as governor Jos^ Gonzalez, a 
pueblo Indian of Taos, they for the most part dis- 
banded. Gonzalez summoned an assembly of alcaldes 
and influential citizens from the north, which body on 
the 27th confirmed all that had been done.^° Now 
Manuel Armijo, formerly jefe politico and customs 
oflBcer, either as a part of his original plot, or perhaps 
disappointed because Gonzalez was preferred to him- 
self as rebel governor, or possibly moved by patriotic 
devotion to the legitimate government — for the exact 
truth eludes all search — ' pronounced ' at Tome, the 
8th of September, raised a force with the aid of Curate 
Madariaga, and marched to the capital to 'suftbcate 
the rebellion.' Gonzalez retired up the river, and 
Armijo had little difficulty in making himself recog- 
nized as acting governor and commandant-general. 
Possibly, also, he marched north and induced the 
rebels to submit to his authority and give up the 
leaders of the movement. ^^ At any rate, he reported 

"Those named as killed, all on or before Aug. 9th, were Col Albino Perez, 
gov.; Santiago Abreu, chief justice and ex-gov. ; Jesus Maria Alarid, sec 
state; Ramon Abreu, prefect of Rio Arriba; lieut. Miguel Serna, Joaquin 
Hurtado, and Madrigal; Sergt. Diego Sais, or Saenz; Marceliuo Abreu, Loreto 
Romero, Escoto, and Ortega. 

'^ Ritch tells us that ' according to the original MS. of the proceedings, a 
committee was appointed to prepare an address, and to proceed in person to 
present the same to the supreme govt. In the mean time, as resolved, all 
were to yield obedience to Gov. Gonzalez until such time as the com. could 
report. ' Armijo was a member of this committee. 

'" So says Bustamante, who seems to foUow Armijo's reports, as published 
in the Dlario del Oohierno. Thus A. claimed to have prevented the ' perdida 
total ' of the country, since the rebels had resolved to join the savage tribes 
against the province. Most MTiters imply that he was recognized only at 
Sta Fe, the rebels keeping up their organization in the north. Davis, how- 
ever, says the rebels were ' kept in a state of comparative peace by the au- 
thorities, under the pretext of desiring to treat with them ' until the troops 
arrived; and Miller tells us that A. marched on Sept. 13th against Gonzalez 


his patriotic achievement to the Mexican government, 
and asked for reenforcements. These, to the number 
of 300 or more, of the Escuadron de Vera Cruz and 
presidial troops of Chihuahua, under Colonel Justini- 
ani, arrived before the end of the year. The rebels 
had again assembled at or near La Canada, and were 
defeated in battle on January 27, 1838. Gonzalez 
and several of his associates were captured and shot. 
Armijo, in recognition of his services, was given the 
rank of colonel, and confirmed for eight years in his 
assumed positions of governor and comandante gen- 

Besides the revolution of 1837, the only notable 
event of New Mexican history in this jieriod, though 
one that in most of its phases belongs properly to the 
annals of another territory,^** was the capture of the 
Texan Santa Fe expedition of 1841. Hitherto there 
had been little or no direct intercourse between the 
New Mexicans and their neighbors of the adjoining 

and his lieut.-gov., Antonio Domingo Lopez, at Pujuaque, inducing them 
through the influence of a priest to negotiate for peace, but finally insisting 
on an unconditional surrender. But Miller speaks of no later troubles. 

" Bnstamante gives most particulars of the battle, or rather of the two 
battles, the first at the Pujuaque pass, and the other nearer Canada. The 
troops numbered 582, Justiniani giving the chief command to Armijo. Four 
dragoons were killed and others wounded in an ambush. The rebels were 
over 1,300, and lost 20 killed, many wounded, and 8 prisoners. Antonio Vigil, 
their commander, was killed in the 1st fight. Davis says that Gonzalez, the 
brothers Desiderio and Antonio A. Montoya, and Alcalde Esquibel were shot 
by sentence of a court-martial at Sta Fe. Others imply that there was no 
formal trial. Gregg and others accuse Armijo of cowardice in the fight, at- 
tributing the victory to Capt. Muuoz, of the Vera Cruz troops. Miller men- 
tions no fight; but says Gonzalez, with Lopez, his second in command, was 
hanged at Sta Cruz on Jan. 25th. Prince tells us that the Moutoyas, Esqui- 
bel, and Gen. 'Chopon'were shot near the garita in Sta Fe; Juan Antonio 
Vigil ' executed ' near Cuyamanque; and Gonzalez killed by the immediate 
command of Armijo. 

Bustamante, Gabinete, Mex., i. 33-6, gives a narrative in 1842, founded 
mainly on Armijo's report published in the Diario del Oohiemo, Nov. 30, 1837. 
Gregg, Com. of the Prairies, i., writing in 1844, was at Sta Fe during the re- 
volt. Kendall, Xarr. Texan Santa Fe Exped., i. 348-51, also of 1844, includes 
em account of the revolt in a very abusive biog. sketch of Arndjo. Davis, 
L'l Gringo, 86-92, as we have seen, claims to have had a copy of the rebel plan, 
and his account is as complete as any. Ritch, Aztlan, 248, also alludes to a 
MS. record of the assembly at Sta Fe. Later narratives are those of Miller, 
Blst. Sketch of Sta Fe, 22^, and Prince, Hi'<t. Sketches, 285-9. There is a 
notable absence of original documentary evidence. 

1' See Hist. North Mex. St. and Texas, vol. ii. 


but distant Texas ; yet the comparative success of the 
eastern rebels was not unknown to the less fortunate 
agitators of the west. Texan influences, probably not 
inactive in the troubles of 1837-8, had certainly been 
potent in fomenting later discontent. Santa Fe 
traders from the United States seem as a class to have 
feared a revolution, which might for a time imperil 
their commercial interests ; but among them, especially 
those who had become residents, there was an element 
fully in sympathy with the filibusters. These sympa- 
thizers reported that the New Mexicans awaited only 
an opportunity to rise and declare their independence, 
and that even the authorities were not disposed to 
offer much resistance." 

Besides crediting these exaggerated reports, the 
Texans had a theory, without foundation in fact or 
justice, that their territory extended to the Rio Grande, 
and that it was therefore their duty to release from 
tyranny all inhabitants of that territory, including, of 
course, the New Mexicans living east of the river. 
They had, moreover, a strong desire to divert through 
Texan channels the Santa Fe trade that had proved 
so lucrative to merchants of the United States. Under 
these circumstances, in the spring of 1841 President 
Lamar fitted out an expedition of about 300 men, in 
six companies, under the command of Hugh McLeod 
as brevet brigadier-general. Three commissioners 
were sent to establish Texan authority in the west, 
well provided with proclamations explaining the ad- 
vantages of the proffered freedom; and a number of 
traders and travellers joined the expedition in quest 
of gain or adventure, some of them possibly not fully 
understanding its real purpose.^" It was not proposed 

I'' In NiW Rerj., Ixi. 61, 100, is a letter from Sta Fe, which represents all 
the pueblo Indians and Americans, with two thirds of the Mexicans, as anxious 
for the Texans to come. The gov. tells the writer that he neither can nor 
will resist. That such reports were circulated and believed in Texas and the 
U. S. is shown by the general tenor of all records of the period. 

'^"The commissioners were Wm G. Cooke, Jose Antonio Navarro, and 
Richard F. Brenham. The capUins were Wm P. Lewis, J. S. Sutton, W. D. 
Houghton, Ratcliff Hudson, Matthew Caldwell, and J. H. Strain. The pur- 
port of the proclamation, according to Kendall, was ' that the exped. was sent 


exactly — at least, such was the explanation offered 
later — to undertake with 300 men the conquest of 
New Mexico against the will of the inhabitants; but 
if the people were found not favoring or ready for re- 
volt the expedition would be content with trade, and 
would retire to await a more favorable opportunity. 
This, however, has no real bearing on the character of 
the party. They were simply armed invaders, who 
might expect to be attacked, and if defeated, to be 
treated by the Mexicans as rebels, or at best — since 
Texan belligerency and independence had been recog- 
nized by several nations — as prisoners of war. They 
left Austin in June, and in September, after a tedious 
march by the worst routes over an unknown country, 
they arrived ragged, worn out, and half starved on 
the New Mexican frontier. 

Meanwhile, the Mexican authorities had long ex- 
pected an invasion from Texas, and special warnings, 
with promise of reenforcements, had recently been re- 
ceived from the national capital. While there was no 
lack of disaffection in certain quarters, the masses of 
the people were far from ready to accept the so-called 
freedom offered by filibusters, and the rulers still fur- 
ther from any intention to permit a change of govern- 
ment. Every possible effort, on the contrary, was 
made to prepare for defence, and to foment the current 
popular idea of the Texans as valiant but reckless des- 
peradoes, from whom might be expected, not liberty, 
but pillage, murder, and outrage. All foreigners were 
closely watched, and several were arrested on suspi- 
cion of complicity in schemes of invasion."^^ Satisfied 

for the purpose of trading, and that if the inhaljitants were not disposed to 
join peacefully the Texan standard, the exped. was to retire immediately (!). 
These procl. were printed in both Spanish and English, and not a doubt ex- 
isted that the liberal terms ofifered would be at once acceded to by a popula- 
tion living within the limits of Texas, and who had long been groaning under 
a misrule the most tyrannical.' Narr., 270. See also 365-7. 

^' According to an account followed by Bustamante, ' En Julio de 18.39 los 
estraugeros del Norte en Sta Fe, so pretesto de pedir jiisticia atentaron des- 
earadamente contra el gobiemo, de quieu exigian por la fuei-za de las armas 
que se fusilaron por el mismo gobernador, d se les entregasen unos reos que 
en 1837 mataron & un estrangero, Regentaban este atentado Guillermo 
Drideu y Santiago Querqu3 [James Kirker] que comanJaba una gavilla de 
Hist. Ariz, .ind N. Mex. 21 


that danger was near, Governor Armijo sent south- 
ward an appeal for aid, ordered a close watch of for- 
eigners, who were forbidden to leave their places of 
residence, and sent Captain Damaso Salazar to recon- 
noitre the eastern frontier. On September 4th Sala- 
zar sent in as captives three men, who were regarded 
as spies from the invading army. They were forbid- 
den to leave the capital, but escaped a week later, and 
on being recaptured, were put to death.-^ On the 
15th a Mexican named Carlos and an Italian, Brig- 
noli, who had been with the Texans in August, were 
found, and induced to tell what they knew of the inva- 
sion. Meanwhile, every effort had been made for ef- 
fective defence; the rurales, or militia, called into 
service and sent to the frontier under Lieutenant- 
colonel Juan Andres Archuleta; Prefect Antonio 
Sandoval summoned to the capital to act as governor ; 
while Armijo set out on the 16th witli the presidial 
troops. On the same day five men, sent on in advance 
of the foremost division of Texans, were captured, 
disarmed, and jDut in jail at San Miguel del Vado."^ 
Next day Colonel Cooke and Captain Sutton, with 
94 Texans, surrendered to Armijo and Salazar at 
Anton Chico. The governor established his head- 
quarters at Las Vegas, distributed among the captors 

indios sahuanos; mas se resistio a ello el gobernador. Desde aquella epoca 
hasta liltimo de agosto de 1841 se suscitaron conspiraciones por diferentes 
puntos del departamento contra el gobierno, y si en todas no ban sido los es- 
trangeros los principales motores, a lo menos ban tenido i^arte. La de agosto 
la dirigia el Americano Julian Werkeman, i, quien los Tejanos tenian apode- 
rado en este departamento, cou el solo objeto de que formara la revolueion, 
para lo que vino desde Taos d Sta Fe, acompanados de otros paisanos suyos 
decididos a asesinar al gobernador Armijo.' Gregg also mentions the act of 
the Americans, though not admitting that it had any political aspect. Ken- 
dall notes the arrest of Thomas Rowland. Suspicions against Workman and 
John Rowland in this connection had something to do with their migration to 
Cal. in 1841. Kirker, named above, died in Cal. about 1853. Drydeu was a 
prisoner in Chill, in 1841-2. B. D. Wilson, Ohservationx, MS., who had lived 
in N. Mex. since 1833, teUs us that not only Rowland and Workman, but 
about 20 more, including himself, joined the Cal. party because, on account 
of Texan complications, they did not deem it safe to remain. 

"-They were Howland, Baker, and Rosenburg. The latter was killed in 
resisting recapture, and the others were executed later. This is called mur- 
der by Kendall, but the act seems to have been justifiable. 

''^ These were Capt. Lewis, Van Ness, Howard, Fitzgerald, and Kendall. 
The Spanish account makes the number 6. 


the property taken from the Texans, made a bonfire 
in the plaza of Lamar's proclamations, sent oflP Cooke 
and his fellow-prisoners under a guard of 200 men for 
Mexico, and sent out explorers to find the rest of the 
invaders. These, under McLeod, about 200 in num- 
ber, finally surrendered to Archuleta, at a place called 
Laguna Colorada, on the 5tli of October; on the 16th 
Armijo was given a public and most enthusiastic re- 
ception at the capital, and next day the last of the 
prisoners left San Miguel on their tedious march to 
Mexico, where they arrived in several divisions at the 
beginning of 1842. A few were released in April, or 
earlier, at the intercession of foreign ministers, on the 
plea that they were not Texans, and had joined the 
expedition without knowing its real objects. The rest, 
after confinement at different Mexican prisons, some 
of them being compelled to work in chains on tlie 
roads, were finally released by President Santa Anna 
on his saint's day, the 13th of June. The only excep- 
tion was in the case of Navarro, who was at one time 
condemned to death, but finally escaped and returned 
to Texas."* 

2* The best narrative of these events, from a Mexican stand-point, is that 
in Bii-sianiante, GalAnete Mexkaiio, ii. 21G-25, entitled ' Espedicion de los Te- 
janos reudida a las fuerzas del General Don Manuel Armijo en 5 de Octubre 
de 1841,' or 'una memoria que se me ha remitido de Santa Fe de Nuevo- 
Mexico de la que he copiado lo siguieute.' The writer closes his narrative 
with an extract from an address of John Quincy Adams, in which he denounced 
this invasion of adventurers, or pirates, from the U. S., rejoicing at their 
failure, aud ridiculing their pretensions as traders and travellers. In the 
^-1 /■(•/(. Stit Fe, MS., is a fragmentary diary of Lieut. -col Archuleta's operations 
from Sept. 30th to Oct. 9th, including the capture of McLeod's party. In 
Bmtamaiil^, Diario, MS., xliii. 253-5, 327, is an account of the celebration of 
the news in Mex. on Nov. IGth, including an extra of the Fanal, aud letters 
from Garcia Conde at Chihuahua. The Diario del Gob., Feb. 20, 1842, has a 
translation of an article in a N. Orleans paper, ridiculing the idea that the 
Texans had been captured by the New Mexicans. In Mex., Mon. Guerra, 
1844, p. 37-8, is a brief notice of the afifair; and in IiL, Mem. Rel, 1844, 
doe. i.-xl., appears the diplomatic correspondence in Mex. on the case of 
Kendall and others, who claimed the protection of the U. S. See also Ce- 
halh.'<, Vlndk. MeJ., 69-72. 

On the otlier side, the leading authority is the Narrative of the Texan Santa 
Fe E.vpe,l;thi,. miiiprkiii.i „ ili-srripfm,, nf ,i tvir fhmii.ik Te.riLi and across the 
r/rent xovllt-ii;sf, rii yr.i^-:' ^ !■■■ '/ ,,,,,/,, ,-.-/ ( •,/,,,. 1^ :i iifhiii-fji-niinds, with an 
aci-onnt nf tin' suif, rill )■ ' '-I'lr I inllnns, and Jtnal 

capture nf-//,,' ■J'r.i'uii,. ,1,. ; ;■ ,„ :, ^,, ^.. :, r/i, ,,/■ Me.dco. With 

illiuitratlons and a iiuqj. U^j L,,.j. H\il,ui6 KuuUil. X. V.', 1S44, 12mo, 2 


There can be no doubt that Governor Arniijo was 
fully justified in seizing the Texan invaders, disarming 
them, confiscating their property, and sending them to 
Mexico as prisoners of war. He and his officers are 
accused, however, of having induced their victims to 
surrender by false assurances of friendship and false 
promises of welcome as traders, the giving-up of their 

vols; also later editions. The author was one of the editors of the New 
Orleans Picayune, in quest of adventure and material for a book, both of 
which he found. He was one of those who claimed to have joined the expedi- 
tion in ignorance of its filibustering purpose, and after much correspondence 
he was liberated at the request of U. S. representatives. His narrative is a 
most fascinatuig one, and is full of valuable information respecting the coun- 
tries through which he passed. No effort is made to conceal his intensely 
bitter hatred of the New Mexicans, though he speaks well of the women ami 
of a few men who were kind to the Texans in their misfortunes. fJov. 
Armijo is described not only as a tyrant, but as an inhuman and bloodthirsty 
wretch, an unprincipled libertine, and a boastful coward, whose fortune was 
founded on early success eis a sheep-thief, and whose only good quality was a 
fine personal appearance. Captain Salazar and other officers are described as 
worthy followers of such a chief. The author's ^•iews of Armijo are supported 
to a considerable extent by Gregg and other Americans who knew the gov- 
ernor, and they have been adopted more or less fully by later writers. Ken 
daU narrates minutely the capture and treatment of his own little party, anc 
he gives particular attention to Capt. Lewis, who had lived in Spanish- Ameri 
can provinces, knew the language, and was implicitly trusted by the Texans 
Lewis is accused of having betrayed his comrades, revealed all their plans, 
and induced Cooke and McLeod to surrender, by false assurances of kind 
treatment and false representations of the enemy's force. Of course, the sub- 
ject of Lewis' treachery and that of Kendall's wrongs, real or pretended, as 
an innocent citizen of the U. S., have very little importance as part of the 
annals of N. Mex. 

Franklin Combs, another of the prisoners, wrote a Narrative, which was 
published in the newspapers, and may be consulted with other matter, includ- 
ing a list of the members of the expedition in Mexico in ISJfZ, p. 232-50. An 
account of some parts of the affair by Lieut. Lubbock is quoted by Kendall 
and others. Thomas Falconer, an Englishman, who was set at liberty imme- 
diately on reaching Mexico, wrote Notes of a Journey through Texas and New 
Mexico in the years IS4I and IS4J, published in the Lond. Geor). Soc, Jour., 
xiii. 199-226. His notes are chiefly devoted to a description of the country. 
He claims to have joined the expedition without any knowledge of its real 
character. Of McLeod's capture he says: 'A surrender was agreed upon, an<l 
the terms, securing to the party the treatment of prisoners of war, were 
signed by the officers on both sides;' but he confirms Kendall's statement 
that on the march several men were shot and their ears cut ofif. In U. S. 
Govt Doc., 27th cong. 2d sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 325, H. Ex. Doc. 266, is 
found the bulky correspondence between the Mex. and U. S. representatives, 
as above referred to in Spanish. See also same sess. House Jour., 1S3, 234, 
1480; and Cong. Globe, 1841-2, p. 131, 977-8. Waddy Thompson, U. S. min- 
ister in Hex., in his Recollections, 5, 50, 92-3, 155-6, mentions this affair, and 
states, what indeed is practically admitted by all, that the prisoners were 
well enough treated in Mexico. Gregg, Com. Prairien, i. 227-32, relates some 
instances of outrages on Amer. residents in 1841. See also many articles and 
items in Allies' Reg., Ixi.-ii., as per index; Prince's Hist. Sk., 236-9; Deweea' 
Letters, 238-41; Wilsons Amer. Hist., 665-7; Young's Hist. Mex., 285-6, and 
most works relating to the annals of Texas. 


arms being represented as a mere formality imposed on 
all visitors to Santa Fe. Their arms once secured, it 
is said the lives of one party were saved only by the 
intervention and protest of Gregorio Vigil, and of 
another by a majority of one in a vote on the propo- 
sition to shoot them. And after tlieir surrender, par- 
ticularly on the march to El Paso, it is claimed they 
were starved and otherwise inhumanly maltreated, 
some five or six of their number, because of their ill- 
ness and inability to keep up, having been deliber- 
ately shot down, and their ears cut off, to be carried to 
Chihuahua as proof that they had not escaped. There 
is, of course, nothing to be said in justification of such 
acts, if the charges are true. My knowledge of Ar- 
mijo does not lead me to say in his defence much more 
than that he was certainly not so bad a man as he is 
represented; nor am I prepared to say that Salazar 
was not a brute, or that some barbarous acts majr not 
have been committed by irresponsible and unmanage- 
able subordinates. The Mexicans claim to have 
offered but life as a condition of surrender, and to 
have treated their captives with all the courtesy due 
to prisoners of war. It is well to consider the ex 
parte nature of the evidence against them, and the 
evident bias, amounting to hatred, of Kendall and 
other witnesses, leading to many obvious exaggera- 
tions. The Texans, if technically but soldiers of a 
belligerent nation, were in Mexican eyes rebel des- 
peradoes, entering a peaceful province under false pre- 
tences, to stir up bloody strife. Let it be remembered 
that the capture and transportation of 300 Texan fili- 
busters by the miserably organized soldiery of New 
Mexico was no slight undertaking, and small wonder if 
in such a struggle some of the kid-glove niceties of regu- 
lar wai'fare were not observed ; moreover, the march to 
Mexico was necessarily attended with nmch hardship 
and suffering, and some doubt is thrown on the charges 
of murder by the statement of Powhatan Ellis to Web- 
ster, that one, involving the shooting of three pris- 


oners, was a 'fabrication ' transferred from a northern 
newspaper to tlie columns of the Siglo Diez y Nueve. 
Again, if the promises alleged to have been broken 
were given in good faith to the Texans as peaceful 
traders, Armijo was fully justified in breaking them 
on learning, through Lewis' treachery and Lamar's 
proclamation, how he had been deceived ; if, on the 
conti-ary, the Mexicans, knowing the real character 
of the expedition, made the promises, intending to 
break them, as a device to get possession of the ene- 
my's weapons, the trick was at the least not more dis- 
honorable than that attempted by McLeod and Cooke. 
The Texan adventurers were, at be^o, engaged in a 
risky invasion of an enemy's territory; fortune was 
against them, and disaster resulted, for which they 
deserve but little sympathy. Armijo and his men, 
on the contrary, had the most wonderful good luck in 
defending their country, and merit but little of the 
obloquy that has been heaped upon them.-'' 

Naturally, the Texans were grievously disappointed 
at the utter failure of their grand filibustering expedi- 
tion, and loud in their threats of vengeance for what 
they chose to regard as the treachery and barbarity of 
the New Mexicans. Active preparations began as 
soon as the captives of 1841 had returned. The retali- 
atory enterprise, as talked about in advance through 
the press and otherwise, had a wide scope. Not only 
was New Mexico to be invaded and brought under 
Texan sway, but probably the banner of freedom 
would be unfurled in Chihuahua, and all of Northern 
Mexico revolutionized; and at the very least, Armijo 
and Salazar, with the traitor Lewis, were to be taken, 
dead or alive. For these purposes a force of 500 or 

^^ There is a notable similarity iu several respects between the rule of Ar- 
mijo in N. Mex. and that of Alvarado in Cal. — see Hht. Cal., iii., iv. — the 
revolts against centralism in 1S36-8, and the following troubles with for- 
eigners in 1841, as rejjresented by the Texan expedition and the Graham 
affair. Both rulers were grossly abused by foreign critics, Kendall's ravings 
bearing a markeil resemblance to those of Farnham. Charges against Alva- 
rado were for the most part false; of Armijo and his acts much less is known. 

TEXAN KAIDS OF 1843. 327 

800 men, under Colonel Jacob Snively, was to be 
raised, the only difficulty being to keep the number 
down, such was the popular enthusiasm at home and 
across the line in the United States. The project 
was made known by traders at Santa Fe — American 
spies, the Texans called them — and considerable alarm 
was felt in Mexico, especially because of the belief that 
the movement was to be in reality under the auspices 
of the northern republic. Accordingly, a large force 
was sent north from Chihuahua, under General Jose 
M. Monterde, to support Armijo, who, as the result 
proved, had little need of reinforcements. 

This grand scheme of vengeance, invasion, and revo- 
lution reduced itself in the execution to a raid for 
plunder on the Santa Fe caravans ; for this trade, of 
which much more is said in this chapter, was now to 
a considerable extent in the hands of Mexicans. First, 
Jolin McDaniel, a Texan captain, or calling himself 
so, enlisted in Missouri fifteen vagabonds, and with 
them in April 1843 attacked and plundered the cara- 
van of Jose Antonio Chavez on the Little Arkansas, 
in United States territory. Seven of the number, 
with their share of the booty, at once started back for 
the Missouri settlements; and the other eight did 
likewise, after murdering Chavez for the gold about 
his person. This outrage was a little more than even 
the Texan sympathy or anti-Mexican prejudice of the 
south-western frontier could justify ; ten of the party 
were captured and condemned to death or imprison- 
ment, according as their crime was murder or simply 
robbery. About the same time. Colonel Warfield, 
with a similar party of twenty-four adventurers, at- 
tempted a raid on the little New Mexican settlement 
of Mora. By a surprise he killed five Mexicans of a 
]:)arty of hunters, and took a few horses, which he pres- 
ently lost, with all his own, when the foe turned on 
him, and he was forced to retreat on foot. Warfield, 
with a few of the fugitives, succeeded in joining 
Snively; another party disbanded and found their 


way northward; while still another of five men was 
captured and apparently taken to Santa Fe. 

Meanwhile, Colonel Snivel}^, with his grand army 
of not 800 or 500, but about 180 men, reached the 
Arkansas late in May, to lie in wait for the traders. 
The caravan of the year, composed of both Mexicans 
and Americans, bound to Santa Fe from Indepen- 
dence, was approaching, escorted by two companies of 
United States dragoons under Captain Cook ; and 
Governor Armijo, with 500 men or more, marched 
out of his capital on May 1st to meet the caravan at 
the Arkansas. On June 19th the Texans succeeded in 
cutting off an advance party of Armijo's force, about 
100 militiamen and Indians under Ventura Lobato, 
killing some twenty, and making prisoners of the rest, 
except one or two who escaped to the governor's 
camp.-*^ Ten days later, as the force was deemed too 
small to attack Armijo, and as it was thought the 
caravan might have turned back through fear, about 
80 of the Texans started homeward ; but Captain Cook 
soon came up, and forced one detachment of the rest, 
greatly to their disgust, to give up their arms, claim- 
ing that they were on United States soil. About 50 
now started for Missouri, while the remainder — part 
of whom, under Captain Chandler, had been absent at 
the disarming, and another part are said to have de- 
ceived Cook by giving up only captured Mexican 
weapons, concealing their own rifles — could not agree 
on any course of action until the caravan had crossed 
the river and gone on their way unmolested. Then 
the renowned 'Texian Invincibles' went home, losing 
some men in fights with the Indians on the way. 

In July and August the Mexican minister com- 
plained to Waddy Thompson that the United States 
government was responsible for the so-called Texan 

^^Bustamante's statement that Snively 'atoclos los pasd a cuchillas deis 
pues de reudidas las armas ' is probably unfounded. Some other au thorites 
say that the prisoners were released. Tlie Texans and Americans state that 
Armijo, on learning of the disaster, retreated in great haste, without waiting 
for the caravan. 


invasion ; but the reply denied such responsibility, even 
if there had been any invasion, which was declared 
doubtful. Meanwhile, General Monterde marched 
northward to New Mexico with some 700 men; and 
lie and Armijo flattered themselves that they had 
saved their country. Good luck and a broad desert 
frontier had done more to defeat Texan schemes than 
the zeal of Mexican patriots." 

We have noted the adventurous beginnings before 
1822 of the trade between Santa Fe and the Missouri 
River. With the end of Spanish rule ceased all oppo- 
sition to the traffic on the part of Mexican authorities, 
and a profitable market was assured for goods from 
the United States. The eastern rendezvous was 
Frankhn, Missouri, down to 1831, and later Indepen- 
dence. From this point in May of each year set out 
the trains, or caravans, of pack-animals in 1823, but 
subsequently of wagons, drawn at first by horses and 
nmles, but later by mules or oxen, four pairs usually 
to each wagon, but sometinaes five or six pairs, with 

2' In the A reh. Sia Fe, MS. , is Armijo's Libra de Ordenes, showing something 
of his operations from May 1st to July 1st, including the capture of P Texans 
on June 6th or 7th. Mies' Reg., Ixiv. 195, 210, 2S0, 290, 323, 327, 354, and 
especially 234-5, 400, contains a large amount of information on details of the 
aflfair. Bustamante, A-puntes Hkt. Santa Anna, 206-9, tells us of the 'nueva 
invasion de Nuevo-ilexico por los Anglo-Americanos.' The diplomatic cor- 
respondence in Mex. is given in ilex., Mem. Bel, 1844, doc. Ixiii.-ix., and the 
aflfair is also noted in Id., Mem. Guerra, 1844, p. 37-8, where we are told that 
on June 17, 1843, the Mex. govt had been obliged to decree death to all 
foreigners entering the country as bandits, or fighting under a flag not recog- 
nized by Mex. The Voto de Sonora of Sept. 14, 1843, contains a report of 
Armijo, forwarded by Monterde Aug. 9th, on the successful effect of de- 
fensive measures. M. was about to return, leaving 300 men under Lieut. -col 
Mauricio Ugarte. Gregg, Com. Prairies, ii. 166-77, gives an excellent account 
of the expedition, and though his sympathies are not wholly against the 
Texans he shows that they acted very unwisely, even from their own point of 
view, in killing Chavez, whose family was not friendly to Ai-niijo, and whose 
brother and sister-in-law did much in 1841 to aiil the Texan prisoners; in 
planning to attack a caravan which contained many Americans, who could not 
honorably desert their Mex. friends; in attacking Mora, whose inhabitants 
liad always been friendly to foreigners; and in butchering the pueblo Indians 
of Armijo's vanguard, who had always been bitter against the governor, and 
who were now incensed beyond measure at Taos, forcing several naturalized 
foreigners to flee for their lives. Scenes in the Rocky Mts, 244-70, also contains 
a good narrative; and i?earffe'.s Western Wilds, 60-80, a fantastic one, purporting 
to be by one of Wartield's men, and evidently founded on fact in the earlier 


a load of 5,000 pounds. Cotton goods were the staple 
article of traffic, but there was also carried a miscel- 
laneous assortment of dry goods and hardware. The 
route of over 800 miles lay in an almost direct line 
west-south-west to San Miguel del Vado, and thence 
north-west to Santa Fe ; but this route, with some of 
the most common variations, is best shown by the 
majx Midway of the journey was the crossing of the 
Arkansas, the boundary between United States and 
Mexican territory; and the route corresponds nearly, 
in a general way, with that of the Atchison, Topeka, 
and Santa Fe railroad of later times. The arrival 
was generally in July, and the return departure in 
August. The selling price of goods was on an aver- 
age about double the cost, and at this rate was, for a 
time, sufficiently low to control the market as against 
foreign goods imported by way of Vera Cruz or Chi- 
huahua ; and indeed, a large proportion of the Missouri 
goods were sent from Santa Fe to the south by the 
regular autumn caravans. Duties, after an 'under- 
standing' with custom-house officers — for very slight 
attention was paid to the national arancel de derechos 
— were from 25 to 50 per cent of cost, and the trad- 
ers' net profit was as a rule from 20 to 40 per cent, 
though some cargoes were sold at a loss. The goods 
were paid for mainly in gold and silver coin, though 
a considerable quantity of furs and blankets was taken, 
and the wagons were sometimes partly laden with 
wool, there being no duty on exported products.^* I 

-^ The tax on exports was remitted in favor of N. Mex. by a decree of July 
19, 1823, for 7 years; and the privilege was renewed in 1830, 1838, and 1845. 
Arrilhi.ia, lirrop., 1829-30, p. 100; 1830, p. 131; 1838, p. U3; 1845-6, p. 95-6; 
alsM Ml!,, 1 , (ill, .lions of laws. The receipts of the N. Mex. custom-house, as 
re 1- : , M'X. govt, were as follows, accortling to Prieto, Eentas, 204, 

il.M .; i 111 parentheses being from the govt ??icmo»-io,s, and differing 

sdiiH «liit I ■>_',., -s months, l*2,0.")3 (12 mo., |3,595); 1826, 10 mo., §10,391; 
1826 7, .i;S,007; l.s-j; s. >:..'X>., I.sjs 'J, sJ7,(K)8 ($27,907); 1829-30, $12,691; 
1830-1, S10,5S1 (¥:il, : : I : i : ' , I,s33^, $29,297; 1836-7, $21,219; 

1841, (.$1,195); isrj. _, I !: Mid). Gregg mentions a custom, 

said to prevail, of (li\ M I :n^ m. 1, _ 1 .inii,^ into three equal parts, one for the 
officers, one for the trader, and one for the govt. He also says that of the 
$50,000 to $80,000 annually collected, nearly half has been embezzled. It 
was believed at first that the N. Mex. authorities were collecting much 
more than the Mex. law permitteil; but such was not the case. There was 
a prolubitory duty of $4 per pound on tobacco. 


IE Santa Ft Tkail. 


make no attempt here to picture the pleasures and 
perils connected with this 'commerce of the prairies,' 
or to present details of commercial methods, referring 
the reader for such matter, to the standard and often- 
cited work of Gregg, from which, however, before 
proceeding to notice the Santa Fe trade in some of 
its chronologic aspects, I append a table showing the 
growth of the trade from year to year.-* It should 

- -' Table showing approximate amounts of merchandise, number of wagons, 
hired men, proprietors, and the amount of goods sent south, chiefly to 






To Chih. 






















7 000 







80 000 












1 given the estimate of DaWd Waldo, 30 j'ears m 
of ]S46, as follows: cost of goods, §937,500; cost of 
• t .. sdl.T.Mi: profit, §400,000. There were 375 

In Farnharns Mex., 
the trade, of the bus 
outfit, insurance, \\ . 
wagons, 1,700 nuiL 

Commerce of t/n ' ' ^ if a Santa Fi trader, during eiijlit 

expeditions across tin -ji' •> -^ -'- ,. j- ■ . ., uwl a residence of nearly nine yearn 
in Northern Mexico. lUnstrateil villi HKips and em/ravings. By Josiah Gregg. 
N. Y., 1844. 12mo, 2 vol. Ihave also the 4th edition of Phil., 1850; and that 
of Phil., 1857, under the title, Scene.i and Incidents in the Western Prairies. 
Gregg made his first trip with the caravan of 1831. His work is the princi- 
pal source of all that has been or can be written about the Sta Fe trade down 
to 1843; and it also contains an excellent description of the country, people, 
and customs of the northern states of Mexico, with many historic items of 
value. After Gregg's work I have found the extracts and correspondence in 
Niles' Register, from year to year, the most useful source of information. I 
may also refer to Prince's Hist. Sh, 266-84; Ritch's Aztlan, 247; Mayer's 
Me.r. Aztec, ii. 364; Hai-per's Mag., July 1880, p. 187-90; A'oKr. Ann. Voy.. 
xciii. 308-13; Escndcro, in Pino, Xolicias, 75-9: Barreiro, Ojeada, 24-5; Ban- 


also be noted that before many years had 
Santa Fe merchants of Spanish race fitted out regular 
caravans and controlled a large portion of the trade. 
Freight was carried by pack-animals till 1824, 
Avhen wagons Avere introduced as an experiment, and 
making the trip without difficulty Avere used exclu- 
sively after 1825. These first wagons seem to have 
taken the Taos route.^" By the success of this experi- 
ment was attracted the attention of wealthier men 
than any that had previously engaged in the trade; 
and these men lost no time in bringing the matter 
before the government. Memorials were sent to con- 
gress by the people and authorities of Missouri, de- 
manding protection for the new industry, by treaties 
with Indian tribes, the marking-out of a road, estab- 
lishing of a fort on the Arkansas, and the appointment 
of agents at Santa Fe and Chihuahua to pi'event 
extortion in the collection of duties. Senator Benton 
took up the project with his customary zeal, and laid 
before the senate the statement of Augustus Storrs 
on the history and prospects of the prairie commerce. 
Finally, in January 1825, a bill was passed, authorizing 
the marking-out of a road, and appropriating $-30,000 
for this purpose and that of obtaining the Indians' 
consent to the road and its unmolested use." The 

croft's N. Mex. Miscel, MS., 1-2, 13-17; Hunt's Merck. Mag., xi. 475, 501-17; 
Marmier, Voi/ageurs Nouveanx, ii. 29-64. See also references of the following 

^ Storrs' Santa Fi Trade in IS24. He gives the route as from Ft Osage 
w. s. w. to the Arkansas; up the Ark. N. of w. 240 miles; s. to the Cimarron; 
up the C. w. 100 miles; and s. w. to Taos. Gregg, i. 24^5, implies that the 
wagons reached Sta Fe, and his map shows no route to Taos. Storrs ac- 
companied the caravan, and his narrative, or statement, drawn out in govt 
investigations, was published in Niks' Reg., xxvii. 312-16, as also in govt doc, 
as cited in the next note. It was the best account extant before that of Gtregg, 
who consulted it, and who had also a diary of Marmaduke, later lieut.-gov. of 
Mo. The year's caravan consisted of 81 men, 156 horses and mules, and 23 
wagons, making the round trip in 4 months and 10 days. Storrs, however, 
speaks of 4 parties starting in Feb., May, Aug., and Nov.; and gives the 
product of the year's trade as §180,000 in gold and silver, besides §10,000 in 

"The bill was approved on March 3d. The only objection urged in con- 
gress was to the survey of a road in Mex. territory. U. S. Govt Doc., ISth 
cong. 2d sess., Sen. Doc. 7, p. 1-14; Sen. Jour., same sess.; Cong. Debate-i, 
1824-5, p. 109-10, 342-8, 356-61; Annals 0/ Cong., 1824, p. 2703^; Benton's 
Delates, viii. 106, 126-34; Nile.^' Reg., xxvi. 203^t; xxvii. 250-1, 301,312-17, 
348, 351. 


New Mexicans were not less eager than the American« 
for the protection and development of trade; and in 
June 1825 Manuel Simon Escudero of Chihuhua was 
commissioned by Governor Vaca to visit St Louis 
and Washington.^" The same year a treaty was made 
Avith the Osages by the payment of a small sum ; and 
the survey of the road was begun, to be completed — 
that is the route partially marked by a series of 
mounds — from Fort Osage to Taos two years later. ^^ 
It does not appear, however, that the traders ever 
made use of the road as surveyed, preferring to follow 
the earlier trail, with such modifications as the condi- 
tion of grass and water suggested. 

Meanwhile, the trade grew in proportions, and the 
caravans made their yearly trips^'' without notable ad- 
ventures, except that the Indians — probably not with- 
out fault on the part of the traders — became increas- 

^^ Escudero, in Pino, Not. , "iQ-l. Not much is definitely stated as to the 
nature and results of this mission, but the assurances from U. S. authorities 
and Mex. minister were encouraging. E. arrived at St Louis in Oct. Niles 
Heg., xxix. 85. In 1824 the gov. of N. Mex. was said to have announced his 
intention of marching with 1,500 men to Council Bluff's to secure trade, pacify 
Ind., etc. Id., xxvi. 252. 

2^ The U. S. commissioners were Benj. Reeves, Geo. C. Sibley, and Thomas 
Mather; and the surveyor J. C. Brown. This road struck the Arkansas near 
Plum Buttes, and followed it up to Choteau Island; thence s. to the Cimar- 
ron; up the C. 87 miles; thence to Rabbit-Ear Creek, ami continuing west- 
ward entered the mts near the source of Ocate River, terminating at Taos. 
Warrens Memoir, 26-7. Gregg and Prince, however, state that the road 
was never marked by mounds beyond the Arkansas, and only in part to that 

^* In 1825 a party left Sta Fe in June, and arrived at Franklin in Aug., with 
500 mules and horses, being attacked by the Osage Ind. A caravan also left 
Franklin in May mth 81 men, 200 horses, and §30,000 in goods; much suff'er- 
ing. There were already complaints that the trade was overdone. Nile.i' 
Beg., xxix. 54, 100. 263. Another, of 105 men, 34 wagons, 240 mules. Money 
scarce, but mules and horses to be had for §10-20 to §20-30 cash, for goods at 
100 per cent profit. Id., xxviii. 309. In 1825-6, Dr Willard went with a car- 
avan from St Charles to Sta Fe, and thence to Chih.; and his Inland Trade 
with Mexico was published in 1833, as an appendix to Pattie's Narr., 255-300, 
being mostly occupied with descriptive matter. In 1827-43, Collins, later 
supt Ind. affairs in N. Mex., made several trips. Ind. Aff. Eept Joint Com., 
1867, p. 330. Brief account of caravan of 1827, in Niles' Reg., xxxii. 292. 
There were 53 wagons, the largest number yet. The return cargo in 1829 was 
.S240,000. Id., xxxvii. 230, 274. In 1829, Capt. Austin was to go up the Rio 
Grande with a steamer and schooner, to open a new route for trade. Id. , xxxvi. 
424. In a later memorial of the Mo. assembly — U. S. Gov. Doc, 26th cong. 
1st sess., Sen. Doc. 472, p. 8 — it was stated that 1828, when 200 wagons car- 
ried §500,000 worth of goods, was the year of greatest prosperity, followed by 
a rapid decline; but this does not seem to agree with Gregg's figures. Ace. 
to Ritch, Bent's fort on the Arkansas was established in 1829. 


ingly hostile, being ev^er on the watch for small detached 
parties imperfectly armed or not sufficiently vigilant. 
Thus a party in 1826 lost 500 horses and mules, and 
one of 1828 over 1,000 animals, having, besides, three 
men shot. This caused a renewal of demands for gov- 
ernmental protection; and the committee on military 
affairs having reported to congress in favor of a mov- 
able escort rather than a fixed garrison, Major Riley 
was ordered to escort the caravan of 1829 to and from 
the Arkansas, with four companies of the 6th infantry 
from Fort Leavenworth. Soon after the traders left 
the troops at the Arkansas, they were attacked by the 
Indians, losing one man; whereupon, Riley came up 
and guarded the caravan for a short distance into Mex- 
ican territory. The troops waited at Choteau's island 
till October, and the returning caravan was escorted 
to this point by a Mexican force under Colonel Vizcarra. 
Though there was some further discussion of the mat- 
ter in congress, the escort was not continued.^'' 

In 1830 oxen were first used by the traders, the 
experiment having been successfully tried the year 
liefore by Riley's supply train. 1831 was the year of 
Gregg's first trip, and of Jedediah Smith's death. ^^ 
There were also hostilities on the Canadian in 1832-3, 
several men being killed; but in 1834 an escort of 60 
dragoons under Captain Wharton was again furnished. 
The revolt of 1837 did some injury to the American 
traders, since the property of their richest customers 
was confiscated; but they had no success in obtaining 

-'Reptof cong. committee, in Amer. St. Pap., MU. AS., iii. 615. BUey's 
liuyort of Nov. 22, 1829, ia Id., iv. 277-80. See also Niles Her/., xxxvi. 182, 
199-200; xxxvii. 230, 274, 291, 405, 419; xxxviii. 57, 101. There was some 
unfavorable criticism of the action of govt in furnishing 4 comp. of troops to 
protect a trade of §200,000, as favoring commerce over other industries. In 
1830 there was an investigation, and a bill was passed to 3d reading providing 
10 rciirn. i\,i i!i;, ~. rvioe. In 1827 there had been an effort to induce Mexico 
t" ]<■':■ ' •"''■■: : s liy Ind. in Hex. territory. Id., xxxii. 79. 

^ / ' . hi., for Smith's Cal. adventures. He joined the caravan 
of will ■'.! ^:u;;:i, S;, and Jackson were chief owners. He and a clerk 
wore sliot liy the C'omanches, while separated from the main party in search 
of water. J. J. Warner, still living in Cal., 1886, was a member of the same 
caravan. Remiii., MS., 5-11. Chas Bent is nameil as capt of a caravan of 93 
wagons in '33, escorted by a comp. of rangers; and Kerr as capt in '34, with 
§200,000 in specie. Niks'liej., xliv. 374; xlxii. 147. 


indemnity from Mexico. In 1837, however, the fron- 
tier custom-house of Taos was opened to foreign trade.''^ 
From 1838 the Missouri traders, through their assem- 
bly, governor, chambers of commerce, and senator, 
made earnest efforts to secure from congress a custom- 
house on the Missouri River, with privilege of draw- 
back and debenture for foreign goods, claiming that 
the trade had constantly diminished since 1828, and 
could in no other way be restored. A bill in their 
favor was tabled in 1842, but in 1845 another was 
finally passed.^^ In 1839 an attempt was made by 
Mexicans, with the aid of H. Connelly, an American 
merchant, to divert the course of trade from Santa Fe 
to Chihuahua direct. A caravan of 100 men made 
the trip through Texas, and returned to Chihuahua 
in 1840 without any serious casualty ; but the attempt 
was not repeated.^'' For a short time in these years 
Governor Armijo tried the experiment of collecting 
as duties $500 on each wagon-load of goods; but 
the size of the wagons that began to be used soon 
prompted a return to ad valorem duties. 

We have seen that the Texan attempt of 1841 to 
wrest the Santa Fe trade from the United States was 
not successful;^" and the troubles experienced by the 
caravans of 1843 at the hands of Texan robbers have 
also been recorded. Notwithstanding these outrages, 

3' Decree of Feb. 17, 1837. Prkto, Rentas, 204; Arrillaga, Recap., 1838, p. 

^^A memorial of '38 says that only 7 wagons started in '37, and the trade 
was surely ruined by competition with goods introduced with drawback priv- 
ileges via Matamoros and Vera Cruz from U.S. ports. U. S. Govt Doc. , 26tli 
cong. 1st sess., Sen. Doc. 472. See also Id., H. Ex. Doc, 191; Id., H. Jour., 
27th cong. 2d sess., p. 877, 1478; Id., 28tli cong. 2d sess., H. Jour., pp. 
361, 432, 576; Conij. Globe, 1841-2, Index. 'Chih.;^ Id., 1844-5, p. xi.; Ben- 
ton's Debates, xiii. 752; Niles' Seg., Ixiii. 15; Ixviii. 119. Mention of caravans 
of '39 and '41 in Id., Ivii. 133, Ixi. 209, including a letter from one of the Cal. 
emigrants, perhaps Toomea or Given. 

'^Gregg's Com. Praires, ii. 163-4; Mies' Reg., Ivi. 261, 403; Ivii. 216. A 
caravan under Pickett and Gregg is also named as leaving Van Buren, Ark., 
in May for Chih., with an escort'of 40 U. S. dragoons. 

*" See p. 319 et seq. of this volume. The return of the caravan of '41 in Sept. 
is noted in Niks' Reg., Ixi. 100. A party of Mexicans came with it, bringing 
$80,000 to purchase goods. The caravan of '42, Mex. and Amer., started in 
May with 62 wagons, 800 mules, and .?1 50,000 in goods. The expenditure 
of S5,000 by the Mex. for wagons and. harness at Pittsburg gave the papers 
of that town a chance to puff its prospects. Id., Ixii. 19, 192. 


the year's business was very large and profitable;" 
yet President Santa Anna, by a decree of August 7, 
1843, closing the frontier custom-house of Taos, put 
an end to the Santa Fe trade, much to the disgust of 
New Mexicans as well as Missourians. "Should the 
obnoxious decree be repealed, the trade will doubtless 
be prosecuted with renewed vigor and enterprise," 
writes Gregg ; and it was repealed almost before it 
had gone into effect, on March 31, 1844, so that the 
trade of 1844-6 was as large as ever, though selling 
prices, and therefore profits, had been constantly di- 
minishing for fifteen years.*" 

Besides the regular traders of the caravans, there 
were others, who resided permanently or for years in 
New Mexico; also many fur-trading trappers and 
miscellaneous adventurers,, whose experiences would 
fill a most fascinating volume, as, indeed, in one case 
— tliat of James O. Pattie — they have done. Pattie 
and his father, witla others whose aim was Indian 
trade and trapping, came to Taos and Santa Fe with 
a caravan of 1824, and for four years engaged in a 
series of the most remarkable rovings within and be- 
yond the limits of Arizona and New Mexico. Fre- 
quent encounters with hostile Indians and bears 
diversify the story of long journeys and the many 
perils of a hunter's life; while the claimed rescue of 
Jacoba, daughter of an ex-governor, from the savages, 
adds a slender thread of romance. Finally, in 1828, 
the Patties arrived in California, the elder to die, the 
younger to continue his exploits, as fully recorded in 
another work of this series. Probably in the east, as 

*'Many items in Niles Reg., Ixiv.-v. It appears that after the Texan 
troubles of May-June, another caravan of 175 wagons left Independence in 
August, still escorted by Capt. Cook. There was some complaint against 
this use of troops. U. S. Gaul Doc, 28th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 2, 
p. 63. 

^'■Prkto, Rentas, 204; Greggs' Com., ii. 177; Mies' Reg., Ixv. 166; Ixvi. 
281, 352; Ixvii. 133, 385; Ixviii. 31, 148; Ixix. 416. The custom-house 
had been only nominally at Taos, goods being really entered at Sta Fe. The 
business of '44 was estimated at §750,000, but this year and the next there 
was some loss of animals, and traders were also perplexed by rumors of im- 
pending war. A caravan left Chih., in Dec. '45, being at Sta Fe in Jan., and 
at Independence in Feb. '46. 

Hist. Ariz, and N. Mex. 22 


certainly in the west, there is much of exaggeration, 
not to say falsehood, in the story of personal ad- 
venture; but there is sufficient groundwork of fact 
to make the story valuable as well as fascinating.*^ 
Benjamin D. Wilson was another of the pioneers who 
had a varied career as trader and trapper in Arizona, 
New Mexico, and Sonora, before coming to settle in 

Communication with California began in 1830, 
when Jqs6 Antonio Vaca visited that country with a 
small party of his countrymen, and Ewing Young, 
with a company of foreign trappers; possibly including 
Kit Carson, made a fur-hunting tour in the western 
valleys.*^ In 1831-2 three trapping and trading 
parties made the journey under Wolfskill, Jackson, 
and Young, the first-named opening the long-followed 
trail from Taos north of the Colorado River. From 
this time the route was travelled every year, often by 
parties of only a few individuals. Trade between the 
two territories consisted of the exchange of New Mex- 
ican blankets for Californian mules and horses ; and it 

*^ The Personal Narrative of James 0. Pattie, of Kenttidcy, during an ex- 
pedition from St Louis through the vast regions between that place aiid the Pacific 
Oceara, etc., etc. Edited hy Timothy Flint. Cmoinnati, 1833, 12ino. For more 
bibliographic details, and a full account of Pattie's Cal. adventures, and his 
return by sea and land via Mexico, see hist. Cal, iii. 162-72. The following 
is a chronologic outline of P.'s movements in 1824^7; July 1824, left Council 
Bluffs; Nov., arr. at Sta Fe, via Taos; also engaging in Nov. in an Ind. cam- 
paign, for the rescue of Mex. prisoners. From Nov. to April 1825 he 
made a trapping trip down the Gila and up its different branches, returning 
to the copper mines, where his father remained. In May he made another 
trip down the Gila, to bring furs that had been cached; in June-July visited 
Sta Fe, and spent the rest of the year at the copper mines, acting as a guard, 
his father renting the mine and remaining there. In Jan. -July 1826 he 
went down the Gila to the Colorado junction, up the Colorado and across the 
Rocky mts, trapped on the Platte, Yellowstone, Clarke's fork of the Colum- 
bia, and Arkansas, returning down the Rio Grande to Sta F(5. In Sept. -Nov. 
1826 he went to Janos, across Sonora to Guaymas, and back via Chihuahua 
and El Paso to the mines. From Nov. to April several minor Indian-fighting 
and hunting tours were made; and in May-July 1827 he went to Sta Fe, 
El Paso, and Chih., in a vain pursuit of an agent who had cheated his father 
at the mines out of all his wealth. Finally, in Sept. the two Patties organ- 
ized another trapping party, and in Deo. were on the Colorado, whence they 
presently went west, and falling into the hands of the Mexican authorities, 
were carried as prisoners to S. Diego. 

*' Wilsons Observations, MS. Coyners Lost Trappers probably narrates ad- 
ventures of this period chiefly, rather than of the earlier dates given in the book, 

^^Mist. Cal., iii. 173-5. 


must be confessed that the traders soon earned a 
most, unenviable reputation. There were many hon- 
orable exceptions; but most of the trading parties 
were composed of New Mexican, foreign, and Indian 
vagabonds, whose object was to obtain mules, without 
scruple as to methods, often by simple theft, and 
oftener by connivance with hostile Californian tribes. 
In 1833, especially, they caused a great excitement, 
and some of them, including Villapando, their leader, 
were arrested at Sta Fe.*^ In 1835-7 John A. Sutter, 
afterward famous in California, was engaged in trade 
at Santa Fe; in 1841 the Workman-Rowland party 
brought many foreign and native New Mexicans to 
California; in 1842 a large trading party under Vigil 
included some twenty families in quest of homes, 
most of whom came back to settle in the San Bernar- 
dino region; and down to the end of the Mexican rule 
the movement of traders and emigrants continued.*^ 
Among native New Mexican settlers in California 
were members of the Vaca, Pena, and Armijo fami- 
lies, while many well-known Californian pioneers had 
spent some years in New Mexico.*^ 

Industrially, there was for the most part no change, 
except a slight deterioration in some branches, from 
the unprosperous conditions of former years. Of 
home records on the subject I have found none of any 
value ; and while Gregg and his followers, in connection 
with commercial annals, give excellent reviews of the 
country's industries or lack of them, their remarks 
would apply as well to the Spanish as to the Mexican 

*^ Hist. Cat. , iii. 386-8, 395-6. Charlef oux was a Canadian in command 
of 30 or 40 ' Chaguanoso ' or Shawnee ' traders, ' who took some part in the 
sectional politics and warfare of Cal. in '37-8. Id., iii. 495, 518-20. About 
these matters J find nothing in N. Mex. records. 

"Hist. Cal., iv. 124-5, 276-8, 342-3, 387. 

'^ Among these may be named Cyrus Alexander, D. W. Alexander, F. Z. 
Branch, Lewis Burton, Moses and ' Kit ' Carson, Wm G. Chard, Job F. Dye, 
Wm Gordon, Isaac Graham, Wm Knight, J. P. Leese, J. L. Majors, Wm 
Pope, Antoine and Louis Robidoux, John Rowland, Isaac Sparks, J. J. War- 
ner, Isaac Williams, B. D. Wilson, John R. and Wm Wolfskill, Wm Work- 
man, Ewing Young, and Geo. C. Yount. See Hist. Cal., Pioneer Register, 
for biog. sketches of these aud many more. 


period, being confirmatory of wliat I have written in 
earlier chapters. It is possible, however, that the 
decadence noted, as in sheep-raising and the manu- 
facture of blankets, was more apparent than real, be- 
ing founded on an exaggerated idea of what had been 
accomplished in the past.*^ 

In mining, though nothing appears respecting the 
famous copper mine of the south-west, except the 
somewhat doubtful statements of the trapper Pattie,^" 
some progress was made, since placeres of gold were 
successfufly worked in two districts some thirty miles 
south-west of Santa Ve. The ' Old Placers ' were 
discovered in 1828, and the 'New Placers' in 1839. 
The former yielded from $60,000 to $80,000 per year 
in 1832-5, and later considerably less. At the latter 
sprang up the town of Tuerto, with 22 stores in 1845, 
when the yield of both districts is given as $250,000. 
The metal was very fine and pure, but water was 
scarce, the chief reliance being on the artificially melted 
snows of winter; apparatus was primitive, consisting of 
the batea, or bowl; and prejudice against foreigners 
prevented the introduction of improved methods. At 
various other points, as near Taos, Abiquiu, and 
Sangre de Cristo, gold was found, and mines were 
perhaps worked for a short time. No silver mines 
were worked in the Mexican period." 

*' Gregg, Com. Prairie-t, i. 189, says that 10 or 20 years ago, that is, in 
1824-34, about 200,000 sheep were annually driven to southern markets, and 
sometimes, perhaps, as many as 500,000; and sheep were still the principal 
article of exportation. Narbona, in Pino, Not. Hist., 24, gives the live-stock 
of tlie country in 1827 as cattle 5,000, sheep and goats 240,000, horses and 
mules 3,000; total value $221,650. 

''"Pattie, Narrative, 71-81, 112, 115, 123, 129-32, says that the mine was 
worked by a Spanish superintendent, Juan Onis, for the Span, owner, Fran- 
cisco Pablo Lagera. 'Within the circumference of three miles there is a 
mine of copper, gold, and silver, and besides, a cliflf of load-stone. The silver 
mine is not worked, as not being so profitable as either the copper or gold 
mines.' The Ind. were very troublesome, and the trappers did good service 
in keeping them in order, by force and treaties. Finally, the Patties leased 
the mines for 5 years, at $1,000 per year, and the elder P. remained there, 
established a stock ranch on the Mimbres, and made money. But in 1827, 
when he thought of buying the property, a rascally Span, agent, intrusted 
with $30,000 in gold, ran away with the money, and ruined Pattie. At the 
same time the owner was e.xiled as a Spaniard, and it is implied that the 
mines were abandoned. 

^' Grejijs Com. Prairies, i. 162-77^ Prince's Hist. St, 241-3; Meline's ^,000 


In educational matters a slight increase of interest 
is to be noted, though with very meagre results. In 
1826 the diputacion territorial was about to establish 
some kind of a college at the capital, under the pro- 
tectorship of Agustin Fernandez de San Vicente ; and 
from 1827 to 1832 archive records show the existence 
of primary schools at several of the principal towns; 
but in 1834 there was no school at Santa Fe, and 
probably none elsewhere, as the diputacion announced 
that there were no funds, and called upon the ayun- 
tamientos to reopen the schools, if possible, by private 
contributions.'^^ About 1834 a printing-press was 
brought to the country, and with it in 1835 Padre 
Martinez issued for four weeks at Taos the Crepusculo, 
the only New Mexican newspaper of pre-Gringo 
times. ^^ 

The missions continued as before, there being no 
formal secularization, but were missions only in name. 
The government still paid — or at least made appro- 
priations for — the sinodos of from 23 to 2/ Franciscan 

Miles, 171-2. These and other writers cannot refrain from comparing the 
poor showing of mining industry at this time, not only with the developments 
of later years, but with those of tlie 17th century. Oregg even attempts to 
make of Gran Quivira in the s. E. the ruins of an ancient mining city. I 
have already expressed the opinion that nothing more than prospecting was 
done by the Spaniards. The salinas of the south-east yielded an unlimited 
supply of salt. 

''Arch. St% Fi, MS., including 'estatutos para el regimen de la escuela 
general.' Schools opeued at 6 A. M. in summer and 7 in winter. 30 scholars 
at Canada in 1828. Marcelino Abreu teacher of a Lancasterian school at Sta 
Fe in 1829-30. A report of Narbona, 1827, in Pino, Not. Hist., 5(>-7, indi- 
cates 18 schools and 17 teachers at Sta Fe, Vado, Cochiti, Cia, Sandia, Ala- 
meda, Alburquerque, Tome, Belen, Liguna, La Canada, S. Juan, Taos, and 
Abiquiu; but very likely only 5 or 6 of these had any real existence; for 
Barreiro, Ojeada, 43, names for 1832 only Sta Fe, with §300 assigned for 
teachers' salary, S. Miguel, Canada, Taos, Alburquerque, and Belen with 
from 1250 to $300 each. Prince, Hiit. A'/t., 239, tells us that Gov. Martinez 
was a special friend of education, sending young men to Durango and Mexico 
to be educated, besides establisliing govt schools at Sta Fe. Ritch, Aztlan, 
249, speaks of private schools established by Vicar Martinez at Taos, by Padre 
Leiva at S. Miguel, and by other priests. All writers note the prevalent ig- 
norance of the New Mexicans and the absence of books, also noting the facts 
that there were still no physicians or lawyers in the country. 

*^ Oregg's Com. Prairies, i. 200-1; Prince's Hist. Sh, 234. Gregg says the 
editor's object was to get himself elected to congress, in which effort he suc- 
ceeded. He also states that some primers and catechisms were printed on 
this press before 1844; but I have never seen any of these early productions. 
In the newspapers of 1876 is noted the death of Jesus M. Vaoa, who was a 
printer on the Crepiisculo. 


friars ; but these were for the most part acting curates 
at the Mexican settlements, making occasitjnal visits 
to the Indian pueblos under their spiritual charge. 
Only five of the latter had resident missionaries in 
1832/* The Mexican congress in 1823, and again in 
1830, decreed the carrying-out of the old Spanish order 
for the establishing of a bishopric; but nothing was 
eflfected in this direction. Among the vicars appears 
in 1825-6 the name of Agustin Fernandez de San 
Vicente, the famous canonigo who had visited Califor- 
nia in 1822 as the conmiissioner of the emperor 
Iturbide. In 1833 the bishop of Durango visited this 
distant part of his diocese, and his reception is de- 
scribed by Gregg and Prince as having been marked 
by great enthusiasm." 

The population has been given as 30,000 whites 
and 10,000 pueblo Indians in 1822. In these 24 years 
I suppose that the white population was somewhat 
more than doubled, and that of Indians shghtly dimin- 
ished; or that the total in 1845-6 was not far from 
80,000, though there is one official report that makes 
this total nmch larger.'"® 

''* Borreiro, Ojeai/.a, 15, 39^1; Encudero, Not. Chih., 31. Yearly appro- 
priations for the stipends. Correo de la Fed., Oct. 14,'1827; Mex., Mem. Bdc, 
1826, doc. 15; Id., Mem. Just., 1831, annex. 8; Id., Mem. Mac, 1832, doc. N; 
/(/., 1837, annex. F; Id,, 1844, presupnesto 7. The no. of friars 27, with 
$S,880 in stipends includes El Paso, Narbona in 1827 gives the number of 
curates as 17. The statement of Ritch, Aztlan, 249-50, that before 1846 all 
the padres from abroad had been supplanted by native-born New Mexicans 
seems doubtful. Aug. 26, 1842, order of the president authorizing the gov. 
and junta to grant lands of the Ind. pueblos where there were few Ind. and 
many veciuos. P'marl Cpl. 

""Decrees on bishopric. S. Miniiel, Mex., ii. 2; Arrillarfn, Recop., 1830, p. 
94-6; Mex., Col. Ord. y Dec., ii. 148. Tithes rented for §10,000 to $12,000 per 
year, about one third of their value. Barreiro, 41. Juan Felipe Ortiz is 
named as vicar in '32-41 ; and Fr. Jose Pedro Rubin de Celis was custodio of 
the missionaries in 1827. Arch. Sta Fi, MS. 

="*The census report of 1827 by Narbona, in Pino, Not Hist., 56-7, is the 
only detailed one extant. It makes the total 43,433, about evenly divided 
l)etween the sexes. Married couples 7,677. Farmers 6,588, artisans 1,237, 
laborers 2,475, traders 93, teachers 17, curates 17, surgeon 1. There is no 
separation of whites and Ind. The larger towns, most of them including one 
or more small pueblos, are Sta Fe 5,759, S. Miguel del Vado 2,893, Albur- 
querque 2,547, Tome 2,043, Canada 6,508, S. Juan 2,915, Taos 3,606, and 
Abiquiii 3,557. Pop. in 1831 estimated at 50,000. Mex. Mem., Rel, 1832 
annex. 1, p. 11; Barreiro, 17. Mayer, Mex. Aztec, ii. 369, gives the pop. of 
the missions (?) in 1831 as 23,025. Pop. in 1833 52,360. Wizlizemm, Mem., 
26; De Bow's Ency., 268. Cortina, in Instituto Nac. Bol., no. 1, p. 18, gives a 


pop. of 43,439 in 1829 and 57,176 in 1833. Pop. in '38, '39, or '42, 57,026. 

Cartina, in Soc. Hex. Geog., Bol, vii. 139; Mex., Mem. Rel, 1847, p. 112; Wizli- 
ainus and De Bow. In 1840 Gov. Armijo, Phio, Not. Hist, 55, gives 28,939 
men and 26,464 women, or total 55,403. Pop. in 1841 about 60,000 Span, 
ace. to sec. state, as quoted by Gregg, who also alludes to a census of 32 as 
showing 72,000. Gregg, Com. Prairies,!. 14S-9, estimates, however, the pop. 
in '44 at 70,000, of whom 10,000 Ind. An original report of pop. in connection 
with the division into districts, etc. makes a total in '44 of 99,204; or by 
partidos— Sta Fe 12,500, Sta Ana 10,500, S. Miguel 18,800, Rio Arriba 
15,000, Taos 14,200, Valencia 20,000, and Bernalillo 8,204. The summing 
up of the printed doc. is 100,064; but I suppose the correct total of 99,204 is 
an exaggeration, though Hughes, Donivhan's Expeil., 38, gives the pop. as 
160,000. Wizlizeuus' gives 70,000 as the figure in 1846. 


pimeri'a alta and the moqui province. 


Eakliest Aknals of a Non-existent and Nameless Province — A Cen- 
tury AND A Half of Neglect — Entradas of Espejo and Onate— Down 
the Colorado to the Gulf — Conversion and Revolt of the Moquis 
— Progress in Sonora — Pimeria Alta — Maps — Labors of Father 
Kino — Explorations in Arizona — The Gila and Casa Grande — 
Mange's Diaries — Kino's Map — First Missions in 1732 — Bag and 
GuEVAVi — Bolas de Plata — Revolt — JESL^T Efforts to Enter the 
Moqui Field — Triumph of the Franciscans— Explorations of Keller 
and Sedelmair — Up the Colorado — Last Years of the Jesuit Re- 
gime—Decadence OF THE Missions— TuBAC Presidio — Rancheria of 
Tucson — Apache Raids and Military Expedttions. 

Now that eastern annals have been brought down 
to the end of Mexican rule, it is time to turn again to 
the west, to that portion of our territory known later 
as Arizona. In Spanish and Mexican times there 
was no such province, under that or any other name, 
nor was the territory divided by any definite boun- 
daries between adjoining provinces. That portion 
south of the Gila was part of Pimeria Alta, the north- 
ern province of Sonora. Except a small district of 
this Pimeria, the whole territory was uninhabited, so 
far as any but aborigines were concerned. A small 
tract in the north-east was generally regarded as be- 
longing to New Mexico, because the Spaniards of that 
province sometimes visited, and had once for a brief 
period been recognized as masters of, the Moqui 
pueblos. Not only were no boundaries ever formally 
indicated, but I have found nothing to show how far 
in Spanish and Mexican opinion New Mexico was re- 


garded as extending west or Sonora north. Each was 
deemed to stretch indefinitely out into the despoblado. 
CaUfornia, however, while no boundary was ever fixed 
officially, was not generally considered to extend east 
of the Rio Colorado. The name Moqui province was 
sometimes rather vaguely applied to the whole region 
north of the Gila valley. Arizona — probably Arizo- 
nac in its original form — was the name given by the 
natives to a locality on the modern frontier of Sonora, 
and was known from just before the middle of the 
eighteenth century as the name of the mining camp, 
or district, where the famous bolas de plata were 
found. It is still applied to a mountain range in that 

Nearly all of what we now call Arizona has no 
other history before 1846 than the record of explor- 
ing entradas from the south and east. The exception 
is the small tract, of not more than sixty miles square, 
from Tucson southward, mainly in the Santa Cruz 
valley, which contained all the Spanish establishments, 
and whose annals are an inseparable part of those per- 
taining to Pimeria Alta as a whole, or to Sonora, 
which included Pimeria. Thus, the only history our 
territory has in early times belongs to that of other 
provinces, and is given elsewhere in this or other works 
of this series. To dispose of the matter here, however, 
by a mere reference to scattered material to be found 
elsewhere, would be by no means consistent with the 
unity I have aimed to give to my work as a whole 
and to each part. The story must be told, but it may 
be greatly condensed, reference sufficing for many de- 
tails. Neither the condensation nor the repetition 
involved can properly be regarded as a defect, each 
contributing, if I mistake not, to the completeness, 
clearness, and interest of the record. 

The negro slave Estevan, closely followed by the 
Spanish friar Marcos de Niza, crossed Arizona from 
south-west to north-east in 1539; and these earliest 


explorers were followed in 1540 by Vasquez de Coro- 
nado, who, with an army of Spaniards, marched from 
Sonora to Zuni, extended his exploration north-west- 
ward to the Moqui towns and the great canon of the 
Colorado, and recrossed Arizona in 1542 on his re- 
turn from eastern exploits and disasters among the 
New Mexican pueblos. These expeditions, the begin- 
ning of Arizona annals, are fully recorded in the sec- 
ond and third chapters of this volume; and the map, 
showing also one or two later entradas, is here repro- 
duced. While Coronado's observations were recorded 
with tolerable accuracy, no practical use was made of 
the information gained, and all that was accurate in 
the reports was soon forgotten. A century and a half 
was destined to pass before the Arizona line should 
again be crossed from the south. 

But it was only forty years before the territory was 
again entered by Spaniards from the east. Antonio 
Espejo, with a few companions, in 1583, coming from 
the Rio Grande valley by way of Zuiii, marched to 
the Moqui towns, and thence penetrated some fifty 
leagues farther west or south-west, listening to tales 
of great towns said to lie beyond the great river, vis- 
iting maize-producing tribes, obtaining samples of rich 
silver ore in the region forty or fifty miles north of 
the modern Prescott, and returning by a more direct 
route to Zuni.^ Fifteen years later the eastern line 
was again crossed by Juan de Onate, the conqueror 
of New Mexico, who, 'at the end of 1598, very nearly 
repeated Espejo's Arizona exploration, starting out to 
reach the South Sea, but called back in haste to 
Acoma by news that the pehol patriots were in arms 
to regain their independence.-^ In 1604 Ohate re- 
sumed his search for the Mar del Sur, and found it. 
With thirty men he marched westward, still via Zuhi 
and Moqui; crossed the Rio Colorado — as he named 
the branch since known as the Colorado Chiquito; 


Earliest Explorations of Akizona. 


gave the names San Antonio and Sacramento to two 
branches of the river later called Rio Verde in the 
region north of Prescott — a considerable portion of 
his route corresponding in a general way with the 
line of the Atlantic and Pacific railroad of more mod- 
ern centuries; and kept on south-westward to and 
down the San Andres — Santa Maria and Bill Wil- 
liams fork — to its junction with the Rio Grande de 
Buena Esperanza, that is, the Colorado. One of the 
captains went up this river a short distance; and then 
all followed its course southward, fully understanding 
its identity with the stream called Rio del Tizon in 
Coronado's time, to the head of the gulf The main 
eastern branch, or Gila, was named Rio del Nombre 
de Jesus. In January 1605, they reached tide- water 
and named a fine harbor Puerto de la Conversion de 
San Pablo; and then they returned by the same 
route to New Mexico. Nearly two centuries passed 
before the region between Moqui and Mojave was re- 
visited by Spaniards. Ohate's expedition to the South 
Sea, though of the greatest importance and accurately 
narrated, like that of Coronado had slight effect on 
real knowledge of geography, its chief effects being to 
complicate the vagaries of the Northern Mystery.' 

There were no more explorations from any direction 
in the seventeenth century, and Arizona annals for 
the whole period are confined to a few meagre items 
about the Moqui district as gathered from earlier 
chapters of this volume. It may be well to state here, 
however, that the name of Arizona's chief river is ap- 
parently used for the first time in a report of 1630, 
being applied to a New Mexican province of Gila, or 

^For Oiiate's exped. of 1604-5, see p. 154 of this vol. Native tribes on 
the Colorado, from north to south, were, above the Gila, the Amacavas (later 
Yamajabs, Amajavas, or Mojaves), Bahacechas, and Ozaras; between the 
Gila and tide-water, the Halchedumas, Coahuanas, TlagUi, Tlalliguamayas, 
and Cocapas. Among the contributions of this expedition to the Northern 
Mystery was the existence, as reported by the natives, of Lake Copala, where 
Aztec was spoken and golden bracelets were worn. The Spaniards also con- 
cluded, from their observations and statements of the natives, that the gulf 
extended indefinitely north-westward behind the mountains from the river's 
mouth, thus confirming the idea long entertained that Cal. was an island. 


Xila, where the river has its source/ At the begin- 
ning of the century the Moquis, like the other pueblos, 
accepted Christianity, were often visited by the friars 
from the first, and probably were under resident mis- 
sionaries almost continuously for eighty years; yet of 
all this period we know only that Fray Francisco 
Porras, who worked long in this field, converting some 
800 souls at Aguatuvi, was killed by poison at his 
post in 1633; that Governor Penalosa is said to have 
visited the pueblos in 1661-4; and that in 1680 four 
Franciscans were serving the five towns, or three 
missions. These were Jose Figueroa at San Bernar- 
dino de Aguatuvi, Jose Trujillo at San Bartolome de 
Jougopavi, with the visita of Moxainavi, and Jose 
Espeleta, with Agustin de Santa Maria, at San Fran- 
cisco de Oraibe and Gualpi, all of whom lost their lives 
in the great revolt. From that time the valiant Mo- 
quis maintained their independence of all Spanish or 
Christian control. It is not clear that they sent their 
warriors to take part in the wars of 1680-96 in New 
Mexico, but they probably did so, and certainly af- 
forded protection to fugitives from the other pueblos, 
the Tehuas and others even building a new town ad- 
joining those of the Moquis. in which part of the tril^e 
lived from that period. In ] 692 they had, like the 
other nations, professed their willingness to submit to 
Governor Vargas; but in the following years no at- 
tempt to compel their submission is recorded. In 
1700, however, fearing an invasion, they aftected peni- 
tence, permitted a friar to baptize a few children, and 
negotiated in vain with the Spaniards for a treaty that 
should permit each nation to retain its own religion !^ 
Meanwhile, during this century and a half, though, 
as I have said, the Arizona line was not crossed from 
the south, the Spanish occupation was extended nearly 
to that line. In Coronado's time the northern limit 
of settlement was San Miguel de Culiacan. The 

* Bpnaindes, Reqveste Remomt. See p. 162-3 of this vol. 

^On Moqui items of 1599-1700, see chap, vii.-x., this volume. 


villa of San Felipe de Sinaloa was founded in 1584, 
after the failure of several attempts, a little farther 
north. It was in 1591 that the Jesuits began their 
missionary work in Sinaloa, but they had no perma- 
nent establishments north of that province before 
1600.® The Fuerte de Montesclaros, giving name to 
the Rio del Fuerte, was built in 1610, and in the same 
year Captain Hurdaide, after a series of hard-fought 
battles and several reverses, made peace with the Yaqui 
Indians. In 1613 and 1617 respectively, missions 
were established among the Mayos and Yaquis, and a 
beginning was thus made of Jesuit work in Sonora. 
From 1621 eleven padres served 60,000 converts in 
the northern, or Sonora, mission district, called San 
Ignacio; in 1639 the spiritual conquest had extended 
to the Sonora valley proper, the region of Ures, among 
the Opatas, where the district of San Francisco Javier 
was organized; by 1658 this district had been extended 
so as to include missions as far north as Arizpe and 
Cuquiarachi; and by 1688 these northern missions — 
beyond Batuco and Nacori, in Pimeri'a Baja, eighteen 
pueblos in six missions partidos — had been formed 
into the new district, or rectorado, of Santos Mdrtires 
de Japon. The next advance of missionary work 
northward will bring us to the subject proper of this 
chapter. It should be noted here that in 1640-50 
there was a temporary division of the province, north- 
ern Sonora above the Yaqui River being called Nueva 
Andalucia. < In consequence of a quarrel with the 
Jesuits, the governor of the new province attempted 
to put the missions in charge of Franciscans; but, 
though a small party of friars came to the country, 
nothing was accomplished ; and all trace of the change, 
secular and religious, disappeared about the middle of 
the century.' 

«For particulars, see Hist. North Me.r. States, i. 107-2S. Tliis reference 
includes Il)arra's expeditious of 1564-5, which may possibly furnish an excep- 
tion to my statement that the Arizona line was not crossed till nearly the 
end of the next century. 

' See annals of Sinaloa and Sonora, 1600-1703, in Hist. North Mex. St., i. 




Pimeria Alta, home of the Pimas, but also includ- 
ing that of the Pdpagos, Sobas, and Sobaipuris, be- 
sides other tribes in the north, was bounded on the 
south by the rivers Altar and San Ignacio with the 
latter's southern affluents, on the north in a general 
way by the Gila valley, on the west by the gulf and 
Rio Colorado, and on the east by the San Pedro, the 
country farther east being the home of Apaches and 
other savage tribes. This broad region was explored 
within a period of twenty years at the close of the 
seventeenth century and beginning of the eighteenth 
by the famous Jesuit, Father Eusebio Francisco Kino. 
Over and over again, often alone, sometimes with 
associates, guides, and a guard, this indefatigable mis- 
sionary traversed the valleys bounding the region on 
the south, east, and north, and more than once crossed 
in different directions the comparatively desert inte- 
rior, besides giving special attention to the gulf shore 
and Colorado mouth, for his original purpose was to 
reach and convert the Californians from this direction. 
He found the natives, grouped in a hundred or more 
rancherias, most docile and friendly, displaying from 
the first a childish eagerness to entertain the padre, 
to listen to his teachings, to have their names entered 
on his register, and to have their children baptized. 
They were, above all, desirous of being formed into 
regular mission communities, with resident padres of 
their own; and at many rancherias they built rude 
but neatly cared for churches, planted fields, and 
tended herds of live-stock in patient waiting for mis- 
sionaries who, in most cases, never came. Kino's 
great work began in 1687, when he founded the 
frontier mission of Dolores, his home or headquarters 
for the rest of his life. For six years he toiled alone, 
till fathers Campos and Januske came in 1G93 to take 
charge of San Ignacio and Tubutama; and only eight 
padres besides Kino worked in this field during the 
latter's life, there being rarely, if ever, more than four 
at the same time. Missions were, however, estab- 


Jlshed, besides the three named, at Caborca, Suamca, 
and Cocospera, with a dozen or more of the other 
rancherias as visitas. Those which became missions 
or visitas before 1800, with the presidios and other 
settlements, are best indicated on the appended map. 


The great difficulty, and one that caused Kino no end 
of anxiety and sorrow, but never discouragement, was 
that, besides the zealous padre himself, no one seemed 
really to believe in the docility and good faith of the 
Pimas, who were accused of being treacherous, hos- 
tile, and in league with the Apaches. Even Jesuit 
visitors, when once they were beyond the reach of 
Kino's magnetism and importunity, were disposed to 
regard the padre's projects as visionary and danger- 

HiST. Ariz, and N. Mex. 23 


ous, thus furnishing the Spanish authorities a plausi- 
ble pretext for withholding pecuniary support. There 
were no other establishments in these times except a 
garrison, or presidio, at Fronteras, or Corodeguachi; 
this and a compania volante being charged with resist- 
ing the almost constant raids of savage tribes in the 
north-east, and often requiring assistance from other 
presidios. All this region was under a comandante de 
armas, residing generally at San Juan Bautista, far- 
ther south, and there was no other government in the 
north. Captain Juan Mateo Mange was detailed with 
a part of the flying company from 1694 to protect the 
padres in their tours, and his excellent diaries consti- 
tute our best authority for events to 1702.^ There 
was a revolt in 1695, in which Padre Saeta, of Ca- 
borca, lost his life, several servants were killed, and 
many of the churches were sacked or destroyed. Yet 
notwithstanding the oppressive acts of military men 
and Spanish employees, which, according to the 
Jesuits, provoked the revolt, and the murderous 
slaughter by which it was avenged and the natives 
were forced to sue for peace, the padres seem to have 
had no difficult}^ in regaining all tlieir earlier influence 
in a year or two ; and the Pimas and Sobaipuris soon 
proved their fidelity by aiding the Spaniards most 
effectually in warfare against the Apaches, who in 
turn often raided the Pima rancherias, destroying the 
mission of Cocospera in 1698. Still, by a perplexing 
combination of satanic influences, missionaries could 
not be obtained for the far north ; and the old preju- 
dice against the Pimas was no sooner partially con- 
quered than it was transferred in full force to the Gila 
tribes, where Padre Eusebio, with a view to his Cali- 
fornian projects, desired to establish missions. Kino 
died at his post in 1711. 

^ Mange, Historia de la Pimeria Alta. MS. of the Arch. Gen. de Mex., 
printed in Doc. Hist. Mex. Hardly inferior as an authority, and extending 
over a longer period, is the ApostdUcos A/anes, made up mainly from Kino'a 
letters; and Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesas, is another standard work. Full details 
in Hist. North Ilex. States, i. 


Havin^^ thus presented a general view of the Pi- 
meri'a missions, it is necessary to notice somewhat 
more in detail explorations north of the Arizona line, 
where there was no mission with resident padre dur- 
ing Kino's life, though there were churches at several 
rancherias in the Santa Cruz valley. Kino may 
have crossed the line as far as Tumacdcori with Sal- 
vatierra in 1691, and he is said to have reached Bac 
in 1692; but the records of these earliest entradas 
are vague, and doubtless some of his later tours in the 
Santa Cruz valley have left no trace. In 1694, how- 
ever, he penetrated alone to the Gila valley in quest 
of ruins reported by the Indians, reaching and saying 
mass in tlae Casa Grande, an adobe structure that 
had probably been visited by Niza and Coronado in 
1539-40, and still standing as I write in 1886. In 
1696 another visit to Bac is mentioned. Thus far, 
however, we have no particulars. 

In November 1697 was undertaken the first for- 
mal exploration in this direction of which any detailed 
record has survived. Lieutenant Crist6bal Martin 
Bernal, with Alferez Francisco Acuna, a sergeant, and 
twenty soldiers, marched from Fronteras via Terrenate 
and Suamca, while Kino and Mange with ten ser- 
vants came from Dolores. The two parties united at 
Quiburi, not far from the site of the modern Tomb- 
stone; Coro, a Sobaipuri chief, with thirty warriors, 
joined the expedition ; and all marched down the Rio 
Quiburi, since called the San Pedro, to its junction 
with the Gila, now so called in the records for the 
first time, though, as we have seen, the Gila province 
of New Mexico was named as early as 1630. Down 
the main river went the explorers to and a little be- 
yond the Casa Grande, which is for the first time 
described and pictured by simple drawings in the 
diaries. From the Gila they returned southward up 
the river, since called the Santa Cruz, by way of Bac 
and Guevavi, reaching Dolores at the beginning of 
December. They had marched 260 leagues, had been 


warmly welcomed everywhere, had registered 4,700 
natives and baptized 89, besides conferring badges of 
office on many chieftains. Some details of this the 
first of Arizona explorations definitely recorded are 
given in a note.^ 

^Bernal, Relaeion, 1697, ia Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d series, pt iv., p. 797-809; 
Maiv/e, Hlit. Pimeria, 274-91 ; also both diaries in MS. Bernal left C'orode- 
guachi Nov. 5th, and marched to Surratapaui de Guachi, 8 1.; 6th, to Terre- 
nate, 12 1.; 7th, to Sta Maria (Suamca), 12 1., where P. Contreraa' mission 
was in a prosperous condition; 8th, to the valley and rancheria of S. Joaquin, 
12 1.; and 9th, to the rancheria de Quiburis, 8 1., where Kino was met. 
Meanwhile Kino and Mange, leaving Dolores Nov. 2d, had marched to Reme- 
dies, 8 I. N. ; 4th, to Cocdspera, 6 1. n., where was P. Contreras; 5th, to S. 
Lazaro, 6 1. N. on another stream, which rises near Suamca and makes a 
great circle (the Sta Cruz, see map); thence eastward up the river to Sta 
Maria (Suamca), 6 1. ; 6th, over plains and rolling hills to S. Joaquin Baso- 
suma, 14 1. N. ; 7th, the Sta Cruz de Gaibanipitea, 6 1. E., on a hill on west 
bank of a river which rises in the plains of Terrenate (that is, the S. Pedro; 
there are ruins known as Sta Cruz a few miles w. of Tombstone on the river). 
Here they were received in a house of adobes and beams built for the padre. 
Here they joined Martin, and went 1 1. N. to Quiburi on the 9th, being enter- 
tained by Coro and his warriors, who were dancing round Apache scalps. 
(There is a slight difference between the two diaries as to date and place of 
meeting. Later I use both diaries together. ) 

Nov. 11th, from Quiburi down the river to Alamos, 101. N.; 12th, to Baica- 
deat, 13 1., passing some abandoned rancherlas; IStli, past the farthest point 
ever reached by Spaniards — a narrow pass which had been visited by Capt. 
Fran. Ramirez — to Causae, 21., and Jiaspi, or Rosario, 21. (Bernal says the 
day's journey was 31.); 14th, past Muiva and other rancherlas to Aribaiba, or 
Aribabia, 6 or 7 1.; 15th, past Zutoida and Comarsuta to the last rancheria of 
the river called Ojio or Victoria, 9 or 11 1. N. Two others, Busac and Tubo, 
were on a creek flowing into the river (perhaps the Arivaipa, though said to 
flow east). The valley is described as pleasant and fertile, with irrigating 
ditches and its rancherias — with 390 houses and 1,850 inhabitants counted — 
prosperous tliough much harassed by the Jocomes and Apaches of the east. 
16th, to the Gila junction, 61., and 2 or 31. down the GUa to a place named 

Nov. 17th, down the Gila at some distance from the river, to S. Gregorio 
spring, 81. w. ; and to S. Fernando on the bank, 21.; ISth, over the plain 91. 
w. to Casa Grande, Sergt Escalante swimming the river with two companions 
about midway of the journey to examine some ruins on the north side. Be- 
sides describing the Casa Grande and other ruins, Mange gives a tradition 
of the natives respecting their origin, 1 1. to a rancheria on the river bank; 
19th, to Tusonimon 41. w., over sterile plains; 20th, to S. Andres, 7 1. w., 
whose chief had visited Baseraca, and had been baptized at Dolores, where 
rumors were heard of quicksilver mines in the N. w. and of white men who 
came to the Colorado armed with muskets and swords — perhaps English or 
shipwrecked Spaniards, but probably only the apostate Moquis with stolen 
fire-arms (!); 21st, back to Tusonimd, or Sta Isabel, 7 1. E., and 3 1. s. into the 
desert; 22d, to an artificial tank, or pond, 4 or 5 1. s. ; and to rancheria of 
Sta Catalina Cuitciabaqui, 14 or 15 1. s.; 23d, up the dry bed of the river (Sta 
Cruz), to ranch, of the valley of Correa, 91. s. ; and to S. Agustiu Oiaur, 6 1. 
S. ; 24th, to ranch, of Bac, Batosda, or S. Javier, 6 1. s. This was the largest 
rancheria of all Pimeria, 830 persons living in 176 houses; and there was an 
adobe house ready for the padre, with a wheat-field and some live-stock well 
tended. 26th, to Tumacacori, or S. Cayetano, 18 or 20 1. s. ; 27th, to Guevavi, 
6 1. s.; and 7 1. to Baouanos (Bacuaucos), or S. Antonio (?); 2Sth, to S. Ldzaro, 


Again, in 1698, Kino returned by way of Bac to the 
Gila; and from San Andres, the limit of the previous 
trip, or from the region of the Pima villages of mod- 
ern maps, he crossed the country south-westwardly to 
Sonoita and the gulf shore ; but unfortunately, Mange's 
place was taken by Captain Carrasco, and no particu- 
lars affecting Arizona are extant." In the next tour 
of 1699 with Mange, he went first to Sonoita via Saric; 
and thence crossed north-westward to the Gila at a 
point about ten miles above the Colorado junction. 
The natives refused to guide him down the river where 
he had intended to go; therefore he went up the river 
eastward, cutting off the big bend, sighting and nam- 
ing the Salado and Verde rivers, from a mountain top, 
reaching San Andres Coata where he had been before, 
and returning home by the old route via Encarnacion, 
San Clemente, San Agustin, and Bac. In this trip he 
called the Colorado Rio de los Mdrtires, the Gila Rio 
de los Ap6stoles, and the four branches of the latter 
— that is, the Salado, Verde, Santa Cruz, and San 
Pedro — Los Evangelistas." In October of the same 

7 1.; and to Cocdspera, 6 1.; 29th, to Remedios; Dec. 1st, to Dolores. Kino's 
party left Bernal on the 26th, and the latter by the same route arrived at 
Dolores Dec. 2d. 

'» A'/no, Carta, in SonoraMat., 817-19; Apost. Afanes, 272^; Alegre, Hist., 
iii. 203^; Lochman's Trav. Jesuits, i. 355. The details given affect only ob- 
servations on the gulf shore, to which sufficient attention is given elsewhere. 

"J/anr/e, Hist. Pimeria, 292-310. Route from S. Marcelo Sonoita: Feb. 
17th, down the stream w. 10 1. to a carrizal; 18th, 6 1. N. w. and U 1. N., by 
moonlight over sterile plains to the watering-place of La Luna; 19th, 12 1. 
N. w., and w. to a small rancheria not named; 20th, 15 1. over barren plains 
and past mineral hills to Las 'linajas; 21st, 1. N. w. to the Gila, where were 
600 Pimas and Yumas, the latter now visited and described for the first time. 
Mange from a hill saw the junction of the Colorado, on which river the Alche- 
domas were said to live. M. also found some slight tradition of Ouate's visit 
in 1605, and heard of white men who sometimes came from the north coast to 
trade, the reports resembling those heard before at S. AndrtSs and Casa 
Grande. Feb. 23d, 12 1. E. up the river; 24th, 16 1. E. up river; 25th, 4 1. to 
ranch. S. Matias 'Tutum; 4 1. to ranch. S. Mateo Cant; 26th, 14 1. up the 
river to ranch. Tades Vaqui; 27th, 3 1. across a bend to a ranch, on the river; 
to another S. Simon Tucsani; and to another of Cocomaricopas, 12 1. in all; 
28th, 8 1. S. w. (s. E. ?), leaving the river on account of the big bend, past 5 
rancherias, to one of Pimas, who welcomed them with triumphal arches, etc. , 
a good place for a mission; March 1st, 111. E. over a rocky and sterile country 
to a spring; 2d, 13 1. E. over a range of hills from which they saw the rivers 
Verde and Salado — perhaps flowing from the famous Sierra Azul of N. Mex. 
annals — to the river 3 1. below the junction, where was the ranch, of S. Bar- 
tolome Comae; 3d, 10 1. up river to S. Andres Coata, where they had been in 


year, with Padres Leal and Gonzalez from abroad, 
they went again to Bac. Here the moving of a stone, 
thought at first to be an idol, uncovered a hole on the 
top of a hill, and produced a hurricane which lasted 
till the stone was replaced over the entrance to this 
home of the winds. From Bac, they took a south- 
west course to Sonoita, registering 1,800 Papabotes.^^ 
Padre Francisco Gonzalez was delighted with Bac, 
declaring it to be fit, not only for a mission of 3,000 
converts, but for a city of 30,000 inhabitants; and he 
promised to return as a missionary. Mange states 
that he did come ' mucho despues,' or much later, but 
that he remained only till 1702, being driven away by 
the hostilities of two rancherias not far away. It 
would seem that this must be an error. In April 
and May 1700, Kino went again to Bac and laid the 
foundation of a large church, which the natives were 
eager to build, but respecting tlie further progress of 
which nothing is known. In September he reached 
the Gila, by a route for the most part new, striking 

1697. They had registered 1,800 men, Yumas and Cocomaricopas; 4th, E. 
past Encamacion 91. to a fertile tract; 5th, s. E. away from river, 9 1. to the 
tank or cistern built by the people of Casa Grande, when they went south to 
settle Mexico {!); 131. (or 4) s. to Sta Catarina; 6th, s. past S. Clemente to 
S. Agustin Oiaur; 7th, up the river s. past 4 rancherias, 6 1. to S. Javier del 
Bac, where 1,300 natives welcomed them with dances and songs, a magnificent 
place for a large mission; 9th-10th, 7 1. s.. Kino being very ill; 11th, 13 1. s. 
to opposite S. Cayetano Tumagacori; 12th, 6 1. to Guevavi, 7 1. to Bacuancos; 
13th, 16 1. to Cocdspera which had been destroyed and abandoned; Hth, to 
Remedios 6 1., 8 1. to Dolores. 

"Manye, Hist. Pirn., 311-20. Route: left Dolores Oct. 24th, 8 1. to Re- 
medios, where a fine new church was being built; 25th, 6 1. down one stream 
and up another to Cocdspera; 4 1. to Rio Sta Maria at S. Lorenzo (S. Lazaro?); 
26th, 111. down river to S. Luis Bacuancos, past Quiquiborica (one of which 
may have been the later Buenavista); 27th, 6 1. to Guevavi, or Gusutaqui, at 
the junction of a stream from the E. ; 4 1. to S. Cayetano, Jumagacori (Turaaca- 
cori); 28th, 6 1. N. ; 29th, 10 1. to Bac, west of which was a ranch, of Otean. 
Nov. 1st, 2d, Mange and Kino went on down to Oiaur, 6 1., and 15 1. to Sta 
Catarina Caituagaba and S. Clemente, and returned; near Bac two ranch, of 
Juajona and Junostaca are mentioned as existing later; 5th, 10 1. w. to springs; 
6th, 6 1. w. to Tups, where they were shown silver ore; 3 1. w. to Cops, or 
Humo, of the nation Pima-Papabot£is; 7th, 8 I. w. over plains to S. Serafia 
Actum, where they were visited by natives from S. Fran. Ati; 8th, P. Leal 
left the party for Tubutama in his carriage; while the rest went on N. w. and 
w. 13 1. to S. Rafael; 9th, 9 1. more N., to Baguiburisac, N. 16 1. (or 7), to 
Coat and Sibagoida; 10th, 33 1. s. w. and vv. to Sonoita; 11th, 12th, 60 1. E. 
and s. E. to Busanic, where they joined Leal; and 13-lSth returned via Tu- 
butama, Magdalena de Buvuibava, S. Ignacio, and Remedios to Dolores. 


the river east of the bend, following it down to the 
Yuma country, thence following the north bank to the 
Colorado, and giving the name San Dionisio to a 
Yuma rancheria at the junction. The diaries are not 
extant, and such details as we have relate mainly to 
Californian geography, having little interest for our 
present purpose.^^ 

In 1701 Kino and Salvatierra went by way of 
Sonoita to the coast, but could not carry out their in- 
tention of reaching the Colorado. On the return, how- 
ever, parting from Salvatierra at Sonoita, Kino and 
Mange crossed the country to Bac, and returned home 
by the old route.^* Later in this year the venerable 
explorer crossed from Sonoita to San Pedro on the 
Gila, went down to San Dionisio, and thence down 
the Colorado past Santa Isabel, the last Yuma ran- 
cheria, to the country of the Quiquimas, whence he 
crossed into California; and on his return he may be 
supposed to have made the map which I append. 
Early in 1702, Father Kino made his last trip to the 
Gila and Colorado, very nearly repeating the tour of 
1701, but reaching the head of the gulf; and it was 
also, so far as can be known, the last time he crossed 
the Arizona line. The rest of his life was devoted to 
constant efforts, with the aid of padres Campos and 
Velarde, to prevent the abandonment of the old es- 
tablishments, and to obtain missionaries for new ones, 
who, though sometimes promised, never came. The 
obstacles in his way seem to have been increased by 
the unwise policy of a new commander of the flying 
company, whose oppressive acts were a severe test, 

"See Hist. North Mex. States, i. 270-1. The route was Dolores, Keme- 
dios, S. Simon y S. Judas, Busanic, 28 1. ; Tucubavia, Sta Eulalia, Slerced, 
12 1.; S. Gerdnimo, 29 1.; Gila, 5, 12, 101.; down the GdaSO 1.; and return- 
Trinidad, Agua Escondida, 12 1. ; watering-place, 12 1. ; creek, 18 1. ; Sonoita, 
81.; S. Luis Bacupa, 12 1.; S. Eduardo, 20 1.; Caborca, 16 1.; Tubutama 12 
1.; S. Ignacio, 17 1. 

^* Mange, Hl-it. Pirn., 385-7. Tlie route from Sonoita was, Gubo 13 1. E.; 
Guactum (Actum?), 18 1. E. past a pool of Vatqui and 5 rancherias; Tupo, 18 
1. E. ; 12 1. E. to Bac, the 1st pueblo of Sobaipuris; 201. s. to Tumagacori; 12 
1. past Guevavi to Bacuancos, at both of which rancherias was an adolie house 
for the padre, with much live-stock; 14 1. to Cocdspera; thence to Dolores. 


Kino's Map of 1701.